Following the failure of the Yak-2, Yakovlev attempted to salvage the project. One of the attempts that saw limited production was the Yak-4. While it would be powered by a somewhat stronger engine, it too would prove to be a failure and only some 100 aircraft would be built by 1941.
The Yak-2 Failure
While the Yak-2 prototype initially had excellent flying characteristics, once it was actually fully equipped with its military equipment, its performance dropped dangerously. A large number of issues, like overheating, poor flight stability, and problems with its hydraulics, were also noted during the development phase. Despite this, some 100 aircraft would be built and some were even issued for operational use.
One of the many weak points of the Yak-2 was its problematic Klimov M-103 engine. The Soviet designers decided to replace this with the more powerfulr M-105 engine. Two basic designs emerged, one for a dive bomber and one for a short-range bomber. During its first test flight, the dive bomber variant proved to be so disappointing that the project was canceled. The bomber version, however, showed to be somewhat promising and the green light for its development was given.
Development History
The development of the BB-22bis (also known as Izdeliye 70bis) prototype was given to Factory No.1, and the Yak-4 designation was officially adopted only in December 1940. Engineers at Factory No. 1 started to build the prototype in early 1940 and it was completed by March the same year. This was not a new aircraft, but a modified Yak-2,serial number 1002) . That same month, Factory No.1 was instructed to produce additional prototypes for testing the aircraft’s performance by the Army, which had to be completed by the start of July 1940. The Army requested a maximum speed of 590 km/h (366 mph) at 5,000 m (16.400 ft)be , an operational range of 1,200 km (745 miles), and a service ceiling of 11,000 m (36,090 ft).
Following the completion of the first prototype, a series of test flights were carried out. During one of the test flights, carried out on the 12th May, a maximum speed of 574 km/h (356 mph) was achieved. On 23rd May, however, there was an accident and the pilot was forced to crash land at a nearby airfield, damaging two other bombers and the prototype’s wing in the process. Given the extensive damage to the aircraft’s wing, the prototype had to be written off. Due to this and delays in production, the first two trial aircraft could not be completed before the end of 1940. Interestingly enough, these were actually produced by the Moscow Aircraft Factory No.81, which started the production of the Yak-4 during October and November 1940. At that time, the type had not yet received official approval from the Soviet Army.
The two trial aircraft were given to the Army for testing on 10th December 1940. These tests were held at the end of January 1941. The results were once again disappointing, as these aircraft had worse performance than the prototype. With the added weight of equipment and fuel, the maximum speed was reduced from 574 km/h (357 mph) to 535 km/h (332 mph). The cockpit was described as being too cramped, and with the full bomb load, the plane proved to be difficult to control even by experienced pilots. The commission that examined the two aircraft insisted that the Yak-4 should not be accepted for service. In late February 1941, the Director of Factory No.81 gave a report to the Soviet People’s Commissar of the Aircraft Industry, A. Shakhoorin, that the production of the Yak-4 was to be stopped and replaced with the Yak-3. Interestingly enough, while the Yak-2 was developed by Alexander Sergeyevich Yakovlev, he did not direct the design process of the Yak-4.
Technical Characteristics
The Yak-4 was an overall copy of its predecessor, the Yak-2, but there were still some differences. The most obvious change was the introduction of new engines. The older M-103 ,960 hp, was replaced with a stronger M-105 1050 hp engine. The installation of the two new engines also introduced a number of internal improvements to the ventilation and fuel systems. New 3.1 m (122 in) long VISh-22Ye type propellers were also used on this model. The landing gear retracted to the rear into the engine nacelles, but was not fully enclosed. These consisted of two pairs of 700×150 mm wheels.
The rear parts of the fuselage were lengthened and redesigned, and it was less bulkier than the Yak-2. The cockpit was improved in order to provide the crew with a slightly better overall view. The rear gunner received a completely new pivoting canopy. He operated the TSS-1 mount armed with two 7.62 mm (.30 caliber) ShKAS types machine guns.
The maximum bomb load was increased to 900 kg (1,980 lbs). In addition, there was an option of mounting two 90 (20 gallons) or one 250 liter (54 gallons) auxiliary fuel tanks under each wing. There were six fuel tanks placed in the wings. These had a total capacity of 1,120 litres (244 gallons) of fuel.
In Combat
The Yak-4, together with the Yak-2, was allocated to the 314th and 316th Reconnaissance Regiments in the western district. Some were given to the 10th, 44th, 48th, 53rd, 136th and 225th short to medium range Bomber Regiments. The main problem for the units that operated the Yak-2 and Yak-4 was the slow delivery of these aircraft. For example, only a few pilots from the reconnaissance units had a chance to fly on these new aircraft. By 10th June 1941, only limited numbers of Yak-4s were available for service. A shipment of some 10 new aircraft was meant to arrive but did not due to the war’s outbreak.
Pilots from the 314th Reconnaissance Regiment performed several flights over the border with Germany just prior to the Invasion of the Soviet Union while flying Yak-4s. The Germans responded by sending the Bf 109E to intercept them, but they failed to do so. However, once the war started, the German Luftwaffe destroyed many Soviet aircraft on the ground. This was also the case with the Yak-4, with the majority lost this way. Some did survive though and offered limited resistance to the Germans. By September 1941, on the Northern front, there were still fewer than 10 operational Yak-4s. To the South, there were still some 30 or so Yak-4s which were still operational by October 1941. There is no information of the use or losses of the Yak-4 after 1942. According to Y. Gordon, D, Khazanov and S. Komissarov OKB Yakovlev , at least one Yak-4 was still operational and used by the 118th Reconnaissance Regiment in 1945.
The advancing Hungarians, who were supporting the Germans during the Invasion of the Soviet Union, managed to capture at least one Yak-4 aircraft during 1941. The use of this aircraft by them would be limited at best, due to the scarcity of spare parts and general poor performance.
Production
The production of the Yak-4 was only carried out at Factory No.81. The production lasted from November 1940 to April 1941. Around 90 to 100 aircraft would be built, with the last 22 Yak-4s being delivered for use by late April 1941.
Operators
Soviet Union – Operated some 90 aircraft
Hungary – Managed to capture at least one Yak-4 aircraft
Conclusion
Despite attempts to resolve a number of issues noted on the previous version, the Yak-4 in general failed to do so. The problem was the overall poor design of the original Yak-2 which offered little room for improvement. The inability to improve the aircraft to the satisfaction of the Soviet Air Force led to the cancelation of the Yak-4 project after only a small number of aircraft was built.
The Avia S-199 was a post Second World War fighter produced in Czechoslovakia. A total of 532 airplanes of different versions were built and used by the Czechoslovenské letectvo (Czechoslovak Air Force) from 1947 to 1955, and 25 planes were used by the Israeli Air Force (IAF) of the newly formed State of Israel between 1948 and 1949.
After the Second World War, the fate of many European Jewish survivors of the Holocaust was bleak. Some returned to their homes across war-ravaged Europe, starting their lives from scratch. Others, who had lost entire families in the concentration camps or had lost everything for the war, decided to move to Palestine to establish the State of Israel.
Many of these, however, were blocked at the border of Palestine by the British, who were worried that the thousands of Jewish migrants could overrun the region. Others still ended up in British camps for displaced persons in Cyprus.
Some World War II veterans of different nationalities, Jewish or not, decided to take matters into their own hands. One such person was Lou Lenart ,who had lost 14 relatives in concentration camps, who wanted to retaliate and help displaced persons by joining the Haganah, an Israeli military organization, and becoming a so-called ‘Mahal’ ,Mitnadvei Hutz LaAretz’ or “volunteer from abroad”. During the Independence War, the Mahal numbered about 3,500 persons from 58 different countries. At the start of the hostilities, of the 18 fighter pilots of the Haganah, 15 were Mahal.
Czechoslovakian Necessity
After World War Two, Czechoslovakia had a shaky democracy dominated by communists, many of whom were of Jewish descent and pro-Zionist, despite discrimination and oppresion of Jewish people by the Soviets.
Czechoslovakia had found itself in possession of a large quantity of German weapons, many of which had been produced under occupation within its borders. Some types remained in production after the war ended with raw materials left in warehouses and factories or surrendered by the Anglo-Americans.
The Czechoslovakian arms stockpile would continue to grow as its soldiers returned, often with foreign supplied weapons.
Czechoslovakia was looking for a way to restore its economy, which was at an all-time low after the German occupation and the destruction caused by the war. Selling weapons was an excellent way to do this.
Mutual Aid
The Czech delegation to the UN voted for a Jewish state only a few months before a communist coup turned Czechoslovakia into a Soviet satellite state. Czechoslovakia then became one of the most important partners in helping arm the Jewish people.
Surplus German and Czech arms from World War II were purchased by the Czechoslovakian government and shipped to Palestine. Not only did they provide light weapons, but the country became a center for all forms of material aid.
While light weapons were important, the Israelis needed tanks and an air force to counter neighbouring Arab armies. All of this aid incurred a huge financial burden for the Czechs. Joseph Stalin allowed support to continue after the Czechoslovak communist coup, not so much as to support the Israelis, but to undermine the British Empire. The first contract was signed on January 14th, 1948 by Jan Masaryk, the Czech foreign minister.
The contract included 200 MG 34 machine guns, 4,500 K98 rifles, and 50,400,000 7.92 x 57 mm Mauser rounds for these rifles and machine guns.
Syria also purchased a quantity of weapons from Czechoslovakia for the Arab Liberation Army, but the shipment arrived in Israel due to the intervention of the Haganah.
After the communist coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, military support for the nascent state of Israel increased temporarily. However, Stalin’s brief policy of support for the state of Israel soon faded, and in the wake of the Tito-Stalin split, all Communist parties had to put their foreign policy on par with that of the Kremlin in order to prove their loyalty. In this context, the Czechoslovakian communists put an end to arms sales to Israel.
The first shipment of 200 rifles, 40 MG 34 machine guns and rounds landed secretly on the night of March 31st-April 1st 1948 at an improvised airport in Beit Daras on an American Douglas C-54 Skymaster cargo plane. The second larger shipment, covered with onions and potatoes, consisting of 450 rifles, 200 machine guns and rounds, arrived at the port of Tel Aviv aboard the merchant ship Nora on April 2nd, while a third shipment of ten thousand rifles, 1,415 machine guns and rounds reached Israel by sea on April 28th. Finally, the Haganah command had a stockpile of thousands of small arms on hand, but, as mentioned, other equipment was also needed to create an air force and armored units.
The Aircraft
In the final phase of the Second World War, it was decided that the factory of the Avia company located in Prague-Cakovice would assemble the Messerschmitt Bf109G-6, Bf109G-14 fighters and the Bf109G-12 two-seater trainer aircraft for the needs of the Luftwaffe. This production was based around components supplied by German factories.
After the war, a large stock of remaining spare parts was left and it was studied, along with the original blueprints, by the new authorities in order to begin local production of the aircraft. With the remaining spare parts, some aircraft were assembled, but there was a shortage of engines.
On 31st July 1945, at about 15:30, the ammunition depot at Krásný Březno exploded, killing 27 people and injuring several dozen more. The explosion and subsequent fire destroyed the depot, including the chemical plant buildings. The explosion was interpreted as being a result of sabotage carried out by the local Germans. In retaliation, the locals carried out the Ústí Massacre, killing about 80-100 ethnic Germans.
In addition to munitions, the warehouses that exploded also contained almost all Daimler-Benz DB 605 engines available in Czechoslovakia.
As a result, the Czechoslovak Air Force had to equip the aircraft with the Junkers Jumo 211 F-12 engine ,produced in Czechoslovakia as M-211F, of which there were several left after the war.
The Jumo 211 was not very suitable for installation on fighters, as it was originally intended only for bombers, such as the Heinkel He 111, Focke-Wulf Ta 154 and Junkers Ju 87. It was less powerful and heavier than the Daimler-Benz DB 605 engine, at 720 kg and 1,350 hp versus the DB 605AM’s 700 kg and 1,775 hp (on the Bf109G-14 variant).
In addition, the Junkers engines did not provide for the installation of synchronizers, so it was necessary for the Avia engineers to modify them to synchronize the turn of the propellers with the aircraft’s guns, and create a new propeller. The first Avia S-199 fighter ,C-210, took off on April 25th, 1947 from Prague-Kakovice airport, flown by test pilot Petr Široký. After solving some mechanical problems, the series production of the machine began almost immediately.
The Avia fighter differed from the original Messerschmitt Bf.109 only in terms of propulsion and armament. Because of the new engine, the engine cowling, propeller, and spinner were modified.
The armament of the S-199 consisted of two 13 mm Mauser MG 131 machine guns with 600 rounds above the engine, and either two 7.92 mm machine guns in the wings or two 20 mm MG 151 cannons mounted under the wings in gunpods.
Because of the new engine, the Czechoslovakian aircraft was inferior to the German Bf 109 G-10. The maximum speed of the S-199 was 590 km/h compared to 690 km/h of the Messerschmitt. The maximum altitude was 9,000 m compared to 11,000 m. The worst problem was the change in the center of gravity of the aircraft, which greatly complicated takeoff and landing.
The S-199 had another serious defect: the machine guns placed under the engine hood were not always synchronized with the propeller, which led to serious accidents.
Several plants were set up for the production and assembly of the Avia S-199, the Prague Automobile Plant, Plant No. 2 of Avia, and the plants of the Aero company where they assembled the aircraft. Rudders and ailerons were supplied by Letecké Závody in Letňany. The Letov company in Malešice produced the M-211 engines and the propellers and spinners were manufactured in Jinonice.
A total of 450 S-199 single-seaters and 82 CS-199 two-seaters were produced for training purposes, of which 24 were later converted from single-seater fighters.
First Aircrafts
The Czechoslovaks helped create the Israeli Air Force by selling the nascent Israeli state 25 Avia S-199 fighter planes in 1948.
The agreed cost was 180,000 USD (~2 million USD adjusted for inflation) per aircraft, including armament, ammunition, spare parts, pilot training and support equipment. This was a disproportionate price for what was, by now, a mediocre aircraft. At that time, an American surplus P-51D Mustang was sold second hand for only 4,000 USD (~44,000 USD adjusted for inflation).
Unfortunately, due to the embargoes imposed on Israel, it would have taken weeks or months to find other offers, time that Israel did not have given the conflict with the neighboring Arab states. A few weeks could make the difference between destruction and survival for the new state.
David Ben Gurion, the Prime Minister of Israel, did not hesitate and gave the order to buy the planes and to send the pilots to training as quickly as possible. A contract was signed for 25 Avia S-199 at a total cost of 4.5 million USD (~50 million adjusted for inflation).
Pilot Training
The first 10 Israeli pilots departed from Sde Dov on 6th May 1948 and arrived at the Czechoslovakian air base in České Budějovice on May 11th, 1948. Of the 10 pilots, 2 were US volunteers and one was South African, these last three were veteran pilots of the Second World War, having served with the US Army Air Force and Royal South African Air Force respectively. The other seven were British or Palestinian Jews, some of which were World War II veterans, while others had only completed Royal Air Force training in Rhodesia in early 1945, failing to actively participate in World War II.
The first to fly the Czechoslovakian fighter was former Marine Corps pilot Lou Lenart. As soon as he started to gain speed, due to the larger propeller, the aircraft started to yaw to the left. He was aware of this problem but he was likely unable to do anything about it.
When he returned to the runway, he managed to take off after several attempts, having to fight against the plane to avoid going off the runway. After a few minutes, he returned to the airfield and the pilot again had to fight to keep the plane straight during landing.
When all 10 pilots made their first flights, they gave their impressions of the plane. None were positive. The landing gear was narrow and made the S-199 difficult to keep straight during take off due to the huge torque of the propeller. The plane was unwieldy and very hard to handle, the cockpit was cramped and the canopy was hard to open.
The Jewish volunteers discovered that the Czech pilots called the S-199 ‘Mezec’, which means “mule,” and they quickly understood why.
The Jewish volunteers were accustomed to spacious, agile and fast Allied fighters, such as the Spitfire, P-51D Mustang and P-47 Thunderbolt. The shock of flying an aircraft with completely different characteristics upset them, but the Avia was all they had and they had to make do.
After only 4 days from the beginning of the training, on May 15th, the pilots of the Sherut Avir, Air Service in Hebrew, the ancestor of the Israeli Air Force, were recalled to Israel.
During training in Czechoslovakia, only five of the volunteers, those with World War II experience, had qualified to fly the Avia and none had flown it more than twice. The first S-199s were disassembled and loaded, along with other equipment, onto a Douglas C-54 Skymaster named Black-5. This plane landed on May 20th, 1948 at Be’er Tuvia, 40 km south of Tel Aviv, with the first disassembled Avia S-199, some bombs, Avia’s machine-gun rounds for the aircraft’s guns, artillery spare parts, and five fighter pilots who had “completed” their training in Czechoslovakia, American Lou Lanart, American Milton Rubenfeld (former RAF and USAF), South African Eddie Cohen (former RAF), Israeli Ezer Weizmann (former RAF) and Israeli Mordecai ‘Modi’ Alon (former RAF).
On the night between 23rd and 24th May 1948, one of the Douglas C-54 Skymasters carrying the fifth Avia for the fifth pilot crashed during landing due to poor visibility. The navigator, Moses Rosenbaum, died crushed by the fuselage of the Avia S-199 they were carrying, while the other three crew members were only injured.
Some sources report that the number of Avia S-199s that arrived in Israel was only 24. This could be a simple error or it could mean that Czechoslovakia delivered all the Avia but that the one that crashed on the night of May 23rd, perhaps because of the damage suffered, could not fly anymore and was used for spare parts.
Operational Use
The Israeli Air Force gave the Czechoslovakian fighter the nickname “סכין”, meaning “knife” in Hebrew. After being reassembled, the aircraft received the Israeli air force’s coat of arms and a number ranging from 100 to 125 for identification.
After the outbreak of hostilities, the war was going badly for the State of Israel, which had been invaded by anArab force composed of Egyptians, Syrians and Iraqis with the support of other nations such as Jordan and Lebanon. The Egyptian Army was advancing north along the Mediterranean coast, arriving less than 30 km from Tel Aviv.
Despite the fact that the Israeli engineers of the Givati Brigade had blown up the bridge over the Lachish river, the Egyptians continued to amass along the south bank of the river. It would take them a few hours to repair the bridge and they could arrive in Tel Aviv during the next day.
That evening, the last phases of the assembly of the first four aircraft had been completed in a hangar. An attack was being organized for the following days against the Royal Egyptian Air Force airport in El Arish, in order to take the REAF by surprise and announce in a very daring way the existence of the IAF.
Due to the proximity of the Egyptians to Tel Aviv, the Israeli pilots were ordered to take off with the only four S-199s that had arrived from Czechoslovakia. The planes had not yet been tested in flight, not all four had radios and those that had them did not work. The guns had never been tested, not even during the training of the pilots, who had flown on these fighters only twice.
The four S-199s, piloted by Lou Lenart, Ezer Weizman, Modi Alon and Leonard Cohen, took off one hour before dark. Lenart, who commanded the unit, had never flown in Israel before, and he did not know where Ashdod, which was less than 15 km away from their airport, was located.
Anachronistically, he gestured to the other pilots the direction to go. Having clarified the direction to go, there was another problem, as the villages along the coast looked similar. Fortunately, columns of smoke were seen and, shortly afterwards, a column of Egyptian trucks and light armored vehicles was spotted stretching for more than a mile south of the Ashdod bridge. These belonged to engineering units trying to repair the bridge for the forces that were to take Tel Aviv the next day.
The pilots of the four planes attacked the column, which immediately dispersed. The Egyptians were not aware of the existence of an Israeli air force, lacked sufficient anti-aircraft weapons and, in some cases, had never seen an aircraft before.
The fighters swooped down on the Arabs, dropped the two 70 kg bombs they had and started to strafe the scattering soldiers. After a few shots, the guns jammed. In reality, the bombs and the following machine gun strafing did little damage. However, the psychological impact on the Egyptian troops was so devastating that, the next day, the order to attack Tel Aviv was cancelled. After that, the Egyptian offensive strategy became purely defensive.
During the attack, South African Leonard ‘Eddie’ Cohen’s Red Four plane was shot down by anti-aircraft fire. Cohen was the first loss of the Israeli Air Force. During landing, Modi Alon’s Red Two aircraft went off the runway and was damaged.
At 0530 hrs on May 30th, in order to take advantage of the surprise appearance of the IAF, the two remaining S-199s, piloted by Weizman ,Red 1, and Milt Rubenfeld,Red 3, attacked the village of Tulkarm in northern Israel, which controlled by a Jordanian-Iraqi force.
In this case as well, the real damage was insignificant but the psychological effect was devastating. A bomb had hit the police station where the Arabs were hiding themselves and 4 tanks were machine-gunned.
Rubenfeld’s plane was hit, probably by two anti-aircraft cannon shots, one in the wing and one in the fuselage. Due to the damage sustained by the aircraft, he could only return to the territory controlled by the Israeli Defense Force and then bail out at low altitude into the sea. He jumped from about 370 meters, but the parachute did not open properly and he fell into the water and was injured. He swam towards the shore, andafter two hours, he realized that the water in which he was swimming was very shallow and he had reached land.
He became the target of rifle shots from a nearby kibbutz, being mistaken for an Arab pilot ,the Israeli Air Force had remained a secret until the day before. He was then rescued and, after treatment, brought back by cab to Tel Aviv and then returned to the United States.
On May 30th, the unit was officially named the 101st Squadron or First Fighter Squadron, a name that was very impressive for a unit that had two fighters, one of which was operational, and four pilots, one of which was wounded.
On June 3rd, 1948, two Douglas C-47 Dakotas, escorted by two Egyptian Supermarine Spitfires, arrived from over the sea to bomb Tel Aviv. This practice had been ongoing for a long time and had cost the lives of hundreds of civilians in the city. The Egyptian tactic was to drop bombs out the back door onto the city below.
That day, late in the afternoon, 101st Squadron was alarmed that the Egyptian bombers were again on their way to Tel Aviv. Modi Alon took the only available S-199 and took off.
Arriving in the skies over the city, he spotted the two C-47s with two Spitfires escorting them.
Modi Alon first flew west over the Mediterranean Sea, thus being able to approach with the sun behind him. The enemy aircraft would thus have a hard time seeing him, a tactic RAF instructors in Rhodesia had taught him.
Arriving behind the first C-47, he hit it with a long burst of cannons and machine guns and sent it crashing to the ground. With a very risky maneuver, he passed in front of a Supermarine Spitfire and then turned around again to attack the second C-47 head-on.
The slow and clumsy Douglas tried to turn around to get rid of the attacker while the two Spitfires tried to line up the Avia, trying to hit it to defend the bomber.
Alon’s S-199 shots hit the second C-47, which crashed into the Mediterranean shortly after. Alon then pushed the throttle to full and sped away at top speed, without the Spitfires being able to hit it.
On June 8th, 1948, during his first mission aboard an S-199, Gideon Lichtman, who had trained for only 35 minutes aboard the Avia, flew the first dogfight of the war against an Egyptian Spitfire that was strafing civilians in Tel Aviv.
Lichtman didn’t even know which trigger to fire, so he kept pressing buttons, levers and switches until he found the right one, and chasing one of the Spitfires, he opened fire, shooting it down. The U.S. pilot was forced to land without fuel because he had only 40 minutes of fuel when he intercepted the enemy plane.
Exactly one month later, on July 8, (some other sources claim 18 July) Modi Alon left with other 2 Avias to attack an Egyptian reinforcement column at Bir Asluj in the Negev Desert.
After the successful attack, on their way back Alon noticed two Egyptian Spitfires Mark VCs in flight, attacked them and managed to shoot down one of them which was the one of the Wing Commander Said Afifi al-Janzuri.
Although the career of the few Israeli Avias seemed good, due to its poor handling characteristics on the ground, no more than four planes were operational together, recalled pilot Mitchell Flint, veteran of the Pacific Campaign.
On the morning of July 9 Lou Lenart was ordered to attack the Egyptian air base of El Arish with four fighters. The fuel was low and the tanks could not be filled to capacity.
During takeoff the Avia S-199 number two piloted by ex-USAF aviator Stan Andrews swerved to the left during takeoff, flipped over and blocked the runway for 15 minutes causing the other fighters to consume fuel.
The three remaining operational S-199s running out of fuel hit the much closer Egyptian-controlled Gaza port.
Only two S-199s returned to base while the third, piloted by former USAF Bob Vickman, had not returned. Despite efforts Vickman was never found again.
The next day there was a similar situation, a pair of S-199s attacked two Syrian bombers near the Sea of Galilee. Ex-RAF pilot Maury Mann, shot down one of the two bombers within seconds while his South African ex-RAF wingman Lionel Bloch , in aircraft 108 .ד, attacked the second one chasing it as it retreated into Syria.That was the last time Bloch was seen, neither he nor his S-199 returned to base.
The next morning Sydney ‘Syd’ Cohen, a former South African medical student, member of 101 Squadron and future leader of the squadron, took off to search for Bloch or the remains of his plane.
Syd had spent more time training in Czechoslovakia so he realized that there was something wrong with the disappearance of two planes in two days, he acted on instinct and fired a very short burst with the machine guns mounted in the engine cowling.
When he landed, everyone noticed that all three propeller blades had bullet holes in them. The synchronizer was faulty, Vickman, Bloch and some thought also Leonard Cohen had all likely shot their own propellers while firing their guns.
On October 16, 1948, Airman Rudy Augarten, a former USAF pilot who had shot down two Messerschmitt Bf.109s during World War II, was on a reconnaissance mission over El Arish Air Base, which had been attacked the previous day. As he flew south toward the coast in the distance, he saw two Spitfires flying in formation.
Augarten followed the two Egyptian planes, trying not to be detected.
Augarten lined up with one of the Spitfires and fired a burst, sending the Egyptian plane plunging toward the Israeli lines. The other Spitfire, pursued by Augarten’s wingman Leon Frankel, fled the battle.
That same day Alon and Weizmann departed at 1658 hrs for a mission near Ashdod where both had done the first IAF mission. After the success of the mission Alon had returned and during the approach to the runway he reported by radio that he had a problem with the landing gear, a common problem on Avias that was never solved. One or both of the pistons that lowered the struts would not extend fully. The Israeli pilots learned the hard way that they had to pull the nose of the fighter up and down to get the landing gear fully retracted into the wing.
While Alon was working out his problem, observers on the ground noticed something more troubling. A trail of gray smoke was coming out of his fighter’s nose.
Alon was told over the radio to check the temperatures of the plane’s various gauges. “They were fine” Alon replied seconds before his fighter crashed in flames next to the runway, killing him. His daughter born 6 months later could not meet him but served in the same squadron as her father.
From that moment on, the Avia S-199 were more and more rarely used by the Israelis.
Very few of them were still operational and, starting from September 25, 1948, about fifty ex-Czech Supermarine Spitfires IX were arriving in Israel, which would have been much more reliable.
The S-199 fighters flew with the Coat of Arms of the Israeli Air Force until June 1949.
The aircraft maintained the Czechoslovakian sand coloration but the Israeli Air Force coat of arms (Stars of David) were applied in light blue on a white circular background on the sides of the fuselage and on the wings, top and bottom.
During the first missions the Stars of David were painted without paying attention to size, but later they were painted in standard size. Behind the David’s Star there were three bends white-light blue-white and the Israeli identification number, from 100 .ד to 125 .ד.
In front of the propeller nosepiece (which was painted red or blue in some cases) was painted the 101 Squadron coat of arms, a skull with wings inscribed in a red circle.
From September 1948 the rudders were painted with red and white oblique lines but photographic evidence shows that not all aircraft received them, at least until December 1948.
At least one aircraft, towards the end of the war, was painted in two-tone camouflage, dark brown and sand yellow with the underside of the aircraft in Mediterranean blue.
Conclusion
The Avia S-199, although an extremely unreliable aircraft, was the first aircraft of the Israeli Air Force, the only one that at that time they could acquire due to UN embargoes.
During the 13 months of IAF service the Israeli pilots shot down a total of 8 Arab aircraft without losing a single Avia to Arab aircraft.
The major losses were due to mechanical problems of the aircraft leading to the conclusion that the Avia S-199s were more dangerous for the Israeli pilots than for the Arab pilots.
Nazi Germany (1940)
Jet Powered Bomber & Reconnaissance Aircraft – 8 Prototypes Built
Following a request from the German Ministry of Aviation (Reichsluftfahrtministerium – RLM), in 1940, German aircraft manufacturer Arado began working on a new multi-purpose jet powered plane. Arado’s work would lead to the development of the advanced and sophisticated Ar 234 aircraft. During 1943, a small series of eight prototypes would be built and used mainly for testing, but some saw operational service.
History
During the spring of 1940, Arado was contacted by RLM officials with a request to design a completely new multi-purpose jet aircraft to be used for bombers and for reconnaissance duties. This aircraft was to be powered by new jet engines which were under development by Junkers and BMW. Interestingly, besides the request that it should be able to reach the British naval base at Scapa Flow in Northern Scotland, no other performance requirements were specified. The sources do not specify the precise base of operation for these reconnaissance missions. Geographically, the closest territories under German control were south Norway and Denmark, although it is possible that these aircraft would have had to operate from air bases in the occupied territories in Western Europe, either from France, the Netherlands or Belgium. This would require an estimated range of over 900 km. In essence, the RLM gave Arado free reign in terms of the overall design and its performance. If the prototypes built were satisfactory, an initial order for 50 aircraft was to be given.
Work on this new design was given to engineer Rüdiger Kosin, as Arado’s Technical Director, Walter Blume, was uninterested in this project. When work started, it received the Arado Erprobungs (experimental) 370 designation. During the initial phases, there were several different proposals about the number of crewmen, wing size, weapon configuration and the number of engines. After nearly a year, in October 1941, the first proper project, designated the E 370/IVa, was completed. This proposal was mainly intended to be used as a reconnaissance aircraft and was to be equipped with camera equipment. It was to be powered by two BMW P 3302 turbo jet engines. The armament was quite modest and consisted of only one 13 mm MG 131 machine gun. As this aircraft was to operate from short-length airfields, the designers came up with the idea to use a wooden retractable skid for landing, which was to be mounted beneath the fuselage.
The project was presented to RLM officials in late October of 1941. They were satisfied and gave permission for the production of 50 aircraft. During the evaluation, it received the 8-234 designation. Unfortunately for Arado, the head of the RLM Technical Department, Ernst Udet, committed suicide just a few weeks later. He was replaced by Erhard Milch, who was more interested in aircraft that were already being produced rather than the proposed Arado project. This without a doubt affected the earlier mentioned initial production order, as the initial order for 50 seems to disappear from record. Despite this setback, work on the E 370 continued. During early 1942, some modifications to the fuselage were made with the aim of increasing its size and strength. The unusual skid undercarriage was replaced by a retractable wheeled bogie system.
In February 1942, Erhard Milch visited the Arado company. He was presented with the drawings and calculations for the improved E 370 model. He was generally impressed with what he saw, and gave his permission for the construction of a wooden mockup. The order would be increased to six prototypes in the following month. The aircraft was to take off using a small three wheel dolly. After the aircraft was in the sky, the dolly was jettisoned and landed with the help of a parachute, meaning it could be used again. In addition, the idea of using a retractable skid undercarriage was reintroduced. If needed, jettisonable Walter HWK auxiliary rocket take-off engines could be attached under the wings. Throughout 1942, many additional modifications and changes were made to the design. Great attention was given to the testing of different engine types and configurations.
By the end of 1942, the number of prototypes to be built was once again increased to 20. The first seven aircraft were to be powered by Jumo 004 engines, with prototype V8 powered by four BMW 003 engines, and V9 through V14 with two BMW 003 engines. The remaining aircraft were to be powered by four BMW 003 engines. The first prototype was meant to be built by November 1943, with the last in October 1944. Surprisingly, these 1942 plans actually started to be completed early, with the first 3 prototypes ready by August 1943. Thanks to this, it was possible to run the first test trials even earlier than anticipated.
Work on the First Prototypes
Work on the construction of the first prototype began in late 1942. During this time, the name was changed to Ar 234. Progress was slow due to problems with the delivery of the Jumo 004 engines, which only arrived in February 1943. These engines were tested and immediately proved to be problematic, as they failed to achieve the promised 850 kg (1879 lbs) thrust. Once fitted with these engines, the first prototype, Ar 234 V1, was used for static ground testing and taxiing trials. No flight was initially accepted due to the short runway at Brandenburg, where the prototype was built. For this reason, the prototype was moved to a Luftwaffe airfield at Munster. During July 1943, this aircraft was mainly used for ground tests. In late July, there was an accident when one of the Jumo engines caught fire. The damage was minor and was quickly repaired. On 30th July, Ar 234 V1 made its first test flight piloted by Horst Selle. The flight was successful, with no problems with the aircraft. The dolly, on the other hand, was lost when the parachute failed to properly open. In early August, there were again problems with the same engine. To avoid any potential threat to the aircraft, it was simply replaced by an engine taken from Ar 234 V3, which was under construction. On 9th August, another test flight was undertaken. During this flight, Selle reached a speed of 650 km/h (400 mph) without any problems. The dolly was once again lost, similarly to the first one. Additional changes were made to the position of the parachute on the dolly, which proved to be the solution to this problem. The V1 prototype would be lost in an accident where the pilot overshot the landing field and crash landed on 29th August. While the aircraft was not repaired, parts of it were reused for testing other equipment.
The V2 prototype was completed in late August 1943. There were some issues with the engine, which had to be replaced. The aircraft was otherwise trouble-free. It was moved to Alt Lonnewitz, where it was mainly used for engine testing. In late September 1943, V3 made its first flight. While, initially, it was to be equipped with a pressurized cabin and an ejector seat, this was never implemented.
In early October 1943, the V2 prototype, with its pilot, Selle, were lost in a fire. This accident prompted the Germans to introduce automatic fire extinguishing systems on all of the Ar 234 prototypes, including later ones. Another change was introducing ejection seats to avoid any further pilot casualties. Due to this accident, there were some delays in the Ar 234 project. Testing continued in November, when V3 was piloted by Walter Kroger. On the 21st of November, the V3 aircraft was transferred to Insterburg to be presented to Adolf Hitler, together with other experimental jet aircraft, like the Me 262 and Me 163. Hitler was highly impressed and even gave orders that some 200 aircraft be built during 1944. During this time, V4 was also flight tested. Both V3 and V4 were used until June 1944 for various roles, including crew training, after which they were removed and replaced with later Ar 234 B versions. By the end of 1943, V5, fitted with Jumo 004 B-0 engines. was introduced.
During early 1944, two Arado 234 aircraft would be tested with a four engine configuration. The idea was that the use of four smaller engines would provide similar performance to the larger ones. V8 was powered by two pairs of BMW P.3302 engines. V6 (which was built later than V8) was tested with four BMW 003 engines placed in four separate wing-mounted nacelles. During a routine flight of V6 at the start of June 1944, all four engines stopped working only 17 minutes after take-off. The pilot was forced to conduct an emergency landing of the plane, after which it caught fire and was heavily damaged, rendering it a complete loss. After this accident, and due to many other engine problems with both versions, all further work on the multi-engined Ar 234 A was discontinued. These would later serve as the basis for the Ar 234 C version instead.
Technical Characteristics
The Arado Ar 234A (as they were designated later on) prototypes were designed as all metal, high-wing turbojet-powered experimental reconnaissance planes. Their fuselages had a semi-monocoque design with a flat top. The wings consisted of two main spars, each with 29 ribs. They were covered with metal stressed skin. Each wing was connected to the fuselage by four bolts. If needed, these could easily be taken off and removed. At the rear, there was a more or less conventional tail unit.
The Ar 234 was used to test a number of different engines. The first 4 prototypes were powered by two Jumo 004 A-0 engines, which had 840 kg (1,850 lbs) of thrust. V5 and V7 used Jumo 004 B-0 engines which provided 900 kg (1,980 lbs) of thrust. The 3.8 m (12 ft) long engines (both types had the same size) were attached to the wings using three bolts. V6 and V8 were powered by four engines which were able to achieve 800 kg (1,760 lbs) of thrust. As the Ar 234 was intended to be used for reconnaissance operations, a large fuel capacity was important. One 1,800 liter fuel tank was placed behind the cockpit, with a second 2,000 liter tank in the rear of the fuselage. With this fuel load the Ar 234 had an operational range of 1,500 km (930 miles). To assist with take-off, the Ar 234 could be equipped with small Walter 109-500 type rocket engines. These had a run time of 30 seconds and could generate 500 kg (1,100 lbs) of thrust. After the Ar 234 was in the air, the rocket motors would be jettisoned and would land on the ground using small parachutes.
The Ar 234 did not have conventional landing gear, but instead used a three wheel 640 kg (1,410 lbs) jettisonable take-off assist dolly. The Ar 234 pilot could control this dolly by using the rudder, which was connected to hydraulic brakes on the dolly. Once in flight, the dolly would detach and then fall back to Earth using a parachute, and could thereafter be reused. Initially, it was discarded during flight, but this proved to be problematic. After some redesign work, the moment of release was changed to just after take-off. There was no risk of the dolly impacting the fuselage in midair, as the parachute pulled it away from the aircraft. When the Ar 234 had to land, it would use the retractable hydraulically operated skid under the fuselage. The engine nacelles were also provided with smaller skids to avoid any damage to them and to provide better stability during landing. The V3 prototype tested in early 1944 used a drag parachute during landing. This proved to be successful and was later implemented as standard from the B series on.
The pilot’s cockpit was fully glazed, which provided excellent all around visibility. To enter the cockpit, the pilot used a small hatch placed atop the cockpit. This was not a great design feature as, in an emergency, the pilot could not easily escape the plane. In order to protect the pilot from enemy fire from the rear, a 15 mm thick armor plate was installed behind his seat. Behind this protective armor plate, three oxygen tanks were placed. The instruments were placed on two smaller panels to the left and right of the pilot.
A few Ar 234s were equipped with two Rb 50/30 cameras. These were placed behind the rear fuel tank. These could cover a wide area of 10 km (6 mile) at an altitude of 10 km (33,000 ft).
There were initial plans to arm the Ar 234 with a 13 mm machine gun for self defence. Due to the experimental nature of the Ar 234 A version, no actual armament would actually be installed.
Operational Service
In May 1944, Conny Noell of the Luftwaffe experimental Versuchsverband unit requested that at least two Ar 234 airframes be used for experimental reconnaissance operations after examining the prototypes. The request was accepted and the V5 and V7 aircraft were allocated for this task. Besides the camera equipment, virtually nothing else was changed on these two aircraft.
For the testing of these aircraft, two pilots were chosen, Horst Götz and Erich Sommer. At the start of June 1944, the V5 prototype was tested by Götz during a short 30 minute long flight. He later wrote, after the war “The take-off procedure was not very complicated. First, I engaged the starter, then fed petrol into the combustion chamber until, at approximately 6,000 rpm, I made the gradual change to J2 kerosene. The engines were then reved up to their maximum 9,000 revolutions. After take-off, I throttled the engine back to cruising speed. It was a completely new flying experience. Only a slight whistling noise in the cockpit could be heard. The take-off dolly had functioned quite normally. It was really wonderful”.
Four days later, Sommer also tested this aircraft and gave a similar positive assessment of its overall performance. More flights were undertaken in the following days without major problems. While piloting the V5 prototype during a routine take-off, Götz’ wheeled takeoff dolly release mechanism failed, with the assembly remaining stuck to the aircraft’s landing skids. He immediately tried to land back at the airfield. Despite the dangerous maneuver, he managed to land in a nearby potato field, with minimal damage to the plane.
Around this time, the two test pilots were informed that no prolonged or high-altitude flights had ever been attempted by the Ar 234 prototypes, mostly due to a lack of pressurized cockpit. For this reason, Sommer decided to personally test the Ar 234’s performance at altitude. In late June 1944, he made the first high altitude flight, which lasted over an hour and fifteen minutes at an altitude of 11 kilometers (36,000 ft). During a dive, he managed to reach a speed of 590 km/h (367 mph). A few days later, he made another similar flight that lasted over two hours, during which he managed to cover a distance of 1,435 km (890 miles). When the test flights were completed, both pilots gave positive feedback and evaluations about the performance of the planes and recommended their immediate production.
Following the Allied invasion of German occupied France in 1944, the experimental unit was ordered to move its two aircraft and equipment by train to Juvincourt, in France, by the end of July. Due to delays with the delivery of necessary parts, mostly due to Allied air raids, V7 was finally ready to take to the sky on the 2nd of August. V7’s first operational mission was to take photographs of the Allied landing beaches and the 10 km (6 mile) wide inland strip . The flight was a success, without any problems. The Ar 234’s cameras managed to take nearly 400 photographs of the Allied invasion force, which provided the Germans with vital information about the strength and numbers of the enemy. With this single flight, Sommer managed to achieve what the remaining Luftwaffe reconnaissance units failed to do in two months. During August, some 7 reconnaissance flights were undertaken by the two Ar 234 aircraft. Following the rapid Allied advance, they had to be relocated to Belgium. While V7, piloted by Sommer, arrived without any problems, Götz was less fortunate. During the flight, he was hit by friendly anti-aircraft fire. While damaged, Götz managed to fly up to Oranienburg. But his bad luck for that day was not yet over. His landed Ar 234 aircraft was struck from behind in a ground collision by a Focke Wulf Fw 190 which was attempting a take-off, completely destroying V5. Ironically, the first German operational jet powered aircraft, and the first in the world, was shot down by the Germans and then destroyed by a German fighter plane!
Sommer was stationed with his aircraft at Volkel in Holland until the 5th of September, when it was relocated to Rheine base. On the 10th, Sommer performed a reconnaissance flight over the Thames Estuary but, without direct orders, continued up to London. The next morning, he was informed that, due to this action, he was to be arrested and court martialed. Sommer immediately contacted Götz and explained the situation to him. Götz immediately took action and, after persuasions and threats, managed to get the charges against Sommer dropped. After the war, they both found out who demanded Sommer’s arrest. It was the chief of the V-2 program, Hans Kammler, who had feared that the pictures of London would prove the failure of his rocket program.
Sommer made at least four more reconnaissance flights with Ar 234 V7 before it was finally replaced with a B version, which was essentially just a copy of the previous version but with a wider fuselage and a more conventional completely retractable wheeled landing gear. After this, V7 was mainly used for crew training before being damaged during a take-off accident on 19th October 1944. After it was repaired, Götz made a flight to Oranienburg, where the plane was removed from service.
Production
Of the Arado 234 A series, only 8 aircraft were ever produced, as they were used for experimentation of various equipment and engine units.
V1 (TG+KB) – Badly damaged during a harsh landing.
V2 (DP+AW) – Was lost in a flight accident.
V3 (DP+AX) – Was presented to Hitler, who authorized the Ar 234 production. Used for various testing until July 1944.
V4 (DP+AY) – Similar to the V3 prototype, used up to June 1944 mainly for crew training, when it was removed from service.
V5 (GK+IV) – The first aircraft to be used operationally, but was lost when damaged by friendly ground-based anti-aircraft fire.
V6 (GK+IW) – Heavily damaged during a landing accident and caught fire soon after.
V7 (GK+IX/ T9+MH) – Used operationally until October 1944, when it was damaged in a take-off accident. Written off as a complete loss.
V8 (GK+IY) – Tested with a four engine configuration, but proved to be highly problematic.
Conclusion
While only a small number of Ar 234A planes were built, they proved to be successful designs. During the initial development phase and in their experimental use in service, no major issues were noted. The major drawback was the insufficient quality of the engines and the use of a jettisonable takeoff dolly. Following the success of the Ar 234 A, the development and production of the B and C versions was approved.
The Northrop P-61 was a night fighter designed to fulfill a largely overlooked gap in America’s air defenses in the years prior to its entry into the Second World War. Ambitious and groundbreaking, the P-61 would be the first fighter aircraft designed to carry a radar and was to be equipped with a state of the art remotely operated turret. However, the aircraft suffered numerous technical problems which led to many delays in its development. Despite its quirks, the plane proved to be popular with its pilots, effective in service, and far more capable in its mission than preceding American night fighters, while also proving itself effective in roles not envisioned at the time of its design.
Nascent Developments
The US Army’s night air defense services during the interwar years were perhaps their most neglected and least developed. This was in part due to the meager capabilities of the aircraft and detection systems of the time, but also general disinterest from senior leadership and, resultantly, poor funding. Despite advances in night flying instrumentation and training aids, most notably Edward Link’s ground trainer, efforts during the period to detect and intercept aircraft at night were largely futile. Success in testing was almost entirely based on the weather, as the search lights they coordinated with relied on acoustic detection, and their ability to find the enemy was largely based on luck whenever the skies were not clear. Attempts were even made to detect enemy aircraft by the weak electromagnetic waves emitted by their spark plugs, but these were met with predictably poor results. What methods they did develop were subsequently made useless by advancements in bomber design, as the new Martin B-10 was faster than most contemporary fighters, and the B-17, still in development at the time, showed even greater promise (McFarland 3, 4).
Night fighters would prove a largely unworkable concept during the interwar years due to the crude instruments employed to find the bombers, which themselves also stood a good chance of outrunning their pursuers, however, this would soon change. The development of radar and more capable fighters would prove to be the decisive factor that would transform the practice of intercepting aircraft at night from a clumsy mission dependent more on luck than anything else, to an essential service that would grow ever more precise in its ability to detect and bring down enemy aircraft.
Lessons Abroad
Virtually all major new developments of the Air Corps’ night fighting capabilities in the years prior to the US entry into the Second World War were a result of two factors, new developments in radar and reports from observers sent to take note of the lessons the RAF were learning during the fall of France and the Blitz.
As the clouds of war drew over Europe during 1938 and 1939, it was clear that airpower would be a decisive component of any potential conflict. It was for this reason that president Franklin Delano Roosevelt massively built-up US military forces for the goal of defending both the mainland United States and its overseas military installations in 1939 and 1940. This build up had broad aims, but perhaps most importantly it saw the vast expansion of the US Army’s air power. This was to prove instrumental for those officers who wished the service to take on a much larger role in the US Armed Forces, and to finally cement their position in it, as the department had been reorganized several times during the interwar period.
They would soon see a massive leap in responsibilities as the Air Corps took up the bulk of air defense duties with the founding of the Air Defense Command in February of 1940. However, despite their eagerness to play such a major role, they also recognized their lack of experience and sought to understand the fundamentals of the modern air war in order to better fulfill this task. With the war waging in Europe, General Henry “Hap” Arnold was able to argue for the presence of US Air Corps observers overseas. In the spring of 1940, four officers were sent to London, Paris, and Berlin (Harrison&Pape 26). While these early postings were important for shaping foreign policy and building ties that would facilitate easier coordination with the RAF later in the war, they would soon become an essential source of information for Air Corps planners following the fall of France and throughout the Blitz.
It was during the Blitz that perhaps the largest gaps in US air cover would become evident, with various solutions being presented to help bridge them. Thankfully for the Air Corps observers, the Blitz would demonstrate exactly what they would need to develop to face any threat from the air. They recognized that they needed a modern air force, which could cooperate with sophisticated detection and communication networks to form a comprehensive air defense system that would leave any attacker badly mauled, day or night.
Brig. General Tooey Spaatz was the primary observer for RAF night fighting operations, and it was no coincidence that he later became Chief of the Air Corps Material Division at Wright Field. While the British night fighter services were still extremely crude at this point in the war, they presented a much better starting point for US planners than the virtually useless interwar experiments. Spaatz’s efforts largely shaped the requirements for the Air Corps’ night fighter, these being relayed to Northrop’s Chief of research, Vladimir Pavlecka, while he was at Wright Field working on another project. Alongside a set of specifications, he was told the plane would need to be a two-engined aircraft with a crew of two, a pilot and a radar operator, though the specifics of radar were not disclosed. At this time, Northrop was a new company and made for an obvious choice, as they had previously worked on an unbuilt night fighter design for the British, and were one of the only firms that were not at capacity at the time.
Soon, this new aircraft, designated the ‘Air Corps Night Interceptor Pursuit Airplane’, began to take shape. It would be powered by a pair of Whitney Double Wasp engines carried in nacelles that would be connected by a twin boom tail, and joined to the fuselage through the wings. It would carry a crew of three, a pilot, a gunner, and a radio operator who also doubled as a rear gunner. It would mount two turrets carrying four .50 caliber guns each and would be a large aircraft with a height of 13 feet and two inches (4.013 m), a length of 45 feet and six inches (13.87 m), a wingspan of 66 feet (20.12 m), it would weigh 22,654 pounds (10276 kg), and feature the new Zaparka flaps. While this proposal bore many similarities to the later XP-61 prototype, much would change as the design was revised.
While the design was promising, work was slow, and though Northrop had a prototype designed in January of 1941, it would be many months until it was ready to fly, and years before it was ready for service (Harrison&Pape 30). As a result, the aircraft would not be ready for the war to come, leaving most of the night fighting duties to stop gap designs, such as the converted A-20 bomber designated the P-70, and the British supplied Bristol Beaufort.
Clean slate, Dull chisel: A history of early American night fighting
With the attack on Pearl Harbor, the night fighter force found itself entering the war with the lessons learned from the RAF, but without adequate training programs or equipment. Compared to what existed in England, the communications and detection infrastructure was very poor, as it relied on high frequency radio sets which proved troublesome, lacked sufficient identify-friend-or-foe capability, with early warning radar set up in poor positions, and worst of all, they lacked a dedicated night fighter force.
With the help of RAF advisors, they set out to correct these faults, with the Air Defense Operational Training unit being activated March 26th, 1942. The 81st Fighter Squadron (special) was chosen on May 28th, 1942 as the first official night fighter training unit and was staffed with officers who were enthusiastic about the promise of this new mission. This unit was later placed under the new Night Fighter Department, which itself was reorganized as the Night Fighter Division and made subordinate to the Fighter Department . Their curriculum was composed on July 4th, 1942, as pilots were to be trained to a high level of proficiency in instrument flying, blind take offs and landings, night formation flying, night gunnery, pilot-radar operator interception teamwork, Ground Control Intercept (GCI), and general air defense procedures.
While this unit was extremely useful in testing and building confidence in new equipment, like the SCR 540 radar, it was hit by numerous hurdles which prevented it from turning out the number of pilots needed. This was mostly the result of a shortage of aircraft, as the relatively small number of P-70’s, DB-7’s, AT-11’s, T-50’s, and B-80’s would prove a serious bottleneck, as would the delays in getting Airborne Intercept ground trainers. This problem remained late into 1941, as the 81st was deactivated and its personnel used to form the 348th and 349th Night Fighter squadrons in October of 1941. These two squadrons would be used to train new night fighter personnel with the hope that they could build 15 squadrons by 1943. However, this training schedule was overly ambitious and hampered by insufficient supplies of equipment. Sadly, in line with much of the troubled program, night fighter pilots graduated with no fanfare or any formal ceremony. They simply signed on a line and received their wings.
Night Fighter Squadron building would continue slowly until James Doolitle would push for its accelerated development in late 1942. Doolittle, after being so impressed by RAF night fighters over North Africa, called for four new night fighter squadrons to be formed, these being the 414th, 415th, 416th, and 417th. It was not until July of 1943 that real Night Fighter Squadron development began in earnest, as more aircraft and training material became available, and the new 481st Night Fighter Operational Training Group was formed under the command of Lt.Col. Winston Kratz (Harrison&Pape 104).
Trial by Fire: Pacific
The first night fighter deployments were to Panama and Hawaii, with the first P-70s becoming available in January of 1942. These planes were first used in improvised night fighting squadrons, like the 6th Night Fighter Squadron initially based out of Hawaii. They were, however, badly constrained by their inadequate support infrastructure and, as pilots would soon find out, the performance of their aircraft. Problems soon arose over the personnel shortages which required volunteers from signal corps officers and the enlisted maintenance crews to serve as radar operators. Problems improved very little following their move to Guadalcanal in February of 1943, where conditions were brutal.
Their objective was to try and stop the nightly raids by Japanese bombers which came over the islands to conduct nuisance raids. The P-70s were vectored onto these aircraft using the ground-based SCR 270 early warning radar without success, as the radar could provide only the azimuth to the target but not its altitude. Neither the radar crews nor pilots had much experience with GCI procedures and, combined with the meager capabilities of the P-70, the night fighters brought down few Japanese aircraft. While the night fighter crew’s living conditions improved thanks to new prefabricated shelters, their operational success did not. Their challenges were made far more difficult as the Japanese adapted to their tactics and their bombers began to fly above the P-70’s service ceiling, and went so far as to imitate American GCI operators in attempts to give faulty information to pilots (Harrison&Pape 68). P-70 crews did all they could to improve the speed and operational ceiling of the aircraft through serious modification which included installing propellers from B-17F’s and P-38 fuel pumps, though to no success.
Frustration with the P-70 even managed to motivate the squadron to modify some of the P-38s they had been supplied with in an effort to replace the P-70. This would prove difficult, as the aircraft were not equipped with radar as they were to be used in conjunction with searchlights to find their targets. Two P-38Gs were modified by Lt. Melvin Richardson and a squadron radar mechanic by adding a second seat behind the pilot and building an avionics pod for the SCR-540 out of an external fuel tank. These modified planes were much faster than the P-70s and were capable of reaching high flying Japanese bombers, however, they could not convert enough fighters. Both would receive the Legion of Merit for their ingenuity, but apart from this small victory, the 6th would lack the means to conduct their missions.
Overall, the night fighter squadron’s experiences in the South Pacific proved dismal, having neither the properly trained personnel, support elements, or even aircraft needed to effectively complete their mission. In the end, what success they did have was a result of their ingenuity and perseverance rather than specialized training or the equipment they had been issued. Each victory over the Japanese bombers was a hard-won achievement equally celebrated by the aircrews and the Marines the enemy harassed on a nightly basis.
Trial by Fire: Mediterranean
While the 6th NFS was still deployed to Guadalcanal, the 414th and the 415th left for England in March of 1943, where they would soon be retraining on Bristol Beaufighters. The switch from the P-70 was a difficult one, as between its tendency for ground looping and engine fires resulting from landing gear failure, the Beaufighter proved an intimidating plane for the US pilots. While the Beaufighter proved to be significantly faster and more agile than their old P-70s, many pilots felt uneasy flying it, and even their RAF instructors would readily admit the aircraft was among the most difficult in British service. Unlearning the habits from the P-70 was difficult, but thanks to a comprehensive program from the RAF, the challenge was soon overcome. Now proficient, the 414th and 415th left for North Africa and went into action in July of 1943 (Harrison&Pape 80).
Unlike their counterparts in the Pacific, the Mediterranean squadrons were largely successful thanks to their far superior Bristol Beaufighters, comprehensive training programs, and good technical support. Not only were they directed by far superior ground based radar systems, but these squadrons would later be the first to use the British AI Mk VIII centimetric radar sets, which, unlike the previous SCR-540, could operate at low altitudes. This radar was particularly useful, as it meant German bombers could no longer fly low to reduce the effective range of the aircraft’s radar. In November of 1943, the campaign proceeded and the two NFS’ would cover Allied convoys against the attacks of German bombers during the advance into Italy. The Germans would use a very different set of tactics compared to the Japanese, and made use of far more sophisticated equipment. As opposed to the single Japanese aircraft that often came in at around 30,000 ft (9144 m), the Germans tended to stay roughly between 10,000 and 15,000 ft (3048, 4572 m) in formations of various sizes. As opposed to the nuisance raids designed to keep the Marines from getting any rest, the Germans often sought to hit strategic targets, like harbor facilities and shipping vessels en masse. The Germans would also later employ chaff, which cluttered up radar scopes, and tail warning radar on their bombers to warn them of the approach of night fighters.
The efforts of early American night fighter squadrons in the Mediterranean would thankfully prove to be the rule rather than the exception for the air crews still to come. In the future, they would expect well trained, specialized personnel, and effective ground control radar support. However, there were still strict limitations imposed by the equipment afforded to the night fighter squadrons, in particular their aircraft which, despite their greater speed, were anything but easy to fly.
XP-61 & YP-61: trouble, frustration, and promise
While American night fighter pilots had their first experiences in combat during 1942 and 1943, work on the new XP-61 continued. The program truly began in early 1942, after several contracts were issued. It was decided in February of 1942 that 410 aircraft would be procured with $7,136,689.56 being charged to the Defense Aide and $55,656,178.67 to Air Corps Appropriations. This contract stipulated the delivery of the first twelve to take place in April of 1943, with the final aircraft being handed over in January of 1944. However, contract negotiations saw the number of aircraft requested rise and fall significantly in the following months. In addition to deliveries to the USAAF, 50 P-61s were to be set aside for Lend Lease, though this was later dropped due to a lack of RAF interest in the aircraft (Harrison&Pape 89).
The XP-61 first flew on May 26th, 1943, but only after a long and troubled process that saw the prototype fly with different propellers than what were originally called for, a dummy turret, and without a radar. Despite these shortcomings, the prototype was initially quite promising, with the aircraft performing satisfactorily during its short preliminary flight, and its test pilot, Vance Breese, telling Jack Northrop “Jack, you’ve got a damn fine airplane!” (Harrison&Pape 89). The succeeding flights would, however, prove more troublesome ,as they soon revealed stability problems and reliability issues with the engines. These issues were tracked to the horizontal stabilizer and elevator assemblies, the short span Zap flaps, and the buildup of oil and gas in the engine crankcase. Engine failures and violent longitudinal instability soon grounded the XP-61. The stability problems were particularly troublesome, as they required redesigning much of the tail assembly of the aircraft and the addition of full span flaps in place of the Zap flaps.
Issues also arose with the use of the spoileron system on the second XP-61, which was designed to be used in conjunction with short ailerons as part of its lateral control system. The spoilers themselves were thin circular arcs that sat in grooves in the wings. These would deploy and allow the pilot remarkably good control at high speed, but their development would prove to be rather difficult. At first, they proved unstable as a result of their hinge movements, which was solved by reducing the size of the scoop. Later, serious vibration issues were found to destroy the spoilers within their wing slots. This, in turn, was found to be the result of high-speed airflow moving through the slot, and was remedied by installing plates to seal it off (Harrison&Pape 94).
In an effort to improve engine reliability, the initial Pratt & Whitney R-2800-25S engines were replaced with R-2800-10s, though this would fail to solve the problem. Despite the swap, engine failures were common in testing and it was found that cutting oil consumption resulted in oil starvation in the master cylinder, resulting in it freezing. With the rest of the articulating rods still going, the engine would work itself apart. After diagnosing the problem, the engineers at Pratt & Whitney soon resolved it with the installation of additional oil jets (Harrison&Pape 95).
These faults would see a major redesign of the XP-61, with the new model being designated the YP-61, which would act as both a prototype and pre-production model. This would incorporate a number of design modifications, including switching the tail boom’s construction from welded magnesium to aluminum alloy, the Zap Flaps being replaced by a full span trailing edge arrangement, and they would go on to incorporate the fix for the spoilerons (Dean 383). However, this would not represent an end to trouble, as the much-needed improvements in stability meant it could now be used for more demanding tests which would, in turn, uncover new faults.
As testing grew more strenuous, new problems began to arise, most notably with the fuselage. It was soon found that there were several structural weaknesses in the fuselage, with the vulnerable sections being subsequently strengthened, particularly around the canopy. The nose gear door also proved to be fairly fragile, which necessitated strengthening and having the aircraft’s 20 mm guns fitted with blast tubes to prevent the muzzle report from damaging it. It was also found that, at high speeds, the dome at the rear of the radar operator’s compartment could implode as a result of pressure difference. While this component was improved in prototyping, the problem would resurface in production models of the aircraft (Harrison&Pape 114).
At the nose of the aircraft, a new problem was found after a stopover in Arizona. In the sweltering 110-degree weather of the desert, it was found that the Plexiglas radome would deform and collapse once the aircraft was in the air, with the resulting shift in air flow causing the Lucite dome at the rear of the aircraft to blow out. While a new fiberglass dome was designed, it would not be ready well into serial production of the P-61A (Harrison&Pape 115).
The remote-controlled turret was also found to have several faults. The most immediate and concerning of these was that, while the guns were forward, the aircraft remained aerodynamically clean, but there would be intense buffeting as the turret traversed beyond 30 degrees in either direction. Following a redesign, the buffeting was mostly gone save for a far lighter effect that occurred when the turret was fully deflected to either side. In firing tests, it was found that use of the turret resulted in severe structural damage, with a similar problem being encountered with the aircraft’s 20 mm armament. In both cases, it was necessary to strengthen nearby structural elements with steel fittings, though owing to the complexity and size of the remote-controlled turret, a major redesign of the aircraft’s upper structure was required (Harrison&Pape 117, 118).
In spite of its many teething issues, the general flying characteristics earned the aircraft good marks from test pilots, exceeding Northrop’s guaranteed performance by one mile during speed tests, and was remarked upon by production project engineer Capt. Fred Jenks as follows: “The P-61 is an honest airplane. It has no mean tricks. In acrobatics such as loops, spins, Immelmanns, and fast turns, it behaves as a pursuit plane should. Its stalling gestures are near perfect.” (Harrison&Pape 121)
Britain and America on the same wavelength: Cooperation in developing the SCR-720
The Tizzard Mission
The P-61’s highly advanced air search radar was a device many years in the making, being a product of the interwar Tizard Mission, which sought to bring together US and British technical expertise for radar and radio development. It would officially become known as the British Technical and Scientific Mission, and it was not long into the war that approval was granted for the scientific material transfer to the US, which the British hoped would be reciprocated in kind by technical assistance and access to America’s electronics industries. The mission arrived in the US in September of 1940 with two gifts, a cavity magnetron, a device which allowed for the development of more advanced centimeter band radars, and an ASV Mark II surface search radar. Their audience was composed mostly of three groups, the Signal Corps, who had been struggling with the practical employment of radars for nearly a decade, microwave researchers, who were well versed on the technology but had yet to produce practical radar examples, and the US Army Air Corps, who were uninformed on technical matters but saw the promise of the technology (Brown 159, 160).
The mission got off to a good start, with the American audience suitably impressed. On the British side, they gained a great deal of information on the use of microwave techniques, and more importantly, access to larger electronics manufacturing industries and procedures. The US, on the other hand, gained access to the existing British radars and the cavity magnetron. While these advancements would have taken place eventually, the collaboration through the Tizard mission allowed rapid advancements in radar development and production in both countries. It was, of course, not without its negative consequences. Some trust in the American service-labs was lost when they gained the undeserved reputation of producing inferior equipment among the Armed Services when their interwar work was judged against the British (Brown 165, 166).
In the US, work on centimetric radar was mostly carried out through the MIT Radiation Lab, with their first goal being to produce an airborne centimeter band set (Brown 168). The benefits of a centimeter band radar over a meter band were considerable, as they would not require the use of drag inducing aerial antennas. The narrower band also meant less reflection from the ground, and while it was not yet known, they were less susceptible to jamming. In short, they represented a massive leap in capabilities over older radar sets (Brown 145).
The Rad Lab’s first centimetric radar was a 10 cm band set operated from a roof in January of 1941, with an intensive development program to follow. It was hoped that, by February, it would be mounted in a B-18 for testing, and a month following that, they hoped to have it aboard an A-20. However, many issues plagued the rooftop experiment and it was not until March that the device was transferred over to the B-18. Work would continue, and after further collaboration with the British, a new series of technology transfers would benefit both programs, with the British gaining access to a better transmitter, and the US a better receiver. Soon, the lab would produce America’s first practical centimetric Aerial intercept radar, the SCR-520. Western Electric built a few of these sets but work soon transitioned to making a lighter version for the P-61, the SCR-720 (Brown 168, 169).
SCR 720
The SCR-720 series was an advanced aerial intercept radar built by Western Electric and Bell Telephone Laboratories (Harrison&Pape 113). The radar operated on a wavelength of 9.1 centimeters at 3,300 megacycles, with a peak pulse power of approximately 70 kW. It had a maximum range of about 6 miles (9.65 km), which was later extended beyond 10 miles, at all azimuths between a search angle of 75 degrees to either port or starboard, with a minimum range of 300 feet (91 m). The system used a helical scan method and, in addition to the previously stated horizontal search angle, covered a total elevation of –30 degrees to +50 degrees. The device lacked provisions for IFF gear but could be used in conjunction with the SCR-729 transmitter, which was compatible with Mk III and Mk IIIG IFF sets along with beam approach beacons.
The display set up was composed of two indicator boxes, a two screen display to be used by the operator, and a far simpler one screen display which was for use by the pilot. The pilot’s indicator typically went unused, as it was less precise than the rear set and was generally redundant, as the pilot would be talked onto the target by the RO. The RO’s scope consisted of a range tube on the right, and an azimuth and elevation tube on the left. The display on the azimuth scope was dependent on the settings of the range scope, as only targets within certain set ranges would appear on the scope. This range was indicated by a marker line on the range scope and could be adjusted by the RO (Survey 28). The settings of these scopes were adjusted through the control box and synchronizer in the RO’s compartment.
In service, the SCR 720 offered many benefits over previous Allied centimeter band aerial intercept radars, in particular the slightly older British AI Mk VIII. A post war survey found that, while using the SCR-720, it was harder to lose maneuvering targets on the scopes thanks to the range/azimuth display which allowed the operator to follow the target’s course. The wide coverage meant it was unlikely a rapidly descending target would be lost, the range scope made course adjustment estimates to the target easier, and the range/azimuth display made intercepts across the flight path of the night fighter easier. Overall, the SCR-720 would prove to be the most precise and advanced AI radar set of the war and would see widespread use aboard the P-61 and DeHavilland Mosquito, which carried a British production of the device designated the AI Mk X (Survey 30).
However, while the radar was the best set in its day, it was also the most complex and was said to require the knowledge and experience on the level of a masters of electrical engineering just to make one’s way around the black boxes that made up the system (Harrison&Pape 113). In service, it would prove even harder to maintain where personnel and spare parts for the system would be sparse, and many of its components would prove vulnerable to the elements. This would generally prove an issue with P-61 squadrons, as they typically lacked personnel able to fix the boxes should problems arise, and often would not have enough spares to replace faulty components. Maintenance notwithstanding, the SCR 720 was a generation ahead of the previous SCR-540 and exceeded it in every capacity except ease of repair.
Enter the Black Widow: P-61A&B
The first P-61A rolled off the line in October of 1943 at Northrop’s plant in Hawthorne, California, with a public reveal later occurring at an Army-Navy show in Los Angeles in January of 1944. These aircraft were mostly unchanged from the last P-61 pre production aircraft, though this plane and the next 36 P-61As would be the only examples of the A model to be equipped with the remotely operated turret. The turret would be absent from the remaining 200 As and many of the succeeding B model, only to be reintroduced after a redesign (Pape 120,121).
Despite the revised model which would arrive much later in 1944, the P-61’s performance was roughly the same for its entire wartime service, with no major overall increases in horsepower or any major modifications to the airframe, apart from those to allow it to carry additional fuel and bombs and rockets for intruder and ground attack missions. Both the A and B models were powered by the Pratt and Whitney R-2800, with many early P-61As using the R-2800-10 and all aircraft beyond the P-61A-15 using the R-2800-65. Both engines produced 2000 hp, with the only major differences being their magnetos and ignition systems (Pilot’s training manual 11). Revisions to the design were gradual and often very minor between subtypes. As the P-61A matured, many new additions were made, including a new fuel system, underwing racks for bombs and fuel tanks, a water injection system, and additional oil capacity. The water injection system would boost the engine’s power about 15%, but only for brief periods and unsuitable for a lengthy climb or long-distance pursuit (P-61 training manual 12).
The P-61B would go on to extend the nose, revise the trim and hydraulic systems, alter certain instruments and displays in the cockpit, revise the heating system, alter the landing gear doors, and restore the turret (Dean 383). Much more work was done with regards the P-61C, which made use of significantly more powerful turbo-charged engines, though this aircraft did not see wartime use.
While the aircraft would mostly resemble the early prototypes, there had been more than a few major reworks of the airframe, most notably, the dropping of the ‘Zap Flaps’ for near full span types with an added lateral control system which made use of spoilerons. While these did prove troublesome in testing, the faults had been ironed out and the system worked to the satisfaction of pilots. The final configuration made use of slot covers and seals for the spoileron slots that solved the vibration problems and allowed for great lateral control for such a large aircraft while requiring little force on the part of the pilot. While this system was unconventional, pilots rapidly adapted to its use and were immediately appreciative of it, as it allowed for easily applied control at both very high and low speeds. It was particularly useful during landings, where they allowed for precise control on approach thanks to the automatic adjustment of the lateral control system with the flaps (Ashkenas 13, 14). This system was a major factor in making this fighter among the most maneuverable in the USAAF inventory, in spite of it also being the largest and heaviest.
Tough most of the aircraft’s worst issues were remedied in the prototypes, a few made it into the production models. The most glaring of these would be the plastic radome fitted to the nose of the aircraft, and the lucite tail cone at the rear, both of which would constitute fairly significant structural weaknesses. The plastic nose fitted to many of the early P-61As was weather sensitive and was prone to warping in the hot, tropical weather of the Pacific, or simply if left uncovered during a sunny and particularly hot day. The solution was painting the nose of the aircraft in a bright, reflective white paint, which raised obvious disadvantages when the aircraft was trying to stealthily pursue its targets in the dark. The lucite cone would prove more persistent and more dangerous (Harrison&Pape 115). On several occasions, these cones imploded during dives and high-speed maneuvers. While this presented little danger to the overall aircraft, the sound of rushing air through the radar operator’s position made communication between him and the pilot virtually impossible. This would be resolved later by the addition of metal reinforcement bands, though many older P-61’s would continue to fly without them.
While this was the first purpose built night fighter, in many ways, the aircraft fell short of the high hopes placed upon it, but would prove adequate for the purpose it was given. Responses to the P-61 were mixed though generally favorable, but complaints over speed and the difficulty of maintaining the SCR 720 radar persisted for all wartime models of the aircraft. Perhaps most unfortunate was that the top turret, which vastly complicated the aircraft’s design and added considerably to the aircraft’s frontal area and weight, was found to be completely unnecessary. The most immediate requests for improvement were for more powerful engines with better high-altitude performance, and for units to be supplied with more maintenance and test equipment for the SCR-720 radar, which the inadequately prepared ground crews struggled to keep in working order. While they were trained in basic maintenance and installation of the device, few had the technical skills necessary to actually repair faulty components. Neither of these would be provided in time to be of use during the war.
ETO: The 422nd and 425th Night Fighter Squadrons
The first P-61 to leave the United States was a P-61A to be evaluated by the RAF in March of 1944. This aircraft was later returned in February of 1945, as the RAF were not particularly impressed with its performance and found its maximum range to be far too low. They needed night fighters for deep penetrations into German airspace in support of the ongoing strategic bombing campaign, and the P-61 simply did not fit the requirements. While the aircraft was by all metrics a poor fit for the RAF, the language and tone surrounding the growing competition between the P-61 and DeHavilland Mosquito would become increasingly petty and hostile within certain sectors of the US War Department and the Night Fighter division.
Beyond this evaluation aircraft, three Night Fighter squadrons would be deployed to England in anticipation of Operation Overlord. These were the 422nd, which departed on March 10th, the 423rd on April 1st, and the 425th which departed May 1st. During this period, only the 425th had P-61As slated to be shipped out with them amidst general concerns regarding the availability of the aircraft. The 422nd and 423rd were still equipped with the inadequate P-70 at the time of their departures (Overlord Build Up). Supplies would thankfully become more available, with the 422nd getting their first P-61As in late May and the 423rd becoming a photographic reconnaissance squadron and would not require the aircraft (Dean 285). Both squadrons would possess a small number of aircraft, with the 425th shipping out with only nineteen aircraft, and throughout their service in the European Theater it remained the case that replacement aircraft were in short supply.
None of these P-61As were equipped with the dorsal turret, and with copious time on their hands and the feeling that a second pair of eyes looking forward would be helpful, several crews in the 425th NFS had the bright idea to move the radar operator’s position up into the now vacant gunner’s seat. Along with technical representatives from Northrop, the chief radar and engineering officers, and a Capt. Russell Glasser, who possessed a graduate’s degree in mechanical engineering, they set out to modify the aircraft. The results were spectacular, with the pilot and R/O now able to communicate in the event of intercom failure, and the resulting shift in weight changing the slightly nose up to a nose down at cruise, increasing the cruising speed between 15 and 20 mph. This change was subsequently authorized for 9th Air Force’s P-61s (Harrison&Pape 205, 206).
It was not until July of 1944 that the European P-61s actually flew their first combat sorties, with the several months prior to this being taken up by training, including joint exercises with the RAF, and a race between the P-61A and a DeHavilland Mosquito NF Mk XVII. The latter was precipitated by a rumor that the USAAF was planning to replace the P-61 with the Mosquito.
In June, Lt. Col. Oris B. Johnson arranged for joint training with an RAF Halifax bomber squadron based at Croft, during which the Night Fighters would practice intercepting the bombers, who would in turn practice evasive maneuvers and other defensive tactics. The night fighters would be given an area to defend and would be vectored onto bombers by GCI. When they were in place to claim a ‘kill’, they flashed their navigation lights (Harrison&Pape 206). While this exercise was undoubtedly easier than what they would later be asked to do over France, it was important in building up the crew’s confidence in their abilities and equipment.
The ‘race-off’ was an event long in the making, with its roots in the War Department’s desire to purchase DeHavilland Mosquitoes for use as reconnaissance aircraft and night fighters. There were those in the department who wished to equip the Night Fighter Squadrons in the Mediterranean with Mosquitos, with the ensuing politics eventually driving a rumor that the War Department was planning to scrap the production of the P-61 in favor of the Mosquito, which were to be supplied by the UK and Canada. In any case, these proposals were impractical, as the British were extremely protective when it came to these aircraft. However, rumors soon filtered to the squadrons who were upset enough to propose a fly-off between the types. A demonstration was arranged on July 5th, 1944 at RAF station Hurn. The contenders were a P-61A and a Mosquito NF Mk XVII, with the results being that the P-61 out climbed and out turned the Mosquito between 5,000 and 20,000 feet.
The race was anything but clear cut, and it is extremely unlikely that it was just a fair competition that both sides took part in earnestly. Simply put, the RAF did not want to give the USAAF any more Mosquitoes than they absolutely had to, and were extremely motivated to throw the race. They had a great desire to ensure they were better supplied with the only night fighter in Allied service at the time that could fly long range missions into Germany. The results of the race are extremely suspicious given just how clear the P-61A’s win seemed to be in comparison to the years of evaluations which virtually always claimed that the Mosquito NF had the superior climb rate, and the P-61 had superior maneuverability. Members of the 481st NFTG who had flown planes came to the same conclusion, as did the AAF board, and even Col. Winston Kratz, director of night fighter training and a major proponent of the P-61 (Harrison&Pape 153, 156, 203). His words perhaps best sum up the event, “I’m absolutely sure the British were lying like troopers. I honestly believe the P-61 was not as fast as the Mosquito, which the British needed because by that time it was the one airplane that could get into Berlin and back without getting shot down. But come what may, the ‘61 was a good night fighter. In the combat game you’ve got to be pretty realistic about these things. (Harrison&Pape 209)”
The first real test of the P-61 in Europe came in July of 1944, when they were pressed into service against a new threat, the Fiesler 103 flying bomb or ‘buzz bomb’. The fast, unmanned weapon required the P-61 to enter a slight dive to catch them and, while they flew straight and level, they still proved a dangerous and challenging opponent. The bomb presented a small target but its massive warhead was capable of damaging a pursuer, something Capt. Tadas J. Spelis and F/O Eleutherios ‘Lefty’ Eleftherion would learn on the night of July 20th. Drawing in at 450 ft, Spelis detonated the bomb’s payload. which violently shook his plane and caused serious damage to the plane’s control surfaces and left much of the fuselage dented and perforated (Harrison&Pape 205).
Over the Channel: Autumn through Winter
At the end of July, the 422nd and 425th would make the trip across the channel to provide afterhours protection for the US First and Third Armies, respectively. There, both squadrons would defend the Normandy beachhead as the Allies pushed forward into France. This period would largely inform the kind of fighting they would be doing for much of the campaign, intercepting lone German bombers and the occasional night fighter acting as an intruder, while also taking on alternate support missions. Shortly after the 422nd was deployed to the Cherbourg peninsula, they intercepted several Ju 88s, Do 217s, and Ju 188s as they attempted to harass Allied forces in the area, but kills were difficult to confirm owing to the contested areas these aircraft went down in.
This period also saw the P-61’s first encounter with a German night fighter when Lt. Paul Smith and Lt. Robert Tirney intercepted a Bf 110G-4 on August 7th, 1944. While Smith and Tirney approached the enemy, they were soon spotted and found themselves in a turn fight. While the maneuverability of the P-61 allowed them to keep up with the enemy, the two planes would end up colliding. Despite the impact, both planes would end up returning home, each carrying paint from their opponent. Records show elements of the German night fighter squadrons NJG 5 and 4 had been conducting ground attack operations that night without losses (Harrison&Pape 203; Part 4 Boiten 29).
This period also saw the first use of the P-61 in the ground attack role when the 425th NFS was called to assist an attack on German forces that had broken out of Lorient. Despite their early model P-61As lacking hard points for bombs, they were able to carry out the mission thanks to the powerful cannon armament of the P-61A. They conducted strafing runs on gun positions, truck convoys, and an artillery ammunition dump at the cost of one aircraft which struck a telephone pole in a low-level attack (Harrison&Pape 204).
Following the breakout in Normandy, there was a considerable lull in interceptions of enemy aircraft and the trickle of supplies to the unit meant much of the autumn of 1944 was characterized by inactivity. From September to November, GCI directed the 422nd’s P-61s into a total of 461 chases, resulting in 282 airborne radar contacts, 174 sightings, 20 of which were positively identified as enemy aircraft, and only 7 were shot down (McFarland 28). The use of Identify Friend or Foe (IFF) appeared to be limited, resulting in a high number of interceptions of friendly aircraft, and occasional friendly fire. Air crews in the 422nd NFS believed they had been fired on several times by RAF Mosquitos, and one Mosquito of the 305 Squadron, piloted by WO. Reg Everson, had been shot down by a P-61, with his aircraft being claimed as a ‘Ju 88’ (Harrison&Pape 302, peoples war).
As the Night Fighter Squadrons moved away from the beachhead and into airfields previously held by the enemy, their supply lines grew tighter and the enemy began to develop better tactics. A scarcity of fuel even threatened to keep the 442nd on the ground, but the crisis was avoided thanks to a little ingenuity. As fuel laden B-24’s came in for their deliveries in Florennes, Belgium, they would occasionally overrun the airstrip, whereupon the aviation gasoline would be siphoned out, and then stolen by the 422nd (Harrison&Pape 267).
While the Luftwaffe was less active at night during this period, their tactics had largely improved. Their typical after hours raiders became flights of bomb laden Fw 190s in the place of the lone medium bomber. The common types, the Ju 88, Do 217, Ju 87, and Ju 188, were still encountered, but were eclipsed by the more numerous 190s flying low altitude raids against Allied positions near the front line. The 190s would prove more difficult targets, as their small size made them hard to identify in the dark, and their speed and maneuverability meant they had a much better chance of slipping away from the larger night fighters. While they were harder to shoot down, the P-61 was still more than capable of breaking up their attacks and forcing them to return to base (Harrison&Pape 262).
The lull in Luftwaffe nightly activity in the autumn and winter of 1944 meant that both British and American night fighter squadrons could shift to offensive operations, and thanks to newer models of the P-61A and B mounting additional hardpoints for fuel and bombs, they would have an exceptional tool for this task. Both the 422nd and the 425th NFS would provide a vital service to the beleaguered 101st Airborne Division at Bastogne, Belgium, where they were able to provide air cover and ground attack support, day or night, in weather that kept most planes on the ground. The nightly air battles over the Ardennes took a similar, but intensified form as the Luftwaffe mounted a desperate offensive, sortieing aircraft to attack Allied positions, drop supplies, and mounted a score of night fighter intruder missions. These intruder missions had aircraft loiter around enemy airfields and attack any aircraft attempting to take off or land.
It was during this time that one of the greatest drawbacks of the P-61 made itself well known. It was a high maintenance aircraft and replacement parts and planes were scarce. During the Battle of the Bulge, only four of the 422nd NFS’s sixteen P-61s were operational, and keeping these four planes serviceable was a round the clock effort of the highest importance. Apart from the just as limited number of A-20s, the P-61s were the only aircraft capable of flying in the terrible weather conditions of the battle. Supplies had to be found outside of the regular channels, and crews were rotated out of these aircraft that each flew up to four missions per night. Combined, the 422nd and 425th NFS claimed a total of 115 trucks, 3 locomotives, 16 rail cars, sixteen aircraft, and had disrupted Luftwaffe activities in the area (McFarland 32, 33). The actions of the 422nd would go on to earn them another Distinguished Unit citation, and a commendation from the Commanding General of the 101st Airborne at Bastogne (Harrison&Pape 293).
However, this period was also considerably more dangerous as Luftwaffe’s night fighter squadrons were also performing similar missions in the same area. While they used comparatively obsolete radars, they could still present a threat. Of the scarce P-61’s active during the Battle of the Bulge, three were lost to unconfirmed causes (Dean 286).
Spring to VE-Day
The Battle of the Bulge would mark the apex of the NFS’ activity in the European Theater. The remainder of the European campaign would consist almost entirely of ground attack and intruder missions, as fuel shortages left most of the Luftwaffe grounded. Both the 422nd and 425th would commit themselves to ‘ground work’ against the usual targets; truck convoys and rail lines, as Tactical Air Command ordered a cessation of defensive air patrols, instead focusing on general offensive operations. In this role, the P-61 proved exceptional despite the design never being intended for such use, with the initial models not even possessing bomb racks.
Most ground attack missions would be conducted the same way, though some new tactics would be introduced to take advantage of the bomb racks added to the newer models of the P-61. During the beginning of 1945, P-61s would often carry napalm to both destroy targets, and for illumination. Using the fires for illumination, they carried out attacks with a combination of bombs, and in the case of the 425th’s modified P-61s, HVAR rockets. Rail yards, locomotives, and truck convoys were favored targets, as their drivers often felt it was safe to keep their lights on. While this may seem a ridiculous use of what were among the most expensive aircraft employed during the war, the 422nd was credited with damaging or destroying 448 trucks, 50 locomotives, and 476 rail cars for the duration of their service. Perhaps more impressive were the astoundingly low loss rates suffered on these intruder missions. From October of 1944 to May of 1945, the 425th NFS flew 1,162 intruder missions with the loss of only six aircraft. Despite the inherent dangers of flying at night, these missions actually proved to be far safer than daylight sorties (McFarland 29).
Luftwaffe Opponents
The typical encounters with the Luftwaffe were with its bomber, night attack, reconnaissance, transport, and occasionally night fighter forces. Their targets ranged from frontline positions, rolling stock, to airfields, and were typically attacked by lone aircraft or small formations of light attack aircraft, such as the Fw 190F&G or obsolescent Ju 87. P-61 crews would encounter virtually all medium bomber types in service with the Luftwaffe, including the dated He 111 and Ju 88A-4. Of all the aircraft encountered, only the Me 410 proved a serious challenge to intercept. They were employed as reconnaissance aircraft and their high speed meant they were only vulnerable to the P-61 when at a disadvantage. On roughly equal footing, the Me 410 could pull away (Harrison & Pape 275).
Encounters with enemy night fighters were fairly rare, as their squadrons generally only flew ground attack missions in August against the Normandy beachhead, and much later in December, in support of the Ardennes counteroffensive. They flew Bf 110G-4s, a few of the older Ju 88Cs, and the newest German night fighter at the time, the Ju 88G. While these aircraft flew with radar that had a much more limited range than the SCR 720 and were nearly useless at low altitude, their pilots were capable of putting up a much greater fight than those of the bomber and night attack squadrons. The first encounter between a P-61 and a Bf 110G-4 resulted in the latter being able to slip away after a collision, despite holding clear disadvantages in speed and maneuverability. While most of the new pilots the Luftwaffe were supplied with at the time possessed questionable proficiency at their tasks, most green crews remained on the ground as a result of chronic fuel shortages (Part 4,Boiten 33).
On the night of December 17th, several Luftwaffe night fighter squadrons would be committed to large scale ground attack operations in support of Von Rundstedt’s offensive. These missions were conducted by several dozen aircraft at a time that searched highways, rail lines, and known Allied positions for targets. These operations achieved a level of mixed success but at an extremely high cost, as the pilots were insufficiently trained for the mission and typically encountered accurately directed anti-aircraft fire (1944 Part 5, Boiten 68). The P-61s of the 422nd and 425th would find these night fighters significantly more challenging opponents than the medium bombers and transport aircraft they usually encountered. On several occasions, the German fighters slipped away from their pursuers and claimed two, later disproven, victories against P-61s, with the war diarist of Stab NJG6 commenting the “Black Widow inferior to Ju 88 and Bf 110 in dog fighting (Part 5, Boitens 77).” However, this confidence is likely due more to survivor bias than any major technical difference between these aircraft, as several German night fighters would be lost to P-61s. In all likelihood, it was the German night fighter pilot’s confidence in undertaking aggressive maneuvers in the dark that was the most probable reason for this assessment, as the P-61 was superbly maneuverable for its size.
Over the course of this offensive, the 425th would encounter a number of German night fighters and down several of them. Between the 25th and the 29th of December, three confirmed and two probable German night fighter losses can be attributed to this squadron’s P-61s, these being Bf 110 2Z+DH of NJG 6, Ju 88G-1s of NJG4 3C+RK and 3C+ZK, and two very likely Bf 110s, 2Z+DL and 2Z+CV (1944 part 5, Boitens 79, 84, 85). Given the short period and how few P-61s were serviceable, it is safe to say that the P-61 was certainly capable of taking on these opponents. However, it should also be noted that night fighters comprised a relatively small number of kills during this time, with many more being medium bombers and Ju 52 transport aircraft.
CBI: The 426th and 427th
The 426th Night Fighter Squadron was called upon by General Henry H. Arnold for the defense of the B-29s based in Chengdu, China, as per the request of the Maj. Gen. Curtis LeMay (Harrison&Pape 222). They would also be joined by the 427th NFS following the end of Operation FRANTIC and the cancelation of any further deployments of USAAF bombers in the Soviet Union. While they were sent to defend the B-29 bases, they were soon found to be almost totally unnecessary, as there were little to no Japanese aircraft active after dark in the China-Burma-India Theater. Not long after their arrival in October, 1944, they would pivot almost entirely to an offensive role, and were mostly relieved of their defensive task to search for trains and truck convoys across the theater. Several aircraft were later modified to mount 4.5 inch rockets, as was the case for their counterparts in Europe (Harrison&Pape 215). They would be met with success, as the Japanese Army was reliant on a single network of roads that ran north to south, a single major rail line, and the Irrawaddy River to move men and material across the theater. Despite the massive patrol area, they could expect to find targets at these strategic bottlenecks (McFarland 40).
The challenges of operating in this theater largely mirrored those of the squadrons based in the Pacific, as supply lines were tight, the terrain proved difficult to construct airbases in, and the mountainous geography hampered the use of early warning radar. Fuel was particularly scarce and had to be shared with the B-29 squadrons based with them, which typically meant offensive operations were periodically called off when supplies of fuel ran out, as was a case for the 427th NFS’ detachment in China for the month of April 1945 (Harrison&Pape 236). The squadrons operated mostly dispersed across the theater as detachments, with the peak number of P-61s in the CBI being 53 in July of 1945. The number typically sat around 35 aircraft until June (Dean 386).
PTO: the 421st NFS
The P-61 was a godsend to the Pacific night fighter squadrons who had long been forced to rely on the inadequate P-70, and with the exception of a few field modified aircraft, radar-less P-38s. Starting from early 1944, the various night fighter squadrons in the PTO would begin receiving P-61s and phasing out their long obsolete P-70s. Unlike Europe or the Mediterranean, the operations in the Pacific would not proceed at the pace of a gradual frontline that needed to be supported but rather saw the NFS deployed to newly constructed airstrips in support of larger amphibious operations which were targeted by raiders. Conditions were poor and extremely hard on airmen and planes alike, which brought unique challenges unknown to those in the ETO. In the words of S/Sgt. Harold Cobb of the 421st NFS: “Night fighting is not glamorous, but it is specialized in every degree, especially in the seven-league-boots, island-hopping war in the Pacific. Pilots must be able to take off and land without strip lights and on fields which are so new that construction is still in progress and the Seabees are still working (Kolln 51).”
The 421st got its hands on the P-61 in April of 1944, while it was based in Wakde, New Guinea, the planes having originally been shipped to Brisbane, Australia. The impact of receiving the new planes would prove considerable, both boosting the morale of the unit and giving it a long-needed replacement for its P-70s. The overall mission of the 421st was largely the same as it was for the 6th Night Fighter squadron in Guadalcanal two years earlier, to defend against nightly nuisance raids from Japanese bombers. The Japanese had also largely improved from their earlier campaigns, as they began to seek targets of greater strategic importance which they attacked with a far greater frequency. The men of the 421st were among them and their bases at Wakde and Owi were attacked regularly, often causing casualties and destroying aircraft. These airfields being built on lightly colored ancient coral beds made them both extremely visible at night and made it extremely difficult to dig shelters (Kolln 48). The effects of high explosives were also magnified, as they propelled sharp fragments of coral through the air with every bombardment.
The squadron also faced the same challenges posed by tropical environments, often with little improvement over the conditions almost two years ago. The prepared airfields were often built under difficult circumstances and challenging geography. The Seabees often had to work with coral beds, wetlands, and jungles that proved time consuming to develop into usable airstrips, often leaving little time and resources for improving the living conditions at these airfields.
These conditions were also felt by the sensitive radar systems of the aircraft, especially the pressurized canisters which contained many of the system’s vital components. They had a tendency to depressurize, which resulted in electrical arcing at altitude, disabling the entire system. The 419th NFS had developed an improvised system where the electronics tanks were kept pressurized by engine-driven vacuum pumps, but it is unknown if this modification was ever taken up by any other squadrons (Harrison&Pape 149). Early models of the P-61A, which still had the plastic radome, also encountered trouble in the tropical heat and sun, as the nose of the aircraft would often soften and deform, which would impact the movement of the SCR 720’s scanner. In addition to the reflective white paint added to the nose, crews would fasten ‘sun shields’ while grounded to protect the radome in the tropical heat. As was the case with the European squadrons, supplies of replacement parts and aircraft were scarce, and in a unique twist in the Pacific, the improper packing of engines resulted in the loss of 400 R-2800s to corrosion. Combat readiness suffered as a result. The 421st considered it a ‘good day’ should six of their aircraft be operational during their operations from their later airbase at Tacloban (Harrison&Pape 241).
Conditions for the air and ground crews of the 421st were scarcely better. Harsh tropical weather, limited access to drinkable water, and disease were common in the South Pacific, with conditions only improving after redeployment to the Philippines. At Owi and Wakde, personnel had to overcome an outbreak of Typhus which claimed two, heatstroke which claimed one, and even Silicosis of the lungs which resulted in a single fatality. However, the base at Owi became perhaps the most livable thanks to the discovery of an artesian well near the unit’s bivouac area (Kolln 47,48).
Operations over New Guinea largely proceeded the same way as they had earlier, but with far greater success thanks to their new P-61s, which meant interceptions were comparatively easy, though new Japanese tactics would periodically disrupt their success. Perhaps the most surprising of these was the deployment of radar reflecting chaff from bombers as they made their way to and from their targets. The chaff were aluminum strips that reflected radar and presented on radar scopes as a single large ‘cloud’ that could obscure the positions of aircraft. In practice, the SCR 720 did not prove very vulnerable to chaff if the pilot had already been guided toward the target, as the air search radar proved powerful enough to burn through the interference. Far off ground-based radar stations would prove more vulnerable to it, especially older models (Kolln 55). The Japanese air force would also employ new tactics against the defenders. On August 5th, the Japanese sortied several fighters along with the typical high-altitude bombers. These aircraft were picked up on radar later than the bombers to which the night fighters had already been sent against. The Japanese fighters were, however, unable to inflict much damage and their tactics were soon understood by the defenders (Kolln 50). While the 421st NFS’ P-61s were largely part of the waning war in the South Pacific, their subsequent redeployment to the Philippines would place them in one of their most active theaters of the entire war.
Tacloban
The 421st was deployed to the airfield at Tacloban on October 31st, 1944 to provide nightly air cover for the amphibious operations in the Southern Philippines. The conditions were largely a repeat of those of the prior camps at Wakde and Owi, but the raids were far worse. What were once frequent occurrences became a daily fixture of the stay at Tacloban (Kolln 61). The airfield itself would also prove to be an extremely hazardous and ineffectual location to operate from, as would be the positions chosen for the GCI radars. Tacloban was extremely underdeveloped during the height of operations. It was without runway lights for fear they would attract Japanese bombers and the short, muddy airstrip was difficult for the heavy P-61 to operate from, with most landing attempts having to be repeated (Harrison&Pape 240). From their airfield, they were given a number of tasks which would include providing nightly air cover to invasion forces, escorting PT boats, convoy protection, and even conducting daylight patrols.
The Philippines would present a greater set of challenges to the 421st than New Guinea. For one, the aircraft and tactics used by the Japanese air forces were of a different nature entirely. While they previously worked mostly against occasional, small formations of bombers coming in at high altitudes, they now also fought against large numbers of fighters which flew continuous attacks, typically conducted at low altitudes. Coupled with poor GCI coverage of the area, the Ki-43s and A6Ms employed by the Japanese would prove an extremely difficult enemy to counter. The nightly attacks continued and many of the invasion planners became frustrated with the squadron’s inability to stop them entirely, eventually leading General Kenny to send much of the 421st to Peleliu, while the 541st Marine Air Squadron, equipped with the 565-5N, took their place at Tacloban. In the end, the 421st achieved seven kills during this time at Tacloban, and while this was a fairly significant level of success for the PTO, it was deemed unacceptable by the invasion planners (McFarland 37).
The reasons for this swap have long been debated, with claims ranging from the P-61 having insufficient range and loiter time, to the SCR-720 being unable to track more the more maneuverable Japanese fighters. In the end, however, the greatest problems faced by the squadron were its poor GCI support, its low number of serviceable aircraft which resulted from supply shortages, and the vulnerable, poorly suited airfield they had at Tacloban. The Marine night fighters who replaced them were credited with 23 kills, though most of these were during dawn or dusk missions. It does not appear that any technical failings of the P-61 were responsible for a perceived lack of performance, but rather, exceedingly poor operational conditions and biases held by the higher headquarters that placed the expectations of daylight fighters on the NFS 421st while not understanding how they would best be deployed or utilized (Kolln 72). Though most of the squadron had departed Tacloban, several planes and their associated personnel remained to ensure a smooth transition for the Marine aviators and to carry out their previous duties, though to a lesser degree.
The 421st would return at full strength to Tacloban in early January of 1945, after five weeks, and largely resumed the work they had been doing before they left. Most notably, this included the joint patrols with motor torpedo boats, especially the 7th PT boat squadron, which they had developed a good working relationship with. The P-61s would provide cover for the boats as they patrolled Surigao strait and the Ormac Bay area, with a squadron representative aboard to ensure smooth operation between the boats and their air cover (Kolln 75). Enemy air activity in the area had decreased significantly and once again took the form of periodic raids by bombers flying alone or in small formations.
The squadron would end the war at Ie Shima, Okinawa, in July of 1945. By this point, the Japanese armed forces were in a state of exhaustion but they were still capable of launching nuisance raids against front line positions and airfields, though the frequency of these raids was low and there were two other P-61 squadrons stationed in the area. This would also mark the beginning of the replacement period of the squadron’s P-61s for P-38Ms. The 421st would spend this time performing intruder missions against targets in Kyushu, Japan, with airfields tending to be the primary targets. In this role, they developed a bombing technique with their search radars, which would be used to measure the relative distance to the target, and in conjunction with the airspeed and altitude of the aircraft, a bomb release window could be worked out. Some pilots would even add marks on their windscreens as visual aids for the technique (Kolln 89). They were, however, unable to account for its effectiveness. There was little resistance to these raids as Japan had a comparatively underdeveloped night fighter service and their night fire control for their anti-aircraft artillery was little better.
With Japan facing famine and industrial breakdowns from the blockade, the prospect of a third atom bomb with more to follow, and their last hope for conditional surrender evaporating as the Soviet Union overran their mainland colonies, the war ended and the P-61’s wartime service came to an end.
Japanese Opponents
Despite being significantly less experienced with the use of ground based and airborne radars than the Germans, Japanese aviators and mission planners consistently demonstrated the ability to develop effective countermeasures and tactics to American night fighters. Japanese signals intelligence services would prove extremely effective and were able to determine the presence of enemy night fighters in areas without radar coverage by monitoring radio transmissions, and were even able to track the position of P-61s by their IFFs (Harrison&Pape 220, 319). They would also successfully employ chaff on a number of occasions, though to decreasing effect, as the US Army began to employ more advanced centimetric search radars that were less vulnerable to it. On Iwo Jima, for instance, raiders would typically use chaff roughly thirty miles out from the island and when they departed, which had the effect of blocking the older meter band SCR-270 and reducing the range of the centimetric SCR-527 (McFarland 39). In addition to this, they would also employ seaplanes to get the attention of night fighters, and once they had drawn them away from the raider’s target, they would land on the water’s surface or return home at low altitude (Thompson 71). This tactic appeared to have been used against the P-61s of the 421st while they were at Tacloban and to good effect, as the loiter time of the P-61 was rather low and they were often forced to return home after several of these non-encounters (Harrison&Pape 234).
In the Pacific, P-61s faced mostly medium and light bombers, though would face considerably more fighter aircraft as the war drew to a close. These aircraft employed a wider variety of tactics than those of the Luftwaffe, often to considerable success. However, they would still employ earlier tactics such as lone bomber, high altitude raids which were far less effective, as the P-61 did not have the difficulty the P-70 had in reaching high altitudes.
What they wanted but never got: The P-61C
The P-61C would be developed largely to fulfill the requests of most of the pilots who had flown P-61As and Bs. The design sought to add two major features, more powerful turbocharged engines to provide better high-altitude performance and a higher climb rate, and a set of air brakes. The air brakes would be designed by the AAF’s Wright Field staff in conjunction with Northrop. The design was first incorporated on a P-61A test aircraft, which was nearly lost after a portion of the air brake was sheared off the aircraft and nearly sent it out of control. The final design proved satisfactory and took the form of a two-part slotted panel with halves above and below either wing. These brakes also incorporated a novel system to reduce the asymmetric forces acting on the brakes. This worked by having the deployment of the lower set of brakes assisted by the raising of the top. The brake system exerted a counter force of roughly 1G when the aircraft was at high speed (Harrison&Pape 278, 281).
The engines would go through a considerably longer development period and were to be mounted on a new airframe. Initially, there was some debate on whether the engine should use either a two stage two speed supercharger, as the previous production models of the P-61 used, or a turbo supercharger. It was a new study under John M. Wild at Northrop that made the case for choosing the turbo charger, with his finding being agreed on by Wright Field’s Fighter Project Office. A CH5 turbo-supercharger was subsequently fitted to a P-61A for testing, the aircraft being redesignated the XP-61C. The XP-61C’s conversion was handled by Goodyear Aircraft out of Akron, Ohio, a firm that provided parts for Northrop. The aircraft was initially to be powered by the R-2800-77, though a production run could not be secured and a temporary installation of the R-2800-14’s were used in their place until the R-2800-73 was chosen for the production model. A parallel development that would later be designated the XP-61D made use of the R-2800-77. Cooling issues would bring an end to its development, with the P-61D being canceled as the P-61C entered production. The P-61C proved to be quite promising and a massive step above the previous models, with the aircraft’s service ceiling being raised to 41,000 ft (12497 m) and its maximum speed rising to 430 mph (692 km/h) (Harrison&Pape 279, 280). The P-61C would be the aircraft the test pilots had wanted from the outset, but would fail to make it into service fast enough to see combat.
Project Thunderstorm
While the P-61C arrived too late to take part in the Second World War, it would go on to make major contributions to meteorological research and aeronautical safety in the post-war Thunderstorm Project. The project began with the passing of the H.R. 164 bill in January of 1945, which authorized and directed the Weather Bureau to conduct a study on the causes and characteristics of thunderstorms for aviation safety. The bill would also authorize the appropriations needed for such a study and authorized the cooperation of other departments for assistance.
The finalized research plan called for a vertical stack of five aircraft to make passes through thunderstorms as they drifted over a network of meteorological recording stations in order to document the conditions within the storm. The Army Air Force would provide several P-61Cs and its derivative, the F-15A, for this purpose, as they were designed to withstand strong maneuvering loads and were judged strong enough to quite literally ‘weather the storm’ (Roscoe 26). These aircraft would be modified for the purpose, with wartime equipment being removed and meteorological research equipment installed in its place. The aircraft were prepared at NACA’s Langley Field with the equipment necessary to monitor turbulence and vertical air currents.
For the tests, the planes entered thunderstorms at altitude differences of five thousand feet, with the highest aircraft being at 25,000 ft (7620 m). No storms were avoided, no matter how violent. The project first began around Orlando, Florida in 1946, before later moving to Wilmington, Ohio the following year. These locations were chosen on the basis of the frequency of thunderstorms and the nearby Air Force installations which had the radars needed to support the project. The project would see the P-61s fly through 76 storms for 1362 fly-throughs, during which they collected vital data which would help pave the way for safer air travel during the post war civil aviation boom and were used to build a foundational study for thunderstorm research (Roscoe).
Pilot’s Remarks
Exhaustive tests were performed on the P-61 to determine its flight characteristics, and they were largely found to be in line with the earlier prototypes. Pilots were highly appreciative of its easy handling on takeoff and landing, along with its favorable stall characteristics. Its controls were effective up until stall condition, which itself only occurred after ample warning. Stalls themselves were relatively predictable and virtually always resulted in the nose dropping, with no tendency for either wing to drop, and no corrections being needed to prevent a roll (Dean 391).
In addition to its great stall characteristics, the P-61 would prove to be exceptionally maneuverable for a plane of its size and weight. However, given its size and with two heavy engines on the wings, its roll rate was rather poor. Tests found the aircraft could be put through all hard maneuvers save for outside loops, continuous inverted flight, spins, snap rolls, and vertical reversements. Pilot’s praise was given mostly for its extremely light controls even at high speeds, which was largely thanks to its unorthodox spoileron based lateral control system. Even at speeds of 400 mph IAS, fast aileron and spoileron movement could be affected with one finger on the control wheel, though controls were found to be ‘sloppier’ around 100 mph IAS. One pilot was so confident in the P-61’s maneuverability that he felt he could turn with the best of fighters and, in the case of the F6F, he would “be on his tail so fast it was incredible.” In addition to its maneuverability, its trimming characteristics were also very good, such that it was possible to trim the aircraft out for cruising on a single engine at 130 mph IAS. It should, however, be noted that despite this praise, pilots rated its maneuverability fair to poor, as it was compared to far lighter single engine fighters. Overall, the plane was rated very stable on all axes with good rudder and elevator effectiveness (Dean 388, 390).
The P-61 also boasted excellent dive and recovery characteristics, with the book limits being set around 430 mph IAS depending on the arrangement of the aircraft, or around Mach .70. Beyond these limits, buffeting and tuck-under would occur, but the aircraft also demonstrated the ability to exceed these limits by a fair margin. One pilot would claim that he had no problems at speeds of 450 to 475 mph IAS at around 10,000 to 15,000 ft. In this case, he had achieved a true airspeed of 599 mph at Mach .83 and returned within the specified limit envelope at 512 mph TAS, Mach .70, as he reached 10,000 ft. Typically, if buffeting did occur, it was advised to exit the dive by means of a gradual pullout and with high caution should external loads be carried. Another pilot would claim that buffeting would occur far in excess of the recommended dive speed limits. The P-61 would be rated good in respects to its dive acceleration, control forces, recovery characteristics, and be ranked 8 out of 11 US fighter types in the category best stability and control in a dive (Dean 389, 390). The engine limits within dives were 30 seconds at 3090 rpm.
The P-61 was, however, not without its faults, and the most criticized and frequently voiced issues were concerning its acceleration and climb rate. These sentiments were echoed in many tests, and were most notable in rating the aircraft for takeoff, where pilots soon found themselves climbing at a disappointing rate after reducing power. Even at combat-power, the aircraft could at most manage 2500 ft/m at an altitude of 5000 ft (Dean 381). In the concluding remarks to exhaustive tests, it was the most frequently voiced complaint. While it was true many test pilots judged the aircraft somewhat unfairly against lighter single engine fighters, even its most enthusiastic testimonies were typically accompanied with remarks regarding its acceleration and climb performance (Dean 393).
The cockpit drew mixed reactions, with the general feeling being that the layout was adequate but not ideal. While most felt the layout was fair, eight of twenty-one pilots felt the arrangement was “cluttered”, with another ten remarking that they felt the pilot was seated too far from the instrument panel. This group was so displeased with the arrangement that they ended up rating P-61’s cockpit 3rd in the category “worst cockpit”. While the layout of the cockpit remained divisive, virtually all of them were displeased by the restricted visibility caused by the canopy frame (Dean 392).
In terms of its weaponry and its stability as a firing platform, the P-61 was well rated. Equipped with four 20 mm AN/M2 cannons and up to four .50 cal AN/M2 machine guns, the P-61 was very well armed. Despite the lack of the turret on most P-61s, the aircraft’s armament was more or less equal to its contemporaries, the Mosquito NF and Ju 88G, which both carried an armament of four 20 mm cannons. Firing stability was also good, with only one out of fourteen test pilots finding it objectionable. However, problems with the turret would impact its usefulness, as early aircraft would experience intense buffeting on the tail surfaces when the guns were set to certain positions. This problem would later be solved and the turret reintroduced to the aircraft when it was redesigned and supply bottlenecks with the B-29 were resolved (Dean 393).
Overall, the P-61 would present an aircraft with mixed, but favorable characteristics. The aircraft would be superbly maneuverable and responsive for its size and presented excellent flight characteristics at high and low speeds. In contrast, pilots were not enthused over what they judged was a poor rate of climb and cockpit layout. The 481st Night Fighter Training Group would also go on to lodge complaints about poor cockpit visibility and short combat radius (Harrison&Pape 156). While the cockpit went unchanged, the relatively limited range, of only about 1000 miles, would be later brought above 1,800 miles with the use of external fuel tanks (Dean 382).
Construction of the P-61A and B
The wings of the P-61, except for the tips, used a fully cantilever riveted, stressed skin construction with two main spars. Each wing assembly was composed of an inner panel, an outer panel, and the wingtip. The inner panel contained the engine nacelle, two fuel tanks, and a section of the flaps. This portion was the largest wing section and was fitted to the crew nacelle by means of bathtub and lug type fittings at the end of the main spars. The front section also provided one of the main air intakes for the aircraft and an outboard for the oil tank. It was constructed in two parts, forward and aft sections.
The aft section was also built in two parts and it contained the wing flaps, spoilers, and ailerons. The section also contained an oil cooler and its associated exit shutter. There were six hydraulically actuated slotted flaps with a full deflection of 60 degrees. Relatively small ailerons were installed outboard of the flaps, which extended to the wing tips. To boost lateral control along with the ailerons, a series of spoilers were used and were found in trailing sections, ahead of the outer wing flaps. These were curved metal panels that extended from slots in the wings and were mechanically driven by the pilot’s control column along with the ailerons. Initially, there were also aileron and booster tabs fitted to the inboard end of the left ailerons, but these were removed on later models. The combined fuel capacity of the wing fuel tanks was 646 gallons (2445 liters).
The center fuselage was a semi-monocoque structure composed of transverse bulkheads and channel section frames, longerons at the upper and lower quarters, longitudinal bulb angle stringers, and stressed skin. It was attached to the wings by means of heavy forged fittings on both sides of the fuselage. This section contained the stations for the aircraft’s pilot, gunner, radio operator, the aircraft’s SCR-720 radar, fixed quadruple 20 mm armament, and the mechanically operated turret. The enclosures for the pilot and gunner positions were made from molded Lucite sheets and extruded metal framing, with forward sections protected by bullet resistant glass blocks. The radar nose cone was made of plexiglass on early models, before a switch to a less heat sensitive resin-impregnated fiberglass on later aircraft. The radio operator’s position was enclosed by a framework of Lucite in extruded metal frames, with a rear tail cone that was formed from two sheets of Lucite that had been cemented together and bolted to the rest of the framework. All positions had a seat with a metal pan, padded backs, safety belts, relief tubes, and hand fire extinguishers. The center fuselage was also fitted with armor plates to protect the crew and ammunition boxes. These were located behind the nose, ahead of the gunner, in front of the turret ammo boxes, and behind the radio operator. The standard crew layout on this aircraft was poor compared to contemporary night fighters. A failure of the intercom system left the aircraft combat ineffective, as each crewmember was isolated, the radar operator particularly so.
The tail booms were of a monocoque structure and connected the nacelle group to the tail group. They also housed components for communication, identification equipment, the flight control cables to the rudders, elevators, and tabs. They were connected to the nacelle groups, which were composed of a semi-monocoque structure. These carried the engine mounts, main landing gear, and fuel tanks. The engines were mounted from a built-up welded steel tube frame that was bolted to this nacelle through vibration isolators and the engine cowling panels. The cowling sections were removable in large sections and were attached to the engine by quickly-detachable fasteners to facilitate easier access to the engines. The adjustable flap segments were controlled from the cockpit and were hydro-mechanically actuated.
The tail section consisted of the horizontal stabilizer, the elevator, and two vertical stabilizers and was connected to the tail booms. The two tail sections were supported by two spanwise spars that ran through the horizontal stabilizer and had the vertical stabilizers at either end. The rudder and elevators were fabric skinned and had trim and booster tabs built into their trailing edges.
The aircraft had a tricycle landing gear arrangement, with its nose wheel housed in the center fuselage and the main gear in the nacelle group. Each main gear was supported by two steel castings which were bolted to either side of the inside of the nacelle. Landing gear loads would be handled by a shock strut which was connected to these castings by a pair of trunnions. When the gear was retracted, it was hinged on these trunnions at the castings by lockbolts which would be held in either the extended or retracted position by a mechanical latching mechanism.
Engines
The mid production P-61A and the P-61B were powered by a pair of 2000 hp class of the R-2800 Double Wasp engines. This was an air cooled, two row, eighteen-cylinder radial engine with a 5.57 inch bore and a 6-inch stroke. These engines had a maximum RPM of 2700 and a compression ratio of 6.7:1. The early A models used the R-2800-10, with the remainder of the series and the B models using the R-2800-65, both of which produced a maximum output of 2000 hp. The later R-2800-65W boosted this to 2250 using water injection, and the C used the R-2800-73 which produced 2800 hp. The A and B models were equipped with two-stage, two-speed superchargers, but the C used turbosuperchargers.
The exhaust system was a stainless-steel arrangement with the exhaust stacks distributed around the edges of the nacelle, making use of a flame dampening system used to reduce the visibility of the exhaust at night. The B model and the late A series aircraft were equipped with a water injection system. The first aircraft with this system carried 26 gallons (98 liters), good for 15 minutes, with later aircraft carrying 34 gallons (128 liters), which was enough for 20 minutes of use, though some aircraft would carry as much as 74 gallons (280 liters). Use of this system could boost engine power by up to 250 hp per engine, though only in short increments, with the suggested limit being five minutes at a time (Pilot’s manual 12). Engines with water injection were designated R-2800-65W.
The engines drove a pair of Curtiss Electric four blade constant speed, selective pitch, full-feathering propellers. The hubs were a pair of C642S with a set of 12-foot 2-inch diameter, 714-7C2-12 blades. Engine speeds between 1800 and 2300 RPM were restricted as a result of propeller vibration in that range. The props were capped by large metal spinners which enclosed the hubs and inboard prop sections.
Avionics
In addition to the SCR-720 search radar, the P-61 carried a well-developed electronics suite. This included an SCR 729 radio navigation system, an SCR 695 IFF, and an RC-36 intercom system. The P-61A and early B models were equipped with the SCR 718 radio altimeter, which was later replaced with the AN/AP1. Early models used a pair of SCR-522 radio sets which was simplified in later models by a single AN/ARC 3. In later aircraft, an AN/APS-13 tail warning radar set was also included. The navigation systems were also supplemented by a MN-26C radio compass with a MC-1206A range receiver.
The P-61’s SCR-720 air search radar was composed of six main units which were installed in a number of boxes throughout the aircraft. These were the modulator, the transmitter, the receiver, an indicator unit, the mixer, and the power supply unit. The modulator was a rotary spark gap, pressured type which produced a 4 kV pulse. The transmitter was magnetron regulated and installed in a pressurized unit. The mixer was a crystal mixer type with a soft rhumbatron switch valve. The receiver used a reflector klystron oscillator with automatic frequency control. The indicating unit used a two-tube range and azimuth elevation display set. The entire system was powered by a 1,200 watt, 115 volt, 1,600 cycle engine driven alternator (Survey 27).
Heaters
In addition to navigation, communication, and detection equipment, there were also considerable heating, cooling, and ventilation systems. On the P-61A, a series of fuel-air mixture heaters were used to provide heating for the cannons and to the crew through three ventilators. The B model decreased the number of heaters from four to just two heaters that were placed fore and aft.
Armament
The standard armament of most P-61s was a set of four fixed 20 mm Hispano AN/M2 cannons that were set in a compartment at the bottom of the central fuselage. 200 rounds of ammunition could be carried for each gun. Sighting for the gun consisted of the L-1 type gunsight on the P-61A and the LY-3N on the P-61B, with both being a reflector type lit by a sight lamp. From the B model onward, the aircraft would also carry a set of night binoculars which were a specialized gunsight for use in low light conditions.
While this aircraft is often known for its remotely controlled, quadruple .50 caliber turret, only about half of P-61s actually carried one. The turret’s machine guns were each supplied with 560 rounds, were fired simultaneously at a rate of about 800 rounds per minute, had a 360-degree traverse, and a maximum elevation of 90 degree upward from the horizontal. While the guns could be fired from any of the aircraft’s three positions, only the gunner and radio operator could direct the turret. For the pilot’s use, the guns would be locked forward by latching the turret and flipping the switch labeled “pilot” from either of the other two positions, though in the B model, the turret would automatically return to the guns forward position when not in use. The .50 caliber guns were typically fitted with flash concealing tubes in the field after pilots found it could interfere with their vision adjusted for low visibility flight. In service, the turret was almost always used by the pilot and very sparingly by the gunner against targets ahead of the aircraft. Pilots often found it unnerving to see the turret firing forward without warning from the gunner, as it could both ruin their low light vision and sometimes they misidentified the gunfire as coming from an enemy behind their aircraft. As a defensive armament, it was of little practical use, as the radar operator’s illuminated instruments screens degraded his low light vision. The turret was directed by a sighting arm which sat atop a rotating column with firing controls in the grips and fitted with an N-6 reflector sight.
Several models included wing racks which were capable of carrying additional fuel tanks or bombs with a maximum weight of 1600 pounds (725.75 kg). Field modifications on some aircraft allowed for the use of rockets. (Dean 393-404)
Conclusion
The P-61 was a somewhat troublesome, yet effective night fighter that proved to be a capable replacement for the useless P-70 and obsolescent Bristol Beaufighter. Most of its faults, apart from the poor layout of crew, were to be expected for such a sophisticated plane still in its ‘teething period’ and supported by a modest supply chain. In the space of roughly a year, which constituted its entire combat service, most of its faults were corrected or lessened.
The aircraft served admirably across the European, Mediterranean, China-Burma-India, and Pacific theaters. P-61 pilots would encounter a variety of opponents among the Japanese and German air forces, utilizing a variety of tactics and equipment. They would prove effective against all but a handful of these combinations. Surprisingly, despite never being designed with such a use in mind, the P-61 would prove exceptional in the ground attack role. It was among the few aircraft at the time capable of carrying out attacks at night, or in poor weather. In service its greatest danger was its limited material support. This scarcity of replacement aircraft and parts would hobble operations, but the resourcefulness of ground crews often kept their squadrons from being entirely grounded. In the end, the aircraft provided effective service during their somewhat short combat tour across much of the world, in the face of inadequate material support and, at times, extremely poor conditions.
While the P-61C would never see combat, it would perform a vital role in a foundational meteorological study. Despite never being used for its intended purpose, this variant’s legacy proved to be no less important.
Specifications and Production Numbers
Type
Number Built
First Delivery
Description
XP-61
2
May-42
First prototype series
YP-61/P-61
13
Aug-43
Second prototype series, pre production
P-61A-1
45
Oct-43
Power turrets installed in first 37 planes, first production model
P-61A-5
35
–
Turret removed, R-2800-10 engine changed to R-2800-65
P-61A-10
100
–
Water injection system added
P-61A-11
20
–
Two underwing racks
P-61B-1,2,5,6,11
155
Jul-44
Extended nose, wing racks on 2,6, and 11
P-61B-10
45
–
Four underwing racks
P-61B-15,16,20,25
250
–
Turret revised and reintroduced with two and four gun versions, wing racks (two on the -16), radar gun laying on -25 with seven built
Prototype daylight fighter, 2 crew, bubble canopy, turret removed, increased fuel capacity, no radar, four nose mounted .50 caliber guns, developed from P-61B.
XP-61G
16 converted airframes
1945
P-61B-20 modified for weather recon, unarmed
All airframes were built at Northrop’s plant in Hawthorne, California
Specifications
P-61A
P-61B
P-61C
Engine
R-2800-10, R-2800-65, R-2800-65W
R-2800-65W
R-2800-73
Maximum Engine Output [boosted]
2000 hp [2250 hp]
2000 hp [2250 hp]
2800 hp
Maximum Weight
29249 lbs
39056 lbs
41138 lbs
Standard Fighter Weight
28202 lbs
29876 lbs
30068 lbs
Empty Weight
23158 lbs
24413 lbs
26418 lbs
Range [maximum external fuel]
~1000 miles [+1800 miles]
~1000 miles [+1800 miles]
–
Maximum Speed
366 mph at 20,000 ft
366 mph at 20,000 ft
430 mph at 30,000ft
Armament [turret]
4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x .50 cal AN/M2]
4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x .50 cal AN/M2]
4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x .50 cal AN/M2]
Crew
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Length
48′ 11″
49’7″
49’7″
Wingspan
66′
66′
66′
Wing Area
664ft²
664ft²
664ft²
Specification
P-61A
P-61B
P-61C
Engine {P-61}
R-2800-10, R-2800-65, R-2800-65W
R-2800-65W
R-2800-73
Maximum Engine Output [boosted]
2000hp [2250 hp]
2000hp [2250 hp]
2800 hp
Maximum weight
13267 kg
17715 kg
18660 kg
Standard fighter weight
12792 kg
13552 kg
13639 kg
Empty Weight
10504 kg
11074 kg
11983 kg
Range [maximum external fuel]
~1609 km [~2897 km]
~1609 km [~2897 km]
–
Maximum speed
590 km/h at 6 km
590 km/h at 6 km
692 km/h at 9144 m
Armament [turret]
4x20mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x 12.7mm AN/M2]
4x20mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x 12.7mm AN/M2]
4x20mm AN/M2 [4x 12.7mm AN/M2]
Crew
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Pilot, gunner, radar operator
Length
14.91 m
15.11 m
15.11 m
Wingspan
20.12 m
20.12 m
20.12 m
Wing Area
61.69 m²
61.69 m²
61.69 m²
Cruising Speeds for the P-61A&B at 28,500lbs (12927 kg)
Ashkenas, I L. The Development of a Lateral Control System for Use with Large Span Flaps. No. 1015. NACA, 1946.
Pilot’s Flight Operating Instructions Army Model P-61A Airplane. (T. O. NO. 01-15FB-1). Commanding General, Army Air forces. January 15, 1944.
Pilot Training Manual for the Black Widow P-61. Office of Assistant Chief of Air Staff Training. 1944
Handbook of Operating Instructions for Radio Set SCR-720-A and Radio Set SCR-720-B. AN 08-10-181. Joint authority of the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, and the Commanding General, Army Service Force. (1943).
Northrop P61 Black Widow Pilot’s Flight Operating instructions. T.O No. AN 02-35VC-3. USAF, July 1945
Introduction Survey of Radar Part II. Air Publication 1093D Volume 1 First Edition. Air Ministry, June 1946.
Secondary Sources:
Boiten, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 1944 Part Four. Surrey: Red Kite, 2021.
Boiten, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 1944 Part Five. Surrey: Red Kite, 2021.
Braham, Roscoe R. “Thunderstorms and the Thunderstorm Project”
Brown, Louis. Technical and Military Imperatives: a Radar History of World War II. Taylor & Francis, 1999.
Dean, Francis H. America’s Hundred Thousand: the US Production Fighter Aircraft of World War II. Schiffer Publ., 1997.
Kolln, Jeff. The 421st Night Fighter Squadron in World War II. Schiffer Pub., 2001.
McFarland, Stephen Lee. The U.S. Army Air Forces in World War II: Conquering the Night: Army Air Forces Night Fighters at War. Air Force History and Museums Program, 1998.
Pape, Garry R., and Ronald C. Harrison. Queen of the Midnight Skies: the Story of America’s Air Force Night Fighters. Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 1992.
Price, Alfred. Instruments of Darkness: the History of Electronic Warfare. Greenhill, 2005.
Thompson, Warren E. P-61 Black Widow Units of World War 2. Osprey, 1998.
“WW2 People’s War – Reg EVERSON’S STORY.” BBC. BBC. Accessed August 1, 2021. https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/26/a3130426.shtml.
Nazi Germany (1944)
Parasite Interceptor – None Built
The Sombold So 344 was a highly specialized interceptor designed by Heinz G. Sombold to attack Allied bomber formations over Germany in 1944. The way the aircraft would attack, however, would be extremely unconventional. Being deployed from a bomber mothership, the So 344 would fly towards an approaching bomber formation and launch its entire nose cone, which was a 400 kg (882 Ib) rocket, at the enemy bombers in an attempt to destroy as many as possible. From there, the So 344 could either attack the remaining bombers or return to base and land on a skid. Work went as far as wind tunnel models for the aircraft but none would be built.
History
Towards the end of the Second World War, Germany found itself at odds on an almost daily basis against the threat of Allied bombers. While pre-existing aircraft were used to defend Germany from this threat, more and more proposals for aircraft designed to deal with enemy bombers began to emerge. A number of these projects would use extremely unorthodox or downright strange methods to attempt to destroy enemy bombers. These ranged from carrying specialized weapons to even ramming the bomber. These projects were often small in design and were made of widely available materials, like wood, to save on production costs, reserving the more important material for mainline aircraft. An aircraft produced in small numbers that followed this formula was the Bachem Ba 349 “Natter”. Although not used operationally, the Ba 349 was a small bomber interceptor that would not require an airstrip to take off. Instead, it would be launched vertically from a launch rail. After taking off, the Ba 349 would approach the Allied bombers and attack them with a salvo of rockets in the nose. With its ammo depleted, the pilot would then eject from the aircraft, with the aircraft’s engine section parachuting down and being recovered for reuse. The nose would break off for the pilot to deploy the rockets under the cone. The Ba 349 is the most well known of these projects, but many would never leave the drawing board. Many of these aircraft designs were created by large companies but a handful came from individual engineers. One such design, the Sombold So 344, would approach the destruction of enemy bombers in an entirely different, almost ludicrous way.
The Sombold So 344 was the idea of Heinz G. Sombold of the Bley Ingenieurbüro (Engineering Office). Bley Segelflugzeug was a sailplane manufacturer located in Naumburg, Germany. During the 1930s, they became popular for their various sailplane designs, like the Kormoran and Motor-Kondor designs. Heinz G. Sombold was an engineer at Bley. He began working on the So 344 in late 1943 and his aircraft incorporated many features of the sailplanes built by the company. At the time, the craft was only designed as a parasite escort fighter and armed with two machine guns. On January 22nd of 1944 however, Sombold would drastically change the design and purpose of the aircraft. From here, the aircraft would be designed for the destruction of enemy bombers. To fit this new role, it would use a very unorthodox weapon. The nosecone of the So 344 was a rocket filled with 400 kg (880 Ib) of explosives that could be launched by the pilot at enemy aircraft. Sombold envisioned his aircraft using its nosecone rocket against close formations of bombers, where multiple aircraft could be destroyed with one well placed explosive. American bombers would often fly in combat box formations, where the bombers would fly close together to maximize the defensive capabilities of their guns. This allowed the bombers to have ample protection from enemy interceptors, as the approaching craft would come under fire from most of the aircraft in said formation. There were earlier weapons deployed by the Germans to try and damage the closely packed formations, like the BR 21, but none would be as huge a payload as the Sombold’s nose rocket.
Design work on the So 344 continued through 1944, even going as far as having a ⅕ scale wind tunnel model being made and tested at the Bley facility. By 1945, work on the project was cut off, as the Bley facility had to be abandoned due to the encroaching warfront. No further work was done on the Sombold So 344 and Sombold’s fate is unknown. No other designs by Sombold are known to have existed. The 344 designation was later used for the Ruhrstahl X-4, or RK 344, air-to-air missile system.
A photo has circulated in several books, as well online, that claims a nosecone of the So 344 was built and discovered by the Allies at the end of the war. However, this photo actually depicts the nose section of a Wasserfall surface-to-air missile. The nose of the Wasserfall easily could be confused for that of the Sombold’s, as its shape is semi-similar and both have four stabilizing fins. No So 344 was built.
Design
The Sombold So 344 was a single man special attack aircraft. It was to have a short, tubular body of wooden construction. For ease of transport, the aircraft could be split into two sections. The cockpit would be located at the rear of the body, directly in front of the vertical stabilizer. The aircraft would have conventional control surfaces on its wings and stabilizers. At the ends of the horizontal stabilizers were two angled vertical stabilizers. The wings would be mid-set. For its powerplant, the So 344 would use a Walter 509 bi-fuel rocket engine. To conserve fuel, the aircraft would be deployed via bomber mothership. Once deployed, it would have around 25 minutes of fuel. To land, the So 344 would have a rounded ski built into the body, similar to how the sailplanes Bley created would land.
For its main armament, the So 344 had a massive unguided rocket as its nose cone. The nose would contain 880 Ibs (400 kg) of explosive Acetol. The rocket was triggered via a proximity fuse. For stabilization, four fins would be placed on the nose. Additionally, the So 344 would have two forward machineguns to either defend itself or attack other bombers once its payload was released.
Operations
The So 344 would be carried to an approaching bomber formation via a modified bomber mothership. Once deployed, the aircraft would move in an arc towards the bombers, coming in downwards at them from at least 3,300 ft (1,000 m) above. This height would protect the So 344 from defensive fire during its dive. When the aircraft was lined up with a group of bombers, the pilot would launch the nosecone into the middle of the formation. Given the close proximity of the bombers in formation and the explosive threshold of the nosecone, it was predicted the resulting explosion would be able to take down several bombers in one attack. After launching its nosecone, the So 344 would have some fuel left and could continue to attack the remaining bombers with two machine guns on the aircraft. When fuel was low, the aircraft would return to base via gliding, like the Messerschmitt Me 163B rocket interceptor. Once near an airfield, it used a large ski to land.
Conclusion
The So 344 was a very strange way of approaching the bomber problem over Germany late in the war. The logic behind it was not too far fetched. The aforementioned Ba 349 Natter followed a similar attack plan, approaching the bombers and firing off a salvo of rockets before the pilot bailed from the craft. A project like the So 344 was not new to Germany by that point in the war and, like most of its contemporary designs, was not produced.
Had it been produced, the So 344 would have been a very niche aircraft. The fact that the aircraft had a single shot from its rocket payload made accuracy extremely important. The aircraft also would have been a prime target for Allied escort fighters once it ran out of fuel. A bomber would also need to be modified to carry the So 344 and would be a prime target for the escort fighters once the attacker was launched. The nature of the aircraft has led it to wrongly be named a “suicide attacker” by many postwar books on the subject. In some instances, the craft is also incorrectly listed as being a ramming aircraft. It is likely the aircraft would not have impacted the war very much.
Variants
Sombold So 344 (1943)– Original planned fighter version. Armed with two machine guns or heavier armament. None were built
Sombold So 344 (1944)– The Sombold So 344 attack aircraft. Armed with a nosecone rocket which would be fired at enemy bomber formations. None were built.
Operators
Nazi Germany – The Sombold So 344 was designed for the Luftwaffe to use against Allied bombers over Germany. None of the type would be built.
Sombold So 344 Specifications
Wingspan
18 ft 8 in / 5.7 m
Length
22 ft 11 in / 7 m
Height
7 ft 1 in / 2.2 m
Wing Area
64.58 ft² / 6 m²
Engine
Walter 509 Bifuel rocket engine
Weight
2,976 Ib / 1,350 kg
Flight Time
25 minutes
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
2x machine guns
1x 880 Ib (400 kg) Nose Rocket
Gallery
Video
Credits
Article by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. and Stan L.
Illustration by Ed Jackson
Herwig, D. & Rode, H. (2003). Luftwaffe Secret Projects: Ground Attack & Special Purpose Aircraft. Hinckley, England: Midland Pub.
Nazi Germany (1944)
Jet Fighter – 1 Incomplete Prototype Built
During the war, German scientists and engineers managed to develop and build a number of jet powered aircraft, several of which went on to see combat. What is generally less known are the large number of experimental jets that were proposed and prototyped. These designs utilized a great variety of engines, airframes, and weapons. One of these unfinished projects was the Messerschmitt P.1101 jet fighter.
Need for a New Jet Fighter
During the war, the Germans introduced the Me 262, which had the honor of being the first operational jet fighter in the world. While it provided better performance than ordinary piston powered aircraft, it was far from perfect. The greatest issues were that it was expensive to build, required two jet engines, and could not be built in sufficient numbers. The German Air Ministry (Reichsluftfahrtministerium; RLM) wanted a much simpler and cheaper design powered by a single engine. They issued a competition for a new jet fighter ,code named 1-TL-Jäger, during July 1944 for all available aircraft manufacturers. Some of the requirements listed were that it would be a single seater, have a maximum speed of 1000 km/h (620 mph), an endurance of at least one hour, armor protection for the pilot, make use of the Heinkel HeS 011 engine, and had an armament that had at least two 30 mm (1.18 in) MK 108 cannons. During a meeting with the leading German aircraft manufacturers held in September 1944, Messerschmitt presented the P.1101designed by Waldemar Voight.
The Messerschmitt P.1101 Development History
Messerschmitt’s engineers and designers began working on designing a single engined jet aircraft at the start of 1943. Two projects, P.1092 and P.1095, were both powered by a single Jumo 004 jet engine, but, as the Me 262 was entering full production, their development was largely suspended. These projects were shelved until the RLM competition in 1944. Seeing a new opportunity, Messerschmitt presented drawings of a new project named P.1011, which was influenced by the previous projects. It had an all-metal fuselage construction and was powered by one HeS 011 engine with the air intakes placed on the wing’s roots. It also had a V-tail.
Following the meeting with the RLM officials in September, some changes were made to the P.1101’s overall design. Instead of two air intakes, a single one in the nose was to be used. This also necessitated the redesigning of the cockpit, which was moved back. In addition, the rear V-tail was replaced with a standard fin design. At this early stage, the possibilities of using this aircraft for other purposes were still being explored. Beside the standard fighter, other roles which were considered were night fighter and interceptor. On 10th November, the owner of the company, Willy Messerschmitt, issued orders to begin working on the first experimental prototype. To speed up the developing time, it was proposed to reuse the already produced components of the Me 262. The Me 262 fuselage, wings design and construction were to be copied.
End of the Project
The P.1101 prototype was only partially completed in early 1945. It appears that, despite Messerschmitt’s attempts to complete this project, the RLM simply lost interest. Messerschmitt’s other projects, like the P.1110 and P.1111, showed greater potential than the P.1101. This, together with the fact that the promised engine never arrived, meant that the single incomplete prototype was put into storage at the Messerschmitt Oberammergau research center. It remained there until the war’s end, when it was captured by American forces.
Technical Characteristics
The P.1101 was a single seater, jet engine-powered mixed construction fighter. The lower parts of the all-metal fuselage were designed to house the jet engine. In the front of the fuselage, a round shaped intake was placed. To the rear, the fuselage was additionally reinforced to avoid any damage due to the heat of the jet exhaust. The underside of the fuselage was to have a skid to help better land during an emergency.
While it was originally intended to be powered by the HeS 011 engine, the power plant was never supplied and the Jumo 004B was to be used as a replacement. The main fuel tank, with a capacity of 1,100 liters (290 gallons), was placed just behind the cockpit. Only a mock-up engine was ever installed in this aircraft, so it was never tested properly, even on the ground. Due to this, it is unknown what the P.1101’s overall flight performance would have been. Some sources give rough estimates, such as that it could have reached 890 km/h (550 mph) at sea level and up to 980 km/h (610 mph) at higher altitudes. Of course, these are only estimations contingent on the fact that the plane had no other problems during operational flight. In addition the general ability to test flight characteristics in the transonic-supersonic range were extremely crude at this point.
The wing’s were made of wood materials. The prototype would have a completely innovative feature, namely the sweep angle of the wings could be adjusted at different angles ranging between 35° and 45°. The rear vertical and horizontal tail assembly was also made of wood.
The P.1101 had a retracting tricycle-type landing gear. It consisted of one forward mounted and two mid-fuselage wheels. All three retracted rearwards into the fuselage. The cockpit had a round shaped canopy with good all around vision.
The basic armament configuration consisted of two MK 108 cannons with 100 rounds each. These were placed in the front lower part of the fuselage. There were proposals to increase the firepower by adding two more MK 108 cannons, and the use of experimental air-to-air missiles was also considered. As the prototype aircraft was built to test overall flight performance, no armament was ever installed.
In American Hands
Advancing American soldiers reached the Messerschmitt Oberammergau base during April (or May) 1945. The single P.1101 was found there and, for some time, left open to the elements. The Bell Aircraft Chief Designer Robert Woods came to know of the existence of this aircraft. Once he had a chance to examine it, he organized for it to be shipped back to America for further study. It would be restored and used as testing mock up aircraft. The Bell aircraft design bureau paid great interest to the variable wing design. Working from the P.1101, they would eventually develop the Bell X-5, one of the first operational aircraft that could change the position of its wings during flight.
Conclusion
While incorporating the innovative feature of variable swept wings, the P.1101 was another victim of the chaotic state Germany was in at the end of war. Whether this aircraft could have performed its role is unknown, and while it never flew for the Germans, it helped the Americans develop the Bell X-5 after the war which incorporated the same variable wing design.
P. 1101 Specifications
Wingspans
27 ft / 8.24 m
Length
30 ft 1 in / 9.13 m
Height
9 ft 18 in / 2.8 m
Wing Area
170 ft² / 15.8 m²
Engine
One Jumo 004B or one HeS 011
Empty Weight
5,725 lbs/ 2,600 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
8,950 lbs / 4,060 kg
Fuel Capacity
1,100 l / 290 Gallons
Estimated Maximum Speed
610 mph / 980 km/h
Estimated Cruising speed
550 mph / 890 km/h
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
Two 108 MK cannons
Credits
Article by Marko P.
Edited by Stan L. and Henry H.
Illustrated by Carpaticus
D. Nešić, (2008). Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday. (2006). The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft Of World War II, Bounty Books.
D. Sharp (2015) Luftwaffe Secret Jets of the Third Reich, Mortons Media Group
M. Griehl (2012) X-Planes, Frontline Books
R. Ford (2000) German Secret Weapons of World War Two, MBI Publishing
Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009) Aircraft of the Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland and Company
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
The Macchi M.C. 200 ‘Saetta’ (Lightning) was a fighter aircraft developed by Aeronautica Macchi (AerMacchi) of Italy around the mid-1930s, resulting in one of the most produced and used aircraft of the Regia Aeronautica (Italian Royal Air Force) during the Second World War. It yielded good results on all fronts where the Italian forces operated, from the hot and dusty desert of North Africa, to the cold and snowy Russian steppes.
After 8th September 1943, both the Luftwaffe and Aeronautica Nazionale Repubblicana (Eng: Italian National Air Force) on the Axis side, and the Aeronautica Cobaelligerante Italiana (Eng: Italian Co-belligerent Air Force) on the Allied side used the surviving aircraft.
After the war, the Aeronautica Militare (Eng: Italian Military Air Force) used the few Macchi 200 that were still functioning for another two years, until 1947, for training tasks.
Development
Before the Macchi 200, the Regia Aeronautica was equipped with fighter biplanes, such as the FIAT C.R. 30 and C.R. 32, which were considered among the best biplanes produced in Europe at the time.
During the early 1930s the Regia Aeronautica had in service some of the best biplanes of the world, not for nothing it was considered one of the best air forces in the world, with records in both civilian and military spheres.
In the mid-30s it became clear to the Italians that the biplane configuration was more than outdated and they needed new, state-of-the-art, low-wing, all-metal monoplane aircraft, and, only one year after the biplane FIAT C.R. 32 appeared in 1935, the leaders of the Royal Air Force issued a request for a new aircraft.
On 10th February 1936, the Direzione Generale Costruzioni Aeronautiche or DGCA ( General Directorate of Aeronautical Construction) requested the development of a low-wing monoplane ground interceptor fighter with retractable landing gear. The maximum speed was to be 500 km/h (310 mph), with a range of 2 hours, and a climb rate of 6,000 meters (19,685 ft) in 5 minutes. The requested armament was to be composed of one or two 12.7 mm (.50 in) machine guns, the engine had to be the FIAT A.74 radial with an entirely metal fuselage.
The largest aeronautical companies in Italy responded to this order. Aeronautica Macchi presented the Macchi M.C. 200, FIAT Aeronautica, a subsidiary of FIAT, had the FIAT G.50, Aeronautica Umbra S.A. (AUSA) had the AUSA AUT 18, Caproni the Caproni Vizzola F.5 and Industrie Meccaniche Aeronautiche Meridionali (IMAM) had the IMAM Ro. 51.
In 1938, Officine Meccaniche Reggiane also responded to the request by presenting the Reggiane Re. 2000 which did not see great success, however it was used to develop the more powerful Re. 2001 and Re. 2002.
Two winning projects were chosen. The Macchi M.C. 200 was found to have excellent flying characteristics, meeting most requirements that were stipulated in the original request. The FIAT G.50 was not as highly praised, but still accepted into service. The prototypes of both aircraft first flew in 1937, and both would enter service in 1939.
The Macchi MC 200 was designed by a team of engineers led by Mario Castoldi (1888-1968), a successful designer who had already worked on the Macchi M. 39 and M.C. 72, the latter still holding the speed record for a seaplane powered by a non-standard engine.
The initials M.C. stood for Macchi-Castoldi to emphasize the prestige that the company gave to its chief engineer.
Prototypes
Hastily produced, the prototype, with serial number MM. 336 (Matricola Militare; Military Serial Number), flew for the first time on 24th December 1937 from the Lonate Pozzolo runway, piloted by test pilot Giuseppe Burei that I judge the driving of the aircraft positively. Due to Burei’s untimely death during a flight test of the seaplane Macchi M.C.94, the subsequent test flights of the first prototype were conducted by Ambrogio Colombo.
On March 1st, 1938, Colombo was asked to impress the ministerial commission composed of General Ferdinando Raffaelli, Lieutenant Colonel Torre and Major Lippi. The reason for this request was simple. Macchi was late with developing the aircraft. FIAT and IMAM had already completed test flights months before, and there was a risk that the Macchi fighter would not be taken into consideration by the Regia Aeronautica.
During the exhibition flight for the commission, Ambrogio Colombo performed 38 exercises with the prototype fully loaded and at an altitude of 3,300 meters (10,827 ft).
There were no major differences between the first and second prototypes apart from a few small details, such as a one-piece rear canopy, anti-rollover structure and shorter exhaust pipes.
On 11th June 1938, during the test flights at the Guidonia runway with the 1° Centro Sperimentale Aviazione (1st Experimental Aviation Center), the body responsible for evaluating aircraft for the Regia Aeronautica, it was found that the aircraft tended to flipping if turns were too tight, with consequent loss of control (in 1940, two pilots of the 1st Wing, Lieutenant Tinti and Sergeant Major De Bernardinis, were killed during training on 1st March and in May due to this problem).
Mario Castoldi immediately began to design new wings to solve the problem (which was common to all the monoplanes presented for the competition), a solution that would take an excessive amount of time to design and implement.
Engineer Sergio Stefanutti of the Società Aeronautica Italiana Ambrosini (another Italian aeronautical company), was commissioned by the Experimental Aviation Center to find the cause of the Macchi’s control problems, solved the problem more simply, by gluing layers of balsa wood on the center and ends of the wings. Castoldi did not waste time, and the new wings were then mounted on the successor of the ‘Saetta’, the Macchi M.C. 202.
Around 1941, some Seattas of the 1st Fighter Wing, belonging to the first production series, were withdrawn from first line service due to the problems with the defective wing profile.
With this problem corrected, the Macchi M.C. 200 proved to be a reliable, manageable aircraft. Despite the radial engine, it still had enough speed to compete with the Hawker Hurricane, which it bested in combat maneuverability, but was outmatched in firepower. As the war went on, the Saetta’s maneuverability, sturdy construction, and the reliability of the radial engine were the fighter’s only remaining strengths.. Primarily thanks to the experience of the pilots did the type manage to obtain some aerial victories.
The prototype serial number MM 336 remained in the Breda factory for a period of time, and was then returned to Macchi on 23rd August 1940, where it was left in disrepair. Due to the lack of engines caused by the war, at an unknown date, the MM 336’s engine was disassembled and mounted on the Macchi M.C. 200 serial number MM 8836. The prototype, without the engine, returned to Varese in September 1942 and from there, nothing more is known about it.
The second prototype was used for camouflage tests after the conclusion of flight tests, before being overhauled and sent to Rimini.
Structure
The structure of the MC 200 was entirely metal, a big step forward for the Italian aircraft industry at the time. The only other Italian aircraft with an all-metal structure before the MC 200 was the Breda Ba. 27, of which only 14 units were produced and otherwise remained at the prototype stage, along with the competing FIAT G. 50.
The new fuselage turned out to be quite robust, but was heavier, and let to longer production times It was made of molded duralumin and was covered with super avional plates (a special duralumin alloy) riveted with countersunk-head rivets, reducing aerodynamic drag.
Like the fuselage, the wings, mounted on the lower part of the fuselage, were also a single structure consisting of two spars with ailerons and ventral flaps. The whole wing structure was made of duralumin, apart from the ailerons, which retained the doped and painted canvas.
The prototype Macchi prototypes were equipped with a constant airfoil that increased the speed by a few kilometers per hour but caused autorotation problems which risked making the aircraft impossible to maneuver with the risk that the pilot could not even parachute out. On the production models, this was replaced by a variable airfoil.
Cockpit
The cockpit had a single hand-control column. On the left side was the throttle, along with the controls for take-off and the flaps controls. The instrument panel had a gyroscope, speedometer, altimeter and other basic instruments for flight and an onboard ammunition gauge that ran up to 650 rounds per weapon. In the center of the instrument panel was the compass with a San Giorgio collimator located just above, for aiming the onboard armament.
On the first series of the Macchi MC 200, the windshield was a 5 centimeter (1.96 in) thick piece of glass, and the steel pilot’s seat had a thickness of about 3 centimeters (1.18 in) to protect the pilot. Behind the seat were oxygen cylinders, and those of the fire extinguishing system. The ARC 1 radio system and its batteries were located in front of the cockpit.
From the 26th Macchi MC 200 produced onward, a new tubular roll bar was introduced behind the armored seat. This was meant to protect the pilot if the plane landed inverted. It is not clear whether this was introduced after an accident or as a precaution. However, from the 3rd Series onward, this feature was again eliminated, the cockpit was open and unpressurized, and the rear canopy, no longer made of glass, was reinforced to act as the anti-roll structure.
The semi enclosed cockpit was introduced in August 1941, starting from the 12th aircraft of the 5th production series of Macchi and starting from the 65th aircraft of the 1st production series of Breda.
In the late production versions, an antenna fixed to the back of the canopy was added. This reduced the reception problems of the onboard radio.
Landing Gear
There were several types of landing gear covers used on the Macchi MC 200. On the first prototypes, the landing gear door completely covered the strut and the wheel. During landing, the lowest part was raised to avoid hitting the ground. This version was very complex to manage, and in case of malfunction the landing gear would break. Often the planes were forced to take off on makeshift runways on lawns, in case of malfunction the cover, due to the speed, would be stuck in the ground causing the breakage of the strut or worse, that the plane would fall on one side leading to the total destruction of the fuselage and wings.
The models of the first series adopted a different type of outer landing gear doors, with a small inner gear door at the wing attachment points.
The rear wheel on the first 146 examples was retractable, which slightly increased top speed but slowed production. In addition, during firefights, enemy fire could damage the mechanism that lowered and raised the wheel, leading to the risk that it would not come out during landing.
The tires were of the FAST type, produced by Pirelli of Milan. The dimensions of the front ones were 236 x 85 x 79 inches, while the rear wheel model had the Spiga type, also made by Pirelli, which was 82 x 31 inches.
Engine
The M.C.200 engine was the radial two-row FIAT Aeronautica 74 RC 38 ‘Ciclone’ ( Cyclone). It had 14 cylinders and was air-cooled, with a displacement of 31.25 liters (1,907 in³).
It had been developed by Engineer Tranquillo Zerbi and Professor Antonio Fessia based on the American Pratt & Whitney R-1535. The 600 kg (1,322 lbs) engine delivered a take-off power of 870 hp at 2,500 rpm, 840 hp at 2,400 rpm at an altitude of 3,800 meters (12,467 ft), and a maximum power of 960 hp at 3,000 rpm, which could only be maintained for short periods.
This engine guaranteed a maximum speed of 503 km/h (313 m/h) at 4,500 meters (14,763 ft). Its low fuel consumption also guaranteed a range of 570 km (354 miles) with two fuel tanks, one in the wings and the other under the cockpit, and a third auxiliary tank behind the pilot’s seat. In total, there were 313 liters (82.6 US gallons) of fuel. This could be extended to 870 km (540 miles) with an external tank of 450 liters (118 US gallon), at an average speed of 465 km/h (288 m/h) at an average height of 6,000 meters (16,685 ft) . Its climb rate was 6,000 meters in 7 minutes and 33 seconds.
This engine, despite being outdated in performance and power compared to the most contemporary modern in-line engines of the war, was appreciated by pilots and technicians for its simplicity, ease of maintenance and ease of operation. This was true even in unsuitable climates, such as the deserts of North Africa and the freezing Russian steppes. However, there were problems with the carburetors that had quality issues in addition to not being suitable for such extreme climates.
The engine cowling featured “bubbles” that protected the rocker arms of the cylinders.
This allowed a decrease of the diameter of the cowling, increasing visibility compared to the G. 50, which was equipped with the same engine.
In June 1940, all Fiat A.74 engines, produced under license by Reggiane, were replaced due to failures that brought oil temperatures to dangerous levels after an inspection by a captain of the Aeronautical Engineers and an engineer of the company.
In the first series, the cockpit was equipped with a fully enclosed canopy, which was prone to several problems. Over time, the glass became opaque which affected visibility, and it was also difficult to open above a certain airspeed, so it was opted to go for an open cockpit with only frontal protection.
The new fighters were required to have variable pitch propellers. On the two prototypes, and on the first 25 specimens produced, the propeller was the three-blade FIAT-Hamilton 34D-1. The first 25 production planes were equipped with an aerodynamic spinner to protect the propeller hub but. From the 26th plane onwards, the Piaggio P. 1001 propeller, designed by Castoldi himself, was mounted with the spinner removed. In both cases, the propellers had a diameter of 3.05 meters.
Armament
The armament consisted of two 12.7 mm (.50 in) Breda-SAFAT machine guns positioned on the engine cowling and synchronized with the propeller. They weighed 29 kg (64 lbs) each and were fed with two 370-round 12.7 x 81 mm SR Breda belts. This ammunition developed from British Vickers .5 V/565 Semi-Rimmed round.
There were various types of bullets produced by the Società Italiana Ernesto Breda per Costruzioni Meccaniche and by the Società Anonima Fabbrica Armi Torino (SAFAT). In addition to the classic full metal jacket bullet, the weapon could fire ammunition produced in Italy of the following types: tracer, perforating, explosive-incendiary, and explosive-incendiary-tracer (or multi-effect).
On average, these bullets weighed 34 grams each, for a total of 25.160 kilograms (55.46 lbs) of ammunition. The machine-gun firing rate was 700 rpm, but this was decreased to 574 rpm when synchronized with the propeller.
Although quite powerful, these machine guns proved insufficient to deal with enemy threats as the war continued. Another big problem encountered was the small number of rounds on board. Only 740 rounds guaranteed just over a minute of continuous fire.
After the 25th plane, the machine guns were equipped with a flash hider so as to not blind the pilot when firing. The ammunition reserve was also increased to 740 rounds, as it consisted of only 600 rounds in total on the first planes. The spent cartridges, after being shot, were not ejected from the plane but stored onboard, so that they could be reused.
In 1937, engineer Castoldi proposed the adoption of two 7.7 mm (.303 in) Breda-SAFAT machine guns in the wings to the Regia Aeronautica. This required a consequent strengthening of the wing structure, and subsequent loss of speed, but the proposal was ignored.
On the Macchi MC 200CB, or Cacciabombardiere (fighter-bomber), version, the aircraft was equipped with two 3 kg (1.86 lbs) underwing pylons, capable of carrying bombs weighing up to 160 kg (353 lbs) each.
The bombs were used for infantry support missions. Although the maximum load was 320 kg (705 lbs), four 15 kg bombs (33 lbs) per pylon were commonly carried .
The aircraft could also carry two bombs up to a maximum of 160 kg (353 lbs) each or two 150-liter (40 US gallons) auxiliary tanks, increasing the range. The two 150-liter tanks could also be equipped together with the 450-liter centerline tank, effectively doubling the aircraft’s maximum range.
In Italy
The first M.C. 200s were ready in the spring of 1939 and were delivered to the Regia Aeronautica during the same year. As of September 1st, 1939, 29 Macchi M.C. 200s had been delivered, of which 25 were allocated to front-line units, with the others given to flight training schools. In comparison, the Regia Aeronautica had 19 FIAT G. 50s and 143 FIAT C.R. 42s.
At the time of the Kingdom of Italy’s entry into the war on the 10th of June 1940, the number of M.C.200s in the Regia Aeronautica was 156. Of these, only 103 were in the front-line units and not all were combat ready. Similarly, there was in increase in other fighters on hand with 118 FIAT G. 50s and 300 FIAT CR 42s.
These 156 aircraft were split between different units, such as the 16º Gruppo Autonomo da Caccia Terrestre (16th Autonomous Land Fighter Group) of the XVI° Gruppo (16th Group) and the 181ª Squadriglia (181st Squadron) of the 6° Gruppo Caccia (6th Fighter Group) of the 1º Stormo Caccia Terrestre (1st Ground Fighter Wing), based at an unknown airport in Sicily.
7 Saetta had gone to the 369ª Squadriglia, 6 to the 370ª Squadriglia and 6 to the 371ª Squadriglia of the 152º Gruppo commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Giovanni Melotti, based at Vergiate airport in Lombardy. Another 7 Macchi MC 200 were in service with the 372ª Squadriglia, 6 with the 373ª Squadriglia and 6 with the 374ª Squadriglia of the 153º Gruppo of Captain Alberto Benefonti at the Caselle airport. The 152º Gruppo and 153º Gruppo were under the command of the 54º Stormo of Colonel Enrico Guglielmotti, with headquarters in Airasca.
The very first Macchi aircraft were delivered to the 91ª Squadriglia of the 10º Gruppo of the 4º Stormo, which was considered an elite unit. The 4th Wing received the MC 200 shortly before entering the war, but preferred to go to battle in Libya with the old FIAT CR 42 biplanes in late June 1940.
The reason for this downgrade was that the pilots of the 4° Stormo were all veterans of the Spanish Civil War, or possessed years of experience in aerobatic performances around the world, and were far more accustomed to their FIAT C.R. 32 and C.R. 42 biplanes. While they received the latest generation monoplane fighters, they did not have enough time to properly train on them, and subsequently turned down the opportunity to fly the Macchi M.C. 200.
It should also be emphasized that the pilots of the 4th Wing were the only ones not to appreciate the Macchi initially. On October 23rd, 1939, a few weeks after delivery, General Velardi, commander of another air unit, wrote to the General Staff of the Italian Royal Army that his pilots were more than satisfied with the new plane, and that within a few weeks of training they could use the new Macchi for aerobatic performances.
The first victim of the new Macchi MC 200 was a British Short S.25 Sunderland four-engined seaplane on a reconnaissance mission on 1st November 1940, near Augusta in Sicily.
In the last weeks of December 1940, the pilots of the 181st Squadron of the 6th Fighter Group of the 1st Ground Fighter Wing had the task of escorting the Junkers Ju 87 ‘Stuka’ dive bombers of the I/StG.1 and II/StG.2 of the X Fliegerkorps. The Messerschmitt Bf 109 of 7./JG 26, which were supposed to escort the Stukas on their missions to Malta, had not yet arrived in Sicily.
During this mission, the Saettas proved effective and without any particular defects in dogfighting against the Hawker Hurricane. They were able to outclass the old Gloster Gladiator biplanes without much difficulty.
In Sicily, two Saettas of the 70th Squadron of the 23rd Autonomous Fighter Group based at Boccadifalco airport were used for night missions. Lieutenant Colonel Tito Falconi, commander of the group and Captain Claudio Solaro, commander of the squadron, were, according to documents, the only ones to fly the two Macchi at night.
According to the documents, between September and December 1941, these two fighters flew dozens of missions over Palermo, also participating in several engagements against British aircraft, but without managing to shoot any down. By the end of the year, the 23rd Group was sent back to the Turin Mirafiori airport to be reorganized.
After the North African Campaign, in July 1943, Allied troops invaded Sicily. At that time, the Regia Aeronautica had 81 Macchi M.C. 200, 41 with the 2nd Wing, 3 in the 22nd Group, 13 in the 157th Group, 4 in the 161st Group and 20 aircraft in the 82nd and 392nd Squadrons.
One of the last battles occurred a few days before the Armistice of Cassibile in September 1943. On 2nd September 1943, while on patrol around the naval base at the port of La Spezia, Lieutenant Petrosellini of the 92nd Squadron of the 8th Group intercepted a group of 24 American Boeing B-17 Flying Fortresses that were approaching to bomb the port facilities and industrial areas of the city. Petrosellini carried out two attacks on the behemoth US bombers alone, managing to shoot down one and damage a second. He then performed an emergency landing on Sarzana airport due to damage sustained from heavy defensive fire.
As of the 8th of September 1943, 33 Macchi M.C. 200 were in the ranks of the Regia Aeronautica.
Until September 1943, the ‘Saetta’ was the most widely used Italian fighter on all fronts. The first examples of its successor, the Macchi M.C. 202, entered front-line service in late September 1941, with the first examples of Macchi M.C. 205V appearing in February 1943.
Malta
Malta, or “L’Isola Maledetta” (The Damned Island), a British stronghold in the Mediterranean, was the setting for dozens of air battles in which the Macchi M.C. 200 took part.
Just above the Island of Malta, the first loss of an M.C. 200, a casualty of the Royal Air Force, was recorded on 23rd June, 1940. Nine Macchi M.C. 200s of the 79th Squadron, eight of the 88th Squadron, and one of the 81st Squadron, all belonging to the 6th Group, escorted ten Savoia Marchetti SM.79s of the 11th Bomber Wing to the island.
Immediately, the British launched two Gloster Gladiators to intercept them. Sergeant Major Molinelli of the 71st Squadron attacked one of the two British planes that were, in turn, attacking a bomber off Sliema. The ‘Saetta’ was hit and fell into the sea. It is not clear whether Major Molinelli survived.
Franco Lucchini, an Italian ace of the 90th Squadron of the 10th Fighter Group of the 4th Wing with 26 kills, took off on 27th June 1941 from Trapani Airport in Sicily. He was on an attack mission during which he shot down a Hawker Hurricane. Afterward, he shared many other victories with his companions of the 4th Wing.
Another loss recorded occurred on the morning of 25th July 1941, when about 40 Macchi M.C. 200s of the 54th Wing and were tasked with escorting a CANT Z.1007bis of the 30th Wing for photographic reconnaissance on Valletta. The mission was meant to photograph an English naval convoy that had been attacked the day before by torpedo bombers.
Above the island, about 30 Hurricanes descended upon the formation, causing the CANT Z. 1007 bis to fall into flames. The Saetta of second Lieutenant Liberti was shot down, with the loss of the pilot, as was that of Lieutenant De Giorgi, whose fate is unknown. The Italian fighter pilots declared the downing of four Hurricanes, two by Sergeant Major Magnaghi, one by Captain Gostini and one by Sergeant Omiccioli of the 98th Squadron.
On 27th of October 1940, Carlo Poggio Suasa of the 81st Squadron, 6th Group, assigned to the 1st Terrestrial Fighter Wing stationed at Catania-Fontanarossa airport, shot down a Hawker Hurricane over Malta.
On July 11th, 1941, during an attack on the Maltese airbase of Micabba, three Italian Aces, belonging to the 10th Group of the 4th Wing were engaged by seven or eight enemy Hurricanes. They were Leonardo Ferrulli (with 21 kills between the war), Carlo Romagnoli (11 kills and 6 probable) and Franco Lucchini (22 kills). After a grueling dog fight, the three MC 200s managed to disengage and were pursued for 40 km before the British gave up the chase and, with their aircraft damaged but still able to fly, they were able to return to Sicily safely.
On June 27th, 1941, the same units of the 10th Group, 4th Wing, commanded by Ace Carlo Romagnoli, took off from Catania-Fontanarossa airport in Sicily to escort a Savoia-Marchetti S.M. 79 on a reconnaissance mission.
Arriving at Malta, they were immediately intercepted by a group of Hawker Hurricane Mark I of RAF No. 46 Squadron that forced them to abort the mission and return to Sicily.
On September 4th, Romagnoli led a reconnaissance mission over Malta with a formation of 17 M.C. 200 ‘Saetta’. Their goal was to confirm the sinking of a merchant ship that had been hit that night by a Junkers Ju.87B Picchiatello of the 101st Autonomous Dive Bombardment Group piloted by Sergeant Major Valentino Zagnoli, in the vicinity of Kalafrana.
Once in Valletta, the Macchi carried out a reconnaissance of the port at 6,000 meters and, having found nothing, returned to Sicily. At this point, 21 Hawker Hurricane Mark II fighters of No.126 and No.185 Squadrons were waiting for them (thanks to Maltese radars) at about 7,500 meters. After the furious battle that followed, Second Lieutenant Andrea Della Pasqua of the 91st Squadron was missing after being seen bailing out with a parachute. He was never found.
The 76th Squadron of the 7th Group of the 5th Terrestrial Fighter Wing took part in the Battle of Pantelleria between 12th and 15th June 1942. There, the Axis forces, with 92 aircraft of the Regia Aeronautica and 48 of the Luftwaffe, destroyed two, and damaged four merchant ships at the cost of 29 lost aircraft and 12 dead pilots.
Due to the three-engined reconnaissance aircraft flying over Malta being easy targets, some mechanics modified about ten Macchi MC 200 with an Avia RB 20/75/30 camera positioned behind the pilot’s seat. This strategy decreased the fighter’s maximum speed, but made the reconnaissance aircraft unrecognizable to the enemy, as well as being far more agile and faster than the three-engined aircraft they replaced.
Greece
For air combat during the Greek Campaign, which started on October 28th, 1940, the 54th Wing was employed. Its 372nd Squadron had 12 Macchi MC 200, based at the Brindisi-Casale Airport in southern Italy.
Between November and December, the 373rd Squadron, with 11 MC 200s, also arrived at the Bari-Palese Airport, the 374th Squadron with 12 MC 200s at the Taranto-Grottaglie Airport and the 370th, with 8 MC 200, at Foggia Airport, all in Southern Italy.
These squadrons mainly carried out escort missions for Italian FIAT B.R. 20 and Savoia-Marchetti S.M. 79 bombers used against Greek strategic targets.
Sergeant Luigi Gorrini of the 85th Squadron of the 18th Fighter Group of the 3rd Ground Fighter Wing, an Italian ace with 19 confirmed and 9 presumed kills, took training courses to learn how to fly the Macchi M.C. 200 and FIAT G. 50 held at Caselle Torinese and Torino Mirafiori airports between August 29th and December 10th, 1940. After this, he and his squadron were transferred to Araxos airport in Greece, where he flew escort flights for naval convoys and aircraft from Italy to Greece and vice versa.
On December 17th, 1940 during a patrol over the island of Cephalonia, Gorrini spotted two Bristol Blenheims, hitting one of them (which he considered probably shot down) and damaging the second.
In March 1941, the 22nd Autonomous Land Fighter Group was sent to Greece. Its 371st Squadron went to Vlora, while the rest of the group, with 36 Macchi MC 200s and an unknown number of FIAT CR42s, moved to the airport of Tirana, both cities of occupied Albania. During their first fights, they went up against the Hawker Hurricanes and Gloster Gladiators of the RAF.
Thanks to reinforcements that arrived in Albania in April, the 18th Group was sent back to Italy to train on the Macchi MC 200CB. The training lasted until mid-July, by which time the Greek Campaign was over. The Group was subsequently transferred to North Africa.
During the Greek campaign, which lasted until April 1941, Royal Italian Air Force fighters claimed to have shot down 77 Hellenic Air Force (HAF) aircraft (plus another 24 presumed), of which 52 were shot down and 25 destroyed on the ground, at a loss of 64 Italian aircraft. During engagements against the RAF, the British claimed to have destroyed 93 Italian aircraft (and another 26 probable) for just 10 aircraft lost. However, at the end of the campaign, the British losses amounted to 150 pilots (dead or prisoners) and 209 aircraft lost, 72 shot down by Italian fighters, 55 destroyed on the ground and 82 destroyed or abandoned during the evacuation.
Yugoslavia
At the outbreak of hostilities against Yugoslavia, the only air units assigned to the sector were the 4th Wing, equipped with 96 Macchi MC 200, the 7th Group in Treviso, and the 16th Group in Ravenna, which had 22 each, the 9th Group in Gorizia and the 10th Group in Altura di Pola, which had 23 each, and, finally, 6 that were in service with the 256th Squadron in Bari.
At dawn on April 6th, 1941, before the Declaration of War, four M.C.200s of the 73rd Squadron took off without an exact mission, flew over the port of Pula and then arrived at the island of Cres, attacking a tanker and setting it on fire.
There were no noteworthy actions for the rest of the brief Yugoslavian campaign. The Macchi of the 4th Wing flew against Yugoslavia for the last time on April 14th, when 20 Saetta of the 10th Group patrolled the airspace 100 km south of Karlovac, but without encountering enemy aircraft.
In March 1941, in order to counter the new British Hawker Hurricanes, the Regia Aeronautica was forced to withdraw the FIAT CR 42 of the 150th Group from Albania, replacing them with 36 Macchi MC 200s of the 22nd Group based at Tirana airport and the 371st Squadron, which moved from the Rome-Ciampino Airport to Valona.
Despite its lower top speed compared to the Hurricane, in the hands of experienced Italian pilots who were well trained in aerobatic flight, the Macchi MC 200 proved to be a tough adversary for the British pilots.
Ground operations on the Yugoslav front ended on April 17th. According to the official report of the 4th Wing, in eleven days there were no losses, 4 enemy aircraft were shot down and 45 Yugoslav aircraft were destroyed on the ground, damaging another ten.
Other victories were achieved by destroying an oil tanker, a tanker truck and an unspecified number of mechanized vehicles, as well as destroying airport facilities.
Another 5 Yugoslav aircraft, Dornier Do 17Ks, were destroyed on the ground at a Greek airport where they had taken refuge during an Italian attack.
North Africa
The North African desert was the most important theater of operations for the Italian pilots and their Macchi M.C. 200 ‘Saetta’.
At the end of the operations in Yugoslavia, the 153rd Group returned to Italy. It was based at Grottaglie airport, in southern Italy, with the task of defending the Port of Taranto against RAF attacks.
One of its squadrons, however, was ordered to go to North Africa to support Rommel’s offensive in Cyrenaica.
The first eleven M.C.200s of the 374th Squadron, under Captain Andrea Favini (later to become Wing Chief), arrived on April 19th, 1941 at Castel Benito airfield, 35 km south of Tripoli. Until the end of June 9th, the Macchi aircraft remained under Favini’s command. During the period of activity, the squadron never reached more than 7 operable Macchi at the same time.
An interesting fact is that Captain Andrea Favini was still using a pre-production Macchi MC 200 with a FIAT-Hamilton 34D-1 spinner and propellers. This is very strange, as all the pre-production aircraft and the very first production series should have been modified by that point.
Given the continuation of operations, on July 2nd, 1941, Macchi M.C. 200 of the 372nd Squadron of the famous 153º Gruppo ‘Asso di Bastoni’ (Eng: 153rd Group ‘Ace of Wands’) arrived in North Africa. Later, the 373rd Squadron from Greece, together with the 157th Group, also arrived.
The 76th Squadron of the 7° Gruppo Autonomo Caccia Terrestre, commanded by Major Marcello Fossetta, also arrived with 22 Macchi M.C. 200. However, they lost almost all of their fighters during a British air attack on the Benina base 19 km east of Benghazi, where the unit was stationed.
The data of both Italian and British units report some skirmishes between Macchi and British aircraft.
On December 8th, 1941, a Macchi MC.200 of the 153rd Group clashed with Hawker Hurricanes of the British 974th Squadron. During a fight, a Macchi engaged a Hurricane. After a succession of very tight turns, the Macchi struck the Hawker’s cockpit, which then flipped over and plummeted in a dive, killing New Zealand RAF Flight Lieutenant Owen Vincent Tracey, who had 6 kills credited to his name.
The 153rd Group, in its July-December report, claimed to have flown 359 missions for a total of 4,686 flight hours by its pilots, and 19 enemy aircraft destroyed in flight, plus 12 probable, in addition to 35 aircraft destroyed on the ground.
In December 1941, the Macchi M.C. 200 began to be accompanied by Macchi M.C. 202 of the 8th and 150th Groups based at El-Nofilia airport.
In the early months of 1942, the 8th, 13th and 150th Groups were mainly used on escort missions for FIAT CR 42s in the ground attack configuration.
On July 20th, 1942 the 18th Group of the 3rd Wing arrived in Tripoli with the 83rd, 85th and 95th squadrons, with a total of about 40 MC 200s, of which 21 in the M.C. 200CB configuration. These new arrivals, which were positioned at the Abu-Aggag airbase, 370 km from Cairo, meaning that the Macchi 200 was still the most numerous Italian fighter in North Africa, with 76 units (of which about three quarters were operational), 37 of which were in the 2nd Wing.
The Macchi M.C. 200CB of the 18th Group carried out dozens of ground attack missions. One of the most famous was stopping the British attempt to recapture Tobruk by sea in July 1942, sinking the destroyer Zulu and seriously damaging two troop carrier ships.
On April 18th 1942, between 1725 hrs and 1830 hrs, five Macchi M.C. 200CBs attacked a column of tanks of the 1st Armored Division of the British 8th Army at Sidi Bou Ali, in the governorate of Susa, in Tunisia. 22 M.C. 202s of the 54th Wing escorting the ‘Saetta’ clashed with a formation of P-40s and Spitfires that had arrived to support the armored units. Captain Sergio Maurer, Lieutenant Giuseppe Robetto and Sergeant Mauri each shot down a Spitfire, while Sergeant Rodoz brought down a P-40.
Despite the Regia Aeronautica’s gradual transition to the Macchi MC 202, the ‘Saetta’ remained the most widely used fighter aircraft. It was widely used as a secondary fighter by pilots when their MC 202s were undergoing repairs.
The 364th Squadron of the 150th Fighter Group, 52nd Wing, equipped with the Macchi M.C. 200 ‘Saetta’, operating from the airports of El Agheila, Benghazi and Martuba, participated intensively in intercept operations, surveillance flights, strafing ground targets, and escorting bombers.
The Macchi MC 200s were also able to successfully deal with Allied four-engined aircraft, despite their armament. On 14th August, Lieutenant Vallauri of the 2nd Wing intercepted four Consolidated B-24 Liberators during a reconnaissance mission in the skies above Tobruk. Instead of waiting for support from other fighters, he attacked them alone, managing to shoot down one of them.
A few days later, on 23rd August 1942, three M.C.200s intercepted and attacked a group of B-24 Liberators en route to Tobruk. Sergeant Zanarini and Second Lieutenant Zuccarini shot down one Liberator while the third pilot damaged another. The entirety of the 2nd Wing was 198 aircraft in August 1942 (including Macchi M.C. 200 and M.C. 202,) which flew an unspecified number of missions that lasted a total of 394 hours of missions over Tobruk and 1,482 hours escorting 77 Axis convoys from Southern Italy to the North African coast.
The Allied air superiority was becoming more and more overwhelming. Unfortunately, precise data for the actions of the following months is not available. In October, ten Macchi 200 were lost by the 2nd Wing.
At the beginning of November 1942, there were only 15 ‘Saetta’ on the front line in the 2nd and 3rd Wings (there is no data on the losses of the 54th Wing during the period). This was a very limited number. In July, there had been 76, meaning an average loss rate of about 12 aircraft per month.
The M.C. 200s were now outclassed in speed and armament by the latest versions of the Hawker Hurricane, Curtiss P-40s, and the more powerful Supermarine Spitfires. Despite this, the Macchi still managed to score a few victories.
In November, Lieutenant Savoia and Sergeant Major Baldi shot down two Bristol Beaufighters, while Sergeant Turchetti managed to shoot down two aircraft.
During the same month, some replacements arrived but they were not enough. On the 1st of December, the 2nd Wing had only 42 ‘Saetta’, of which 19 were in flying condition, while the others were under repair.
After the Battle of El Alamein, the Macchi were used to cover the retreat of the Italian-German troops. However, the lack of spare parts, fuel and the overwhelming technological and numerical Allied superiority meant that many aircraft were lost.
In October 1942, the 18th Group received the Macchi MC 202 of the 4th Wing, which, after months of actions, had been repatriated for reorganization.
On 11 January 1943, units of the 3rd Wing were used in the attack against some British airbases in the Wadi Tamet area.
The Macchi MC 202 escorted the Macchi MC 200CB fighter-bombers in bombing operations. Luigi Gorrini managed to shoot down the Spitfire Mark V of Flying Officer Neville Duke of the 92nd Squadron, as reported by the British pilot himself in one of his books.
In January 1943, all non-operational units were repatriated, with very few Macchi MC 200s remaining in North Africa as part of the 384th Squadron in Tunis and the 13th and 18th Groups in El Hamma.
The last group to be equipped with MC 200s was the 18th Group of Major Mario Becich, which fought with the ‘Saetta’ until the end of the campaign. The last major air battle of the Macchi MC 200 in North Africa was on 29th March 1943. Then, in the Gabès sector, 15 M.C.200s of various units intercepted an unknown number of P-40s and Spitfires, shooting down 4 enemy aircraft at the cost of one damaged aircraft forced to land on the way back.
Soviet Union
A contingent of Macchi M.C. 200s was sent to the front in the Soviet Union, despite the fact that they had an open cockpit.
The Comando Aviazione del Corpo di spedizione italiano in Russia (Aviation Command of the Italian Expeditionary Corps in Russia) was officially constituted on July 29th, 1941 at the Tudora airport. Major Giovanni Borzoni Group landed at this airport on 12th August with the 359th Squadron of Captain Vittorio Minguzzi, which had 11 other pilots, including Captain Carlo Miani and Lieutenant Giovanni Bonet. The 362nd Squadron of Captain Germano La Ferla also arrived with 11 other pilots. The 369th Squadron, commanded by Captain Giorgio Jannicelli, which had 13 pilots, and, finally, the 371st Squadron of Captain Enrico Meille, which had 11 pilots, completed the setup, all belonging to the 22nd Autonomous Land Fighter Group.
On August 16th, the 61st Aerial Observation Group arrived with 32 Caproni Ca.311 (34th, 119th, and 128th Squadrons) and a Savoia-Marchetti S.M.82 for support.
The 22nd Autonomous Land Fighter Group had a total of 51 MC 200s, two Savoia Marchetti S.M. 81 and three Caproni Ca. 133s. It was sent to the Eastern front from the Tirana Airport ( where they were located after March 1941). For its first missions, starting from August 27th, 1941, it was stationed at the Krivoi Rog airport.
On the same day, some aircraft of the 22nd Autonomous Group and some others of the 6th Group assigned to the 1st Ground Fighter Wing arrived in the Soviet Union. In total, eight Soviet aircraft, two Poliakov I-16s and six Tupolev SB-2s. were shot down.
Carlo Poggio Suasa, of the 81st Squadron of the 6th Group, shot down two Poliakov I-16s in a single day.
Due to the lightning advance of Axis troops in the Soviet Union, at the end of August, the unit had to move to the Kryvyi Rih airport and to Zaporižžja by the end of September. On 9th November, the 371st Squadron moved to the Donetsk sector, breaking away from the rest of the group.
Between August and the beginning of December, the 22nd Autonomous Fighter Group shot down another 8 Soviet fighters and bombers, apparently without suffering any losses. 4 more Soviets were downed in December.
During the Soviet Christmas ground offensive against Italian troops at Novo Orlovka, Italian pilots attacked Soviet troops in the Burlova sector. During these actions, they also shot down five Soviet fighters without any losses.
During one of these missions on December 28th, the ‘Saetta’ of the 359th Squadron shot down nine Soviet aircraft in the Timofeyevka and Polskaya areas, including six Polikarpov I-16 fighters and three bombers, without suffering losses.
On December 29th, 1941 the 369th Squadron lost its commander, Captain Giorgio Jannicelli. During a solo reconnaissance mission, he was intercepted by more than ten I-16 and Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-3 fighters and, after a grueling air battle, he was shot down. For his bravery, he was awarded the posthumous Gold Medal.
The Italian Macchis in the Soviet Union were unable to carry out any missions throughout January, and the first few days of February 1942 due to bad weather. On February 4th and 5th, the Regia Aeronautica launched an operation to destroy Soviet air bases. The first was at Kranyi Liman, where the MC 200 destroyed 21 Soviet aircraft on the ground and another 5 fighters were shot down during dogfights over the airport.
Between March and April, the airports of Luskotova and Leninsklij Bomdardir were also attacked.
By the end of March 1942, the 22nd Gruppo Autonomo Caccia Terrestre had scored a further 21 aerial victories against the Soviet Air Force.
On May 4th, 1942, the 22nd Autonomous Land Fighter Group, which still had a few operational aircraft, was replaced by the 21st Autonomous Land Fighter Group, consisting of the 356th, 382nd, 361st and 386th Squadrons. The 21st Group, commanded by Major Ettore Foschini, brought with it 12 new Macchi M.C. 202 fighters and 18 new Macchi M.C. 200s, probably the fighter-bomber version.
During the second battle of Kharkov, fought between May 12th to 30th 1942, Italian pilots carried out escort missions for German scouts and bombers. They earned the admiration of the commander of the German 17th Army, in particular for their daring and effective attacks in the Slavyansk area on Soviet fighters trying to shoot down German bombers.
In the summer of 1942, following the German advance, the 21st Group moved first to the Makeyevka airfield, and, later, to those of Tazinskaya, Voroshilovgrad and Oblivskaya.
The group shoots down 5 enemy aircraft in May, 5 in June and 11 in July.
Increasingly, Italian pilots were asked to escort German planes, but the Macchi aircraft wore out very quickly because of the lack of spare parts. On July 25th and 26th, five M.C.200s were shot down during aerial combat with the Soviets.
In the summer, 17 Macchi 202 ‘Folgore’ arrived from Italy to reinforce the line-up of ‘Saette’, by then worn out by incessant use. At the beginning of December, the Macchi MC 200s still on the line numbered 32 plus 11 Macchi MC 202s. The losses suffered became more and more consistent due to the technological advancement of the Soviet aircraft.
On 6th August 1942, some MC 200CBs carried out a bombing mission east of the Don, hitting Soviet artillery and infantry with their 50 kg bombs.
In December, only 32 Macchi M.C. 200s and 11 Macchi M.C. 202s were available. The Soviet Air Force, which was starting to become better combat trained, as well as the increasing prevalence of anti-aircraft fire also caused additional losses. In fact, over half of the missions that the Macchi were requested to carry out were ground attacks against Soviet tanks and infantry.
The last Italian action that employed a large number of aircraft was on 17th January 1943, when 25 Macchi MC 200 and MC 202 machine-gunned troops on the ground in the Millerovo sector.
On January 18th, 1943, commander Ettore Foschini received the order to withdraw, first to the airport of Stalino in Donetsk, and from there to Zaporižžja. On February 20th, 1943, the Group was at Odessa airbase, waiting to return to Italy. On 15th April, the Group left Odessa and, after four stops, arrived at the Florentine airport of Peretola at the end of the month.
Thirty Macchi M.C. 200s and nine M.C. 202s returned to Italy, while 15 damaged aircraft were dismantled and used for spare parts, abandoning them at airfields during the retreat.
A total of 66 Italian fighter planes had been lost on the Eastern Front for various reasons, but they managed to shoot down 88 enemy aircraft during 17 months of operation in the theater of war.
In a postwar document written in Italy, it is stated that, in 17 months, the fighters of the Regia Aeronautica on the Eastern Front carried out 3,759 actions against the Soviets, 511 in support of the infantry by dropping bombs, 1,310 machine-gun attacks on ground targets, 1,938 escorts to bombers or scouts. 88 enemy planes were destroyed at the expense of the loss of 15 Macchi M.C. 200 lost in combat. The best Italian unit in the Soviet Union was Captain Germano La Ferla’s 362nd Squadron, which destroyed 13 Soviet aircraft on the ground and shot down 30 fighters and bombers in air engagements.
Luftwaffe
After the armistice of September 8th, 1943, the German Army managed to recover a small number of Macchi M.C. 200s from Italian airports and put them in service with the Luftwaffe, mostly as training aircraft.
As far as known, these never took part in actions against Allied targets.
Aeronautica Nazionale Repubblicana
After the Armistice of 1943, of the 33 Macchi MC 200s operational at the time, 10 remained in the German-occupied territories. Not much is known about these 10 units, but it can be assumed that almost all of them were confiscated by the Luftwaffe.
Several Macchi M.C. 200s remained in service with the Aeronautica Nazionale Repubblicana (Eng: National Republican Air Force) for training purposes. Some of these vehicles had probably been recovered from depots or hangars and returned to service after an overhaul period.
Aeronautica Cobelligerante Italiana
As many as 23 Macchi MC 200s managed to reach the south of Italy after the Armistice of September 8th, 1943. Almost all of these belonged to the 8th Group, which had escorted the Regia Marina fleet (Eng: Italian Royal Navy) from La Spezia to Malta. In the summer of 1944, the 23 Macchi were assigned to the Fighter School of Leverano, where they were used for training until they could no longer be maintained.
Aeronautica Militare
Unfortunately, not much is known about the Macchi M.C. 200 in service with the Aeronautica Militare (Italian Air Force) after the war. A number of these, probably the surviving aircraft from the 23 Saettas used by the Aeronautica Cobelligerante Italiana, were kept in service using spare parts found all over the Italian peninsula, some with new parts that were produced after the war. They were used until 1947.
Being obsolete by the war’s end, the Macchi MC 200s were used in the 2ª Squadriglia of the Scuola Caccia (Fighter School) of Lecce for the training of a new generation of Italian fighter pilots.
Others
The MM337 prototype was presented at the Yugoslavian Belgrade Air Show in June 1938 and immediately attracted worldwide interest.
Spain, Finland, Sweden and Romania asked to evaluate the aircraft but, due to political problems and the Italian government’s ban on exports, these negotiations did not move forward.
Only the request of the Royal Danish Navy for 12 Macchi M.C. 200 to replace their old Hawker Nimrods was accepted. However, when Germany invaded Denmark in 1940, the delivery was canceled and the aircraft remained in Italy.
Switzerland also requested 36 examples. Italy responded by offering the first batch of 24 and the second one of 12. All examples would have been without radios and would have cost 58,000 USD (equivalent to about 1.1 million USD today) each without ammunition. Due to the imminent entry into the war, the General Staff of the Royal Army blocked the negotiations before Switzerland allocated the funds.
The USAAF 86th Fighter Squadron of the 79th Fighter Group of the 9th Air Force Division came into possession of a Macchi MC 200 at Grottaglie. This one had belonged to the 357th Squadron, from where it was later transferred to Gerbini in Sicily. It was piloted by Captain Jack H. Kauffman, who used it to train his fellow soldiers to fight against Italian aircraft.
British Evaluation on the Macchi M.C. 200
Former Squadron Leader D. H. Clarke wrote in 1955 in one of his books that, in Sorman, North Africa, he came into possession of a Macchi M.C. 200, serial no. MM 5285. After three days of overhaul, the British officer boarded the Macchi and took it to their base at El Assa.
Clarke stated that the Macchi had excellent visibility, a spacious cockpit with an open cabin (which he regarded very positively), was rustic but simple and had comfortable controls. The engine was quiet and easy to maintain and the vehicle was very maneuverable.
During simulated combat against a Hawker Hurricane II, a Curtiss P-40 and a Spitfire V, it could outturn all three. The downsides that Clarke pointed out were the poor armament (although he considered the ammunition reserve adequate) and the flipping problem.
The RAF captured more aircraft during the war. Another one was captured in North Africa and was shipped to the USA, while other aircraft were captured intact in Sicily and used for training British pilots, to familiarize them with enemy aircraft.
Camouflages and Coat of Arms
Being one of the most long-lived and most produced aircraft of the Regia Aeronautica during the Second World War, it is easy to understand that the Macchi M.C. 200 had many camouflage schemes during its operational life on the various fronts on which it operated.
The prototypes, at the time of their test flights and their presentation to the Army Staff in Guidonia, had no camouflage or paint applied, with the natural aluminum being exposed. On the rudder, there was the Italian Tricolour with the Savoia symbol in the middle. This was the flag of the Kingdom of Italy until 1947. On the side of the cockpit, there was the Fascio Littorio painted inside a round frame with a blue background.
The Fascio Littorio was the symbol of the Partito Fascista Italiano (Eng: Italian Fascist Party) which, after Benito Mussolini’s rise to power, became the symbol of the dictatorship, like the swastika for Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party.
On both sides of the wings, there were also the “Fasci Littori Alari” (Eng: Wing Fasci Littori), circular rosettes 96 cm in diameter with a black outline and white background inside which were painted 3 stylized Fasci Littori. As the war progressed, the Fasci Littori Alari were slightly modified. The ones on the underside were painted white, with a black background.
The first examples produced by Macchi and then used in Italy and those used in the Soviet Union were painted in dark green (Verde Mimetico 2; Eng: Green Camouflage 2) with dark brown spots (Bruno Mimetico; Eng: Brown Camouflage) with yellow outlines (Giallo Mimetico 4; Eng: Yellow Camouflage 4).
Some variations existed.. For example, the brown spots could be covered by small yellow mottling or, as in the case of the 79th Squadron of the 6th Group of the 1st Wing, the dark green background was covered with yellow spots and brown spots.
Starting from June 1940, the planes of the Regia Aeronautica received a new feature. In order to avoid incidents of friendly fire, the Italian Tricolor, which could be confused with the tricolor of French planes, was replaced by the Croce di Savoia (the Italian Savoia royal family symbol), a white cross by ministerial order.
However, the dispatch did not specify the exact dimensions of the cross and the units painted different types before a standard model of the Croce di Savoia was chosen.
Also, the Macchi, Breda and, later, SIA Ambrosini production plants painted the crosses differently. Macchi painted a cross with longer vertical arms, while Breda painted a Greek cross (all arms of equal length) and SIA Ambrosini painted the cross on the whole height of the rudder.
The white band on the fuselage was introduced at the beginning of 1941 with the same purpose.
Between the spring and summer of 1941, a rule issued by the Ministry of War ordered that all Regia Aeronautica fighters be painted with a yellow nose to avoid incidents of friendly fire.
The order lasted only a few months, but many pictures show Italian aircraft with a characteristic yellow nose.
Also, in this case, the dispatch was misunderstood and some units (especially in the Soviet Union) painted the fuselage line and the wingtips in yellow.
The two planes of the 70th Squadron of the 23rd Autonomous Group were repainted by the unit completely in pitch black. They also covered all the markings.
SIA Ambrosini painted its M.C. 200 in dark green (Verde Oliva 2; Eng: Olive Green 2) and only in rare cases did the units repaint them. In North Africa, there were many camouflages, all on a khaki base (Nocciola Chiaro 4; Eng: Light Hazelnut 4 or Giallo Mimetico 4; Eng: Yellow Camouflage 4) with dark green spots (Verde Mimetico 2; Eng: Camouflage Green 2).
After the fall of Fascism in Italy, on July 25th, 1943, pilots were ordered to obscure the Fascio Littorio, which were covered with the paint the units had available.
After the Armistice of 8th September, a number of Macchi MC 200s remained in the hands of Italian pilots who fought for the Aeronautica Cobelligerante Italiana. They were ordered to cover the tricolor coat of arms on the wings and on the fuselage, and to obscure all previous insignia, such as the white band on the fuselage, the coat of arms of the unit and the Croce di Savoia (although some were retained). The Aeronautica Cobelligerante Italiana used Macchi MC 200 with both dark green monochrome camouflage and that used in North Africa, khaki with dark green irregular spots.
After the war, the few surviving examples were used in aluminum color with tricolor cockades on the fuselage and wings.
The specimens captured by the British and the Americans had Allied coat of arms to cover the Italian ones. For example, the US specimen retained squadron identification numbers, but all other symbols were obscured or covered with US symbols.
The upper right wing and lower left wing beams were covered with paint while the upper left and lower right wing were covered with the United States Army Air Forces insignia.
The fuselage fascia was repainted yellow and received another USAAF insignia and the tail received a British tricolor.
Production
In total, 1,153 examples of Macchi M.C. 200 ‘Saetta’ were produced between May 1939 and October 1942 ,including the two prototypes and 12 different production series.
It is difficult to classify the production of MC 200 fighters based on “series” because the plane was produced by 3 different companies. Different “series” have to be defined per company.
With the slow rate of production, some updates were initiated by one company in one production series, and by another company in another production series. Some series had substantial differences, others only small changes to speed up production or to try to keep the aircraft up to date with the most modern Allied fighters.
The companies that produced them were Aeronautica Macchi, which produced 395 planes plus the two prototypes starting from May 1939 in the Varese plant, the Società Italiana Ernesto Breda per Costruzioni Meccaniche, which produced 556 planes, and the Società Aeronautica Italiana Ambrosini, which produced a total of 200 planes.
In late 1939, it was proposed thay FIAT should produce the Macchi M.C. 200 in their factories in Turin. Needless to say, FIAT refused, criticizing the Macchi as too complex to produce.
In 1939, 62 Macchi 200 were produced, 10 between May and July, 26 between August and October and another 26 between November and December. An interesting fact is that these aircraft were ‘produced’ but not ‘tested’ or ‘delivered’ to the Regia Aeronautica.
In fact, as in many other cases with the Italian war industry of that period, small components were missing that forced the aircraft to be kept in depots for weeks. There were also problems with a lack of test pilots or, even worse, a lack of air force pilots to deliver the new aircraft.
Variants
Macchi M.C. 200 prototype – With fully retractable landing gear and closed cabin, 2 planes were produced by Macchi. Their first flight was on 24th December 1937.
Macchi M.C. 200 Pre-series – Serial numbers MM. 4495 to MM. 4520. Like the prototypes, it had retractable landing gear and a closed cabin, solved the overturning problems, and had a FIAT-Hamilton 34D-1 propeller with a hub cap.
Macchi M.C. 200 – Serial numbers MM. 4520 to MM. 4641. After the 146th model, the rear wheel of the landing gear was fixed.
Macchi M.C. 200 – Serial numbers from MM. 4641 to MM. 4736. After the 241st model, the cabin was left open.
Macchi M.C. 200 A2 – Equipped with wings and retractable landing gear taken from the successor, Macchi M.C. 202. The wings, redesigned by Mario Castoldi, no longer needed to be ballasted and solved the problem of overturning.
Standardized in 1942 to speed up production at Breda and SIAI, which were producing the Macchi M.C. 202 simultaneously. It also simplified the logistic line of front-line units.
Macchi M.C. 200 B2 – This version received only the wing attachment of the M.C. 202, the rest of the wing was of the Macchi MC 200. Like the A2 version, it was produced to speed up production and simplify the logistic line.
Macchi M.C. 200 AS – AS stands for Africa Settentrionale (Eng: North Africa). It was equipped with a sand filter for the carburetor.
Macchi M.C. 200CB – CacciaBombardiere or CB (Eng: Fighter-Bomber). With two wing pilons for bombs up to 160 kg or 150-liter auxiliary tanks.
Proposal
Better armed Macchi M.C. 200 – Proposal by engineer Castoldi to equip the M.C. 200 with two 7.7 mm Breda-SAFAT machine guns in the wings.
The idea was not approved by the Regia Aeronautica.
Macchi M.C. 200 Bis
Designation of a prototype produced by Breda (MM. 8191) with a 14-cylinder Piaggio P. XIX engine delivering a maximum power of 1,175 hp. It was derived from the Gnome-Rhône 14K Mistral Major and used on the Reggiane Re. 2002. It was tested during April-May 1942 by test pilot Acerbi. Castoldi was very annoyed because he did not approve the project.
Macchi M.C. 201
Two prototypes were built, with serial numbers MM 437 and MM 438. Given the availability of other, more powerful engines, Castoldi and Macchi spent very few resources on this project.
It was planned to equip the aircraft with the 1,000 hp FIAT A.76 RC.40 14-cylinder radial engine and some aerodynamic improvements, such as a more streamlined fuselage and a pressurized cabin.
Since the engine was not yet available, the prototypes were equipped with the 840 hp FIAT A.74 RC.38. The first prototype was flown for the first time on August 25th, 1941, by test pilot Guido Carestiato. It reached a speed of 512 km/h, while the second prototype was flown in September of the same year.
The two homologated vehicles, MM 8616 and MM 8617, were flown to Guidonia by Marshal Gori and Sergeant Staube on June 28th, 1942. The aircraft was not pursued because the expected engine was not available until 1943, by which time Italy had already started producing German inline engines under license for more than a year.
Surviving Macchi M.C. 200
Given the large production numbers, there are still three MC 200s exhibited in museums.
A destroyed fuselage and radial engine are exhibited at the Museo dell’Aeronautica Gianni Caproni in Trento, North-East Italy. Serial number unknown.
An example is exhibited at the Museo Storico dell’Aeronautica Militare in Vigna di Valle near Rome. Original serial number MM.8307, serial number exhibited MM.7707.
The last surviving example is on display at the National Museum of the United States Air Force in Riverside, Ohio. This aircraft belonged to the 372ª Squadriglia of the Regia Aeronautica. In order to replace losses, the plane was transferred in November 1942 to the 165ª Squadriglia in North Africa.
Due to the Battle of El Alamein and the hasty retreat from the Benghazi airport, the plane was abandoned with the coat of arms of the 372nd Squadron and did not receive the 165th Squadron coat of arms. It was captured by British troops and was subsequently shipped to the United States, where it was displayed around the country to sell war bonds.
It was later sold to the New England Air Museum, where it remained on display until 1989, when it was purchased by a private owner who had it restored in Italy by a team from Aermacchi (the new name of the company) and then sold to the US museum. Fortunately, the aircraft is displayed with the original coat of arms of the 372nd Squadron of the Regia Aeronautica and MM. 8146 serial number.
Conclusion
The Macchi M.C. 200 was one of the most produced fighters in Italy during the Second World War. It proved to be a reliable fighter, easy to produce and fly, with adequate power and speed and served on all fronts where the Regia Aeronautica was employed.
As the war progressed, it became increasingly obsolete against newer, more powerful types, but still saw service until the end of the war and even after.
France (1936-1940)
Fighter – 25 Built & ~200 Incomplete [Destroyed]
Arsenal de l’Aéronautique was one of the more peculiar plane manufacturers of interwar France, though it is also one of the somewhat more obscure ones. Arsenal was a state company which was created towards the end of 1934. Its goal at the time was to provide a way to train aviation engineers employed by the French state, and to help them evaluate design proposals. It would also be tasked with studying aircraft designs without the profitability constraints of a private company, meaning Arsenal de l’Aéronautique would typically be used to study experimental projects not necessarily meant to see mass-production. Following the mass nationalization of France’s aircraft industry ,which began in August 1936 under the Popular Front’s government, Arsenal was given eight hangars built by Bréguet in Villacoublay, near Paris, to install its design bureau and production facilities.
Roots in Tandem-Engine Fighter Designs
The timeline of the VG 33’s predecessors tends to be somewhat unclear. It is generally considered that the fighters hold their roots in tandem-engine designs, which were being studied at the request of the French state in the mid to late 1930s. The VB10, which would be manufactured postwar, was one result of these studies. However, orders to design such tandem designs appear to date from 1937 according to some sources, while a mockup of the VG 33’s direct predecessor, the VG 30, appeared in November of 1936.
In any case, the engineers of Arsenal, led by lead engineer Michel Vernisse, presented their new plane at the 15th Paris Air Show in November 1936. The design they had worked on appears to date from early 1936, and was an attempt to compete with contemporary fighter designs, such as the MS.405 or LN 161 . This aircraft would be designated the Arsenal de L’aéronautique VG.30.
The VG.30: An Impressive First Draft
The VG.30 mockup which was first presented at the Paris air show was a low cantilever-wing monoplane powered ,originally, by the Potez 12dc 610 hp in-line engine. The plane was to use an almost exclusively wooden construction, which would save on cost and strategic resources (though this would prove less so the case than expected when it was found France lacked the spruce wood reserves to build the aircraft and had to purchase large quantities abroad to compensate for this issue). It had a capable armament of one 20 mm HS-404 firing through the propelled hub, and four wing-mounted 7.5 mm MAC 34 machine-guns. The wings had a surface of 14 m². When first unveiled, the VG.30 had a very modern appearance and drew considerable interest from France’s air ministry. So much so that, in early 1937, the Air Ministry set requirements for a competition, the “A.23”, for French aircraft designers to offer light fighter aircraft designs. This opened up some competition to the VG.30, which would materialize in several prototypes, such as the (Bloch MB.700, SNCAO CAO.200, Roussel R.30).one design, Caudron’s C.714, would enter production (Caudron’s very light C.714)
Arsenal worked on adapting their VG.30 to these requirements and then manufactured a prototype. Manufacturing of the prototype started during the summer of 1937, and faced some considerable delays. Notably, the Potez engine could not be delivered, which pushed the Arsenal designers to switch to another engine, Hispano-Suiza’s 12Xcrs, which would provide a considerable power increase up to 690 hp. This change would start the association between Arsenal’s VG.3X series fighters and Hispano-Suiza in-line engines.
The first prototype of the VG.30 had its first flight on the 15th of October 1938. It would still have to wait several months for official state trials, in which some subsequent modifications were made to the aircraft. in July of 1939 were the state trials undertaken. The VG.30 proved to have decent performance for a light fighter with a Hispano-Suiza powerplant that was not the most powerful of these available; up to 485 km/h in level flight. In a dive, the VG.30 was found to reach 805 km/h.
Improving Upon the VG.30
The VG.30 had been found to be a rather capable design, but it had room for improvement. This was done by designing the VG.31. An issue with the VG.30 was that the radiator was fairly far forward. Being further in front than the cockpit, it was found not to be ideal for the plane’s aerodynamic profile. The VG.31 had its radiator moved back by two meters, and also had the wing surface reduced by two square meters. A more powerful engine was fitted in the form of the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 860 hp, which did not however feature a 20 mm gun firing through the propeller hub. Two of the wing machine-guns were also removed, with only two 7.5 mm MAC 34s remaining as armament.
The VG.31 was never flown. It appears a fuselage was built, but was then converted to a VG.33 which was also never flown, but used as a model to base production upon.
The VG.33: First Production Model
Wind tunnel trials of the VG.31 showed that its reduced wingspan resulted in aerodynamic instability. Its reduced armament was also a major issue. However, its radiator, pushed back to the rear, appeared to be a good design choice in order to reduce drag and improve the aerodynamic profile of the series.
In designing a more advanced version, the best parts of the VG.30 and VG.31 were combined. The new fighter, the VG.33, would combine the wingspan and armament of the VG.30, with the fuselage and engine of the VG.31 – modified to mount a 20 mm HS-404 firing through the propeller hub.
Production of the VG.33 prototype started in 1938, and the prototype took flight for the first time on the 25th of April 1939. The official trials would last from July of 1939 to March of 1940, and were generally very positive.
Design: The Structure of the VG.33
The VG.33 was designed using a largely wooden construction, made mostly of spruce. Almost all of the plane’s internal structure was wooden, and then given a plywood skin. The VG.33 used a semi-monocoque fuselage and a one-piece wing structure. The plane had a wingspan of 10.80 m, with each wing having a surface of 14 m². The plane was 8.55 m long, and 3.35 m high. Empty, it would weigh around 2,050 kg. When loaded, it would be between 2,450 and 2,896 kg (the second prototype would be weighed at 2,680 kg in seemingly standard configuration, with guns, fuel and pilot). The VG.33’s landing gear deployed outward.
The VG.33 used a Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31. This was a V12 engine producing 860 hp maximum at a critical altitude of 3,320 m, and at 2,400 rpm. This engine was fitted with a three-bladed Chauvière variable pitch propeller with a diameter of 2.95 m. This propeller would rotate at up 1,600 rpm. The water radiator was located below the cockpit,and was recessed into the fuselage as a way to reduce drag as much as possible. Upon take-off, a VG.33 would weigh 2,680 kg.
Firing through the propeller hub was the plane’s heaviest armament: a 20 mm HS-404 autocannon. Found on most French fighters of the era, this cannon fired 250 grams projectiles at a muzzle velocity of 880 m/s. It was fed by a 60-round drum magazine, which would typically be expended quite quickly considering the weapon typically fired at 570 to 700 rpm. Additionally, two MAC34M39 machine-guns were located in each wing. The M39 was the belt-fed version of the original MAC34 aircraft machine-gun, which initially used drum magazines. The 9 gram 7.5 mm projectiles were fired at 830 m/s, and 1,200 to 1,450 rpm. With a larger ammunition provision of 850 rounds per gun, the machine-guns could be kept firing much longer than the cannon.
The VG.33 featured the standard radio of the French air force at the time, the RI 537.
Performance
The trials undertaken from July of 1939 to March of 1940 gave a very good impression of the Arsenal VG.33, which could reasonably be considered the best French single-engine fighter of the era.
At its optimal altitude of 5,200 m, the VG.33 could reach a maximum speed of 558 km/h. This was faster than the newest French fighter of the time, the D.520, by about 20 km/h. The take-off speed would be of about 135 km/h, with a take-off distance of about 550 m. The landing speed was 125 km/h. The plane’s climb-rate was also a strength of the design. It would reach 1,000 m in 1.17 minutes, 2,000 in 2.34, 5,000 in 6.26 and 8,000 in 13.26. The plane had an operational ceiling of roughly 9,500 m.
The VG.33 had a maximum range of 1,060 km with its full fuel load of 400 litres. At an altitude of 5,000 m, it had an endurance of two hours and forty minutes There were trials for additional fuel tanks on the VG.30, which could perhaps have been applied to the VG.33 as well. The plane would then have a fuel load of 600 litres, and it was expected a VG.33 could cross up to 1,560 km, or fly for four hours and twenty minutes.
Posessing superb performance, forgiving flight characteristics, and good maneuverability, the VG.33 was a great fighter for its day . The first report made by the CEMA, the French Air Force’s evaluation service, in September in 1939, found the plane had excellent and well-balanced control surfaces which were effective at all speeds. Even at low speed, the plane remained very controllable all the way down to the stall speed, which made it easy to perform landings with. Furthermore, there was no particular imbalance and no risk of the plane losing control and nosing over. Taking-off was also not hard on the VG.33. The plane had no issues keeping a straight trajectory on the runway,and was considered very controllable even on the ground. The landing gear was found to be reliable and safe. The only somewhat lacking element was found to be the plane’s brakes, which were perhaps not as powerful as would be appreciated.
In comparison to the D.520 – which was already a decent fighter – the VG.33 compared favorably in pretty much all areas. This was even more of an achievement when taking into account the weights and powerplants of the two planes. The D.520’s weight was about equal to the VG.33 (2,050 kg empty, 2,740 kg fully loaded), however, it used a more powerful version of the same series of Hispano-Suiza 12Y engine, the 12Y-49. In comparison to the VG.33’s 12Y-31, the 12Y-49 producded 90 hp more, with a maximum output of 950 hp. This did not prevent the VG.33 from being faster than the D.520, climbing at a higher rate, and being more manoeuvrable, while featuring the exact same armament. In other words, the VG.33 would be, by the standards of 1939 and1940, a stellar fighter, very much able to compete with the newest designs from Germany or Great-Britain, the likes of the Bf109E and Spitfire. The plane would also have enough evolutionary potential to birth a series of fighters lasting potentially well into the war
Production Orders and Setting Up the VG.33’s production
The outbreak of the Second World War in September of 1939 led to Arsenal’s fighter,which had been undertaking trials for several months at this point, being ordered into production. A first order was placed on the 12th of September, for 220 VG.33s.
Arsenal de L’Aéronautique lacked any facilities suited for mass-production. As such, production of the VG.33 would be undertaken by the SNCAN factory of Sartrouville, South-West of Paris. Five days after the first order, an additional 200 VG.33s were ordered, with the fighter being thought of as a good potential replacement for the aging Morane-Saulnier MS.406.
In the following months, orders and scheduled production of the VG.33 would evolve considerably, with the type quickly being seen as a future mainstay fighter for the French air force. By late September 1939, it was planned that the first 10 serial-production VG.33s were to be delivered in April of 1940, with production gradually rising to 150 planes a month by the autumn. The schedule was revised in November, with the 10 examples then being scheduled for February, and production to be set at 50 planes a month from April onward at the SCAN factory. It was already understood that a second assembly line would be required at this point. It was planned to open an assembly line in Michelin’s factories of Clermont-Ferrand, in the region of Auvergne in Southern France. This facility would not produce the VG.33, but one of its derivatives, the VG.32, of which the first were to be completed in December of 1940. There were also plans to set up a VG.33 production chain in Vendée, Western France.
Production of the VG.33 required a large number of small producers. The aircraft’s largely wooden construction meant that a lot of parts could be supplied by cottage industry sources. Nonetheless, the production of the plane was quite consuming in terms of resources. To produce a single VG.33, 1,166 kg of spruce, 110 kg of plywood, 880 kg of steel, 436 kg of aluminum and duralumin and 125 kg of magnesium was required. Even if mostly wooden, a large quantity of steel was still consumed in the aircraft’s production. The most significant efforts in providing the materials needed to produce the VG.33 were not spent in acquiring any of the steel though, but rather the spruce wood. The French Air Force only had a reserve of 750 tonnes, and the wood was also used to manufacture some reconnaissance or training aircraft, meaning this available reserve would only be sufficient to provide for about 500 VG.33s. France had to start a scramble to acquire spruce from foreign sources. In November, the acquisition of 500 m3 of spruce from Great-Britain was negotiated. In the meantime, France also bought spruce not only from its traditional suppliers, the USA and Canada, but also from an additional source, Romania. Romanian spruce was soon found to be lacking in comparison to the North American-sourced material. However, it would still be sufficient for less strategically important reconnaissance or training aircraft, freeing up better quality spruce for the VG.33, which had become an absolute priority of the French air ministry by the spring of 1940. In terms of cost, the airframe of the VG.33, without engine or armament, cost 630,000 French francs to produce. This was less than the D.520 (700,000) or MB.152 (800,000), and the VG.33 could be considered to be a fairly economical fighter – though not as much as the much lighter, and less capable, Caudron C.714, born from the same specifications .
Too Little, Too Late
The first production schedule for the VG.33 evolved considerably over the months.At the outbreak of the war, it was expected that the first VG.33s would be delivered in April 1940. In November 1939, the date for the first expected deliveries was changed to February 1940. In January of 1940, it appeared obvious this schedule would not be met and the new set date for the first VG.33 deliveries was March. Finally, in March, the first VG.33 were not yet completed, and the schedule was moved again to April of 1940, where it originally was at the start of the war. Finally, the first production aircraft would take flight on the 21st of April 1940. The next two production aircraft followed in early May. Eventually, 7 production aircraft would be taken into the French Air Force’s registry. The aircraft’s production and service was cut short by the German invasion of the Low Countries and France, with the production facilities at Sartrouville being occupied by German troops around the 14-15th of June 1940.
The first squadron the VG.33 was supposed to enter service with was the GC ½, which previously operated the MS.406, far outclassed by the D.520 or Bf.109E. This squadron was allocated its two first aircraft, the 2nd and 4th production VG.33s, on the 10th of June 1940. The squadron, already engaged in the campaign, could not allocate any pilots to recover the aircraft. In the end, pilots of a reconnaissance group, GR 1/55, took them and relocated them from the under threat airport of Villacoublay, near Paris, to the far-away Toulouse-Francazal, deep in Southern France. Production planes n°1 and n°7 were moved to Clermont-Ferrant, where they were supposed to serve as models for the future VG.32 assembly chain. A fifth aircraft was moved to Southern France, n°7, in uncertain conditions.
Two VG.33s were reportedly part of an ad-hoc defensive squadron created in Bordeaux in June, GC I/55 active from the 17th to the 24th. According to some scaint claims, they may have been engaged in a few combat missions in the last days of the campaign of France. Two VG.33s are known to have been captured by German forces on Mérignac airfield, in Gironde, the same region as Bordeaux. These may have been the same aircraft.
Outside of these 7 aircraft taken in by the French air force, production at SCAN’s facilities in Sartrouville had been starting to pick up steam, and a number of aircraft were at various stages of production. It appears a total of 19 fighters had been completed. 20 more lacked only their landing gear and were near completion. Seemingly, at least 120 more fuselages were at various stages of production. The vast majority of these were sabotaged in extremis to prevent advancing German troops from capturing them. Notably, the completed fighters, that had yet to be taken in by the French air force were destroyed by the crew of a Potez 540 reconnaissance bomber on the 14th of June using sledgehammers, mere hours before German troops would seize the facilities. This did not prevent the Germans from getting their hands on a few VG.33s. Two VG.33s were seemingly captured in Mérignac airfield. Located near Bordeaux, these two planes may have been those part of an ad-hoc defensive squadron. At least one aircraft would be repainted in German colors and tested extensively, likely at Rechlin airfield, Germany, and given the registration number “3+5”. According to some sources, the Germans would capture a total of five serial production VG 33s as well as the original prototype.
A Series of Derivatives, France’s Potentially Mainstay World War Two fighter
Though the VG.33 was already a very potent fighter by 1940, there were already plans to improve upon it, generally by improving its powerplant. A variety of prototypes, mostly based on VG.33 airframes and given alternative designations as VG.33 prototypes, were flown in the Spring of 1940 and would have given Arsenal’s new series of fighters a more promising fate, were it not for the German occupation of France.
The VG.32, developed before the VG 33, but never flown, replaced the 12Y-31 engine with an American-sourced Allison V-1710-C15 1,150 hp engine. A model from the same series of engines would be fitted into the American P-40 Warhawk fighter. While also being more powerful than the Hispano-Suiza 12Y, the most significant advantage of the Allison engine was that it would relieve France’s strained engine industry. By producing the relatively easy to build VG.33 airframe and giving it an engine which would not strain the local industry, France would have a fighter that would require comparatively few work hours. The fifth VG.33 prototype airframe, VG.33-05, was supposed to receive the Allison engine and be the VG.32 prototype. However, the engine was not delivered before the armistice and, as such, the prototype was never flown. Nonetheless, the VG.32 had been ordered for serial production. Production was to be set-up in Michelin’s facilities of Clermont-Ferrant. It was hoped the first dozen would be delivered in December of 1940, with 25 to be manufactured in January of 1941, 40 in February, 70 in March, 100 in April, and 150 monthly from May 1941 onward. This obviously never materialized. As it was never flown, there is no good way to estimate the VG.32’s performance. The Allison engine reportedly required lengthening the engine cover by 42 cm and may have made the plane somewhat heavier, but its significantly higher power output may still have resulted in the VG.32 being at least comparable, if not somewhat superior to the VG.33.
The first VG.33 derivative to take flight would be the VG.34. Built using the second VG.33 prototype airframe (VG.33-02), the VG.34 mounted a more powerful version of the Hispano-Suiza 12Y engine, the 12Y-45. Producing 960 hp, this was enough to give the VG.34 a maximum speed of 576 km/h at 6,000 m, and likely improve upon its climb rate as well. The VG.34 had its first flight on the 20th of January 1940. It appears to have been at an airfield near Toulouse by the armistice, with its further fate unknown.
The VG.35, made from VG.33-04, received a Hispano-Suiza 12Y-51 engine producing 1,000 hp. Sadly, it is a lot more elusive than the VG.34. Its recorded performances do not appear to be known, nor do any photo survive, despite the VG.35 having its first flight on the 25th of February 1940. The plane was known to be in Orléans by the point German forces captured the city. Its further fate is unknown.
The VG.36 could be said to be a more mature version of the VG.35. Using the same 12Y-51 engine, the VG.36 was not built from a converted VG.33 airframe, but instead had a new one, incorporating a number of changes. Its radiator was wider but presented a smaller profile, and was more integrated into the fuselage in an effort to reduce drag. Taking its first flight on the 14th of May 1940, the VG.39 could reach 590 km/h at 7,000 m. Very satisfying in terms of its performance, it appears to have been scheduled to replace the VG.33 on the production lines at some point. As for the prototype, it was reportedly withdrawn to an airfield in La-Roche-Sur-Yon during the campaign, before being destroyed to avoid capture.
The VG.37 was never built; a further development of the VG.36, it was to feature a supercharger and be modified for long-range operations. The VG.38 was never built either, and was to feature an improved version of the 12Y engine – the exact model being unknown.
The VG.39 was the most advanced model which took flight. Its main improvement was in terms of its powerplant. It received the advanced Hispano-Suiza 12Y-89 ter, with an output of 1,200 hp. It appears this engine did not allow for a cannon firing through the propeller hub in this version. To somewhat compensate for this, the wings were redesigned, keeping the same surface area but having a vastly modified structure which enabled for the mounting of one additional MAC34 machine-gun in each wing. Taking its first flight on the 3rd of May 1940, it could reach an impressive 625 km/h at 5,750 m. A very well performing plane for the time, the VG.39 was, as the VG.36, intended to enter production. This would, however, likely have been in the form of an improved version still on the drawing board by 1940. Designated as the VG.39bis, this improved VG.39 would feature an even more powerful Hispano-Suiza 12Z-17 engine producing 1,600 hp and allow for a 20 mm HS-404 to fire through the propeller hub, with the 6 wing machine-guns being retained. The VG.39bis would also incorporate a lower and widened radiator design similar to the one found in the VG.36. It would likely have been a very high performing aircraft, but it stayed on the drawing board due to the German occupation of France. As for the VG.39 prototype, its eventual fate is unknown.
The Undying Shadow of a Promising Fighter: Vichy Regime Studies
As can be seen, the VG.33 was an aircraft with promising performance, and an already well-developed series of variants which would have guaranteed the aircraft good evolutionary potential. Had France not been knocked out of the war by 1940, it is likely the Arsenal VG.3X series would have become for France what the Spitfire was to Britain or the Bf.109 to Germany: a mainstay able to continue to evolve and remain relevant for pretty much the entirety of the conflict.
This promising future was cut short by German wings, tracks and feet occupying France in 1940. Nonetheless, the armistice regime known as Vichy continued some studies upon the base of the VG.33. A few of the fighters, seemingly five production models as well as the original prototype, were indeed re-located in the unoccupied part of France at the end of the 1940 campaign. Though they were not put into service, they appear to have been taken as a basis to continue working on future fighters.
Under the Vichy regime, studies would continue, leading to the VG.40, 50 and then VG.60. The definitive aircraft designed by 1942 would have featured larger 16.25 m² wings, and a completely redesigned fuselage which had little to do with the old VG.33. It would feature a new version of the Hispano-Suiza 12Z engine. Studies stopped after the occupation of the unoccupied part of France in November of 1942, but would resume after the liberation of France, with a VG.60 fitted with a German Jumo 213E 1,750 hp engine being considered. This would have been a fighter vastly different from the original VG.33. Armed with eight wing-mounted M2 Browning 12.7 mm machine-guns and a cannon of unknown model firing through the propeller hub, it would have weighed up to around five tons and was expected to reach over 700 km/h. This would never materialize, as Arsenal would end up manufacturing a version of a pre-war project in the form of the tandem engine VB.10. The design bureau would also design some jet fighters in the form of the VG.70 and VG.90, though these would not result in any Arsenal aircraft being adopted by France before the bureau was absorbed into the larger SNCAN in December of 1954.
A Fighter Mystified and Fantasized-About, Cut Short by France’s Defeat
The Arsenal VG.33 was a particularly interesting French piece of equipment. Having its roots in a venture by Arsenal de L’Aéronautique to design the VG. 30 light fighter, the type would evolve into a solid fighter by 1939-1940. Having both promising performance and evolutionary potential, the VG.33’s future was cut short by the German invasion which happened right as the very first production aircraft were taking their first flights. Even more so than the D.520, often described by this sentence, the VG.33 arrived too few and too late, and couldn’t provide the French air force an aircraft able to compete with Germany’s Bf.109 . It has since become a fairly mystified piece of French engineering. An elegant fighter with a sleek design, it has become a sort of ambassador for the large variety of advanced military equipment which France was to field by 1940, but never got the chance. In this fashion, it is not too different from the Somua S40 and B1 Ter tanks or MAS 40 rifle in the psyche of French military enthusiasts.
Replica Construction
This heavily mystified status of the VG.33 likely played a role in the creation of a project to produce a replica of the French fighter aircraft. An association, Arsenal Sud Restoration, was created with the goal of building a replica. With the original plans unavailable, the team had to recreate them using new tools. As of November 2020, while far from complete, the shape of the replica’s fuselage is starting to take shape, while the rudder has been painted and given its markings.
Variants
VG.30: Original light fighter prototype
VG.31: Planned modified variant of the VG.30, with Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 860 hp engine, radiator moved to the back, and only two 7.5mm machine-guns. Never flown, a fuselage built and converted to a VG.33 prototype
VG.32: Planned variant fitted with Allison V-1710-C15 1,150 hp engine. A VG.33 prototype fuselage was set aside to receive the engine and serve as the VG.32 prototype, but it had not yet been mounted in June of 1940. Production was scheduled to begin in December 1940.
VG.33: Main production variant, using the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 860 hp engine and armed with one 20mm HS-404 autocannon and four 7.5mm MAC 34 machine-guns.
VG.34: Prototype converted from the second VG.33 prototype airframe, using the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-45 engine producing 960hp.
VG.35: Prototype converted from the fourth VG.33 prototype airframe, fitted with the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-51 1,000hp engine.
VG.36: Prototype, an improved iteration of the VG.30 series with the 12Y-51 engine in a modified airframe, with a radiator designed to reduce drag and significant other changes. Was to replace the VG.33 on the production lines at some point
VG.37:Planned variant of the VG.36 fitted with a supercharger and optimized for longer-range operations, never built
VG.38: Fighter design with an unknown iteration of the 12Y family of engines, never built.
VG.39: Prototype using the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-89 ter, producing 1,200hp but not fitted with an engine cannon, and instead using six 7.5mm machine-guns instead of four.
VG.39bis: Further evolution of the VG.39, powered by the Hispano-Suiza 12Z-17 1,600hp engine which would allow for a 20mm firing through the engine, while retaining six 7.5mm machine-guns. Never built
VG.40: First variant studied under the Vichy regime, using a Roll-Royces Merlin III 1,030hp engine on an airframe based on the VG.39bis. Never built
VG.50: Variant studied under the Vichy regime, using the Allison V-1710-39 engine. Never built
VG.60: Variant studied under the Vichy regime, with a new version of the Hispano-Suiza 12Z series of engines. Never built.
Arsenal VG.33 Specifications
Wingspan
10.8 m / 35 ft 6 in
Length
8.55 m / 28 ft 1 in
Height
3.55 m / 11 ft 8 in
Wing Area
14 m² / 46 ft² (One Wing) 28 m² / 92 ft² (Total)
Engine
Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31
Engine Output
Take Off – 760 hp Optimal Altitude – 860 hp at 5,200 m / 17,000 ftMax RPM – ~1,850 Standard
Propeller
Three-bladed Chauvière Variable Pitch Propeller (2.95 m diameter)
Empty Weight
2,050 kg / 4,519 lb
Takeoff Weight
2,450 to 2,896 kg (2,680 kg standard) 5,400 to 6,385 lb (5,908 lb standard)
Wing Loading
95.7 kg/m² / 19.6 lb/ft² (at standard 2,680 kg weight)
Fuel Capacity
400 liters / 105 US gallons 600 liters / 158 US gallons with proposed additional non-droppable fuel tanks
Maximum Speed
558 km/h / 347 mph
Cruising Speed
385 km/h / 239 mph
Cruising Range
1,060 km / 620 mi with Standard 400 liter fuel load
1,560 km / 970 mi with Extended 600 liter fuel load
Endurance
2h40 at 5,000m with 400 liter fuel load
4h20 at 5,000m with 600 liter fuel load
Maximum Service Ceiling
9,500 m / 31,000 ft
Time to Altitude
1.17 minutes to 1,000 m
2.34 minutes to 2,000 m
3.51 minutes to 3,000 m
5.07 minutes to 4,000 m
6.26 minutes to 5,000 m
8.02 minutes to 6,000 m
10.11 minutes to 7,000 m
13.26 minutes to 8,000 m
Crew
One Pilot
Armament
20 mm HS-404 firing through the propeller hub center with 60 rounds
4x MAC34M39 machine-guns with 850 rounds per gun in the wings
Production
1 prototype + 4 completed derivative prototype
Around 20 production aircraft fully completed of which 7 were taken in by the French Air Force
40 airframes very close to completion
About 200 aircraft in various stages of production in total by June of 1940
German Empire (1915)
Reconnaissance Aircraft – 267 Built
The Roland C.II was a reconnaissance aircraft built by LFG Roland in 1915 as a new and innovative design. The type would see widespread use by the German Empire and, thanks to its highly advanced form, became the fastest and most maneuverable of its type when it was introduced. Overall improvements on the aircraft were done throughout the war to strengthen its performance, but by the end of the war, much more advanced aircraft had been deployed and made the Roland obsolete. The C.II was relegated to a training aircraft until the end of the war, when all were scrapped.
Development
In early 1915, the Luftfahrzeug Gesellschaft (L.F.G.), also known as Roland to avoid confusion with a similar sounding design firm, began building several Albatros aircraft under license. These aircraft were the Albatros B.I, B.II and the C.I, which were considered some of the most advanced in terms of aerodynamics for the current times. Around the same time, Dipl.-Ing. (Engineer) Tantzen would join Roland as chief designer. With Tantzen as the chief designer and their experience gained from license-building aircraft, Roland would begin designing a new and original plane, the C.II.
Work began on the C.II (C-types were two-seat armed aircraft) sometime in mid 1915. The C.II would have a very rounded, aerodynamic fuselage design, similar to the Albatros D.III fighters of the following year. The fuselage was created in a unique way, called Wickelrumpf (Wrapped body). Wickelrumpf involved using layers of veneer strips that were wrapped around a simple wodden frame. The shells created were then glued together around the wooden frame of the C.II and strengthened with fabric, making a very streamlined and sturdy fuselage. This whole process was an early attempt at monocoque construction, which involved having a shell built around a frame. However, the Wickelrumpf technique on the C.II used two stringers for the frame, a feature true monocoque aircraft don’t have. Like the fuselage, the wings were also designed to be very aerodynamic. Instead of having the wings connected with multiple spars and bracings, as was common with aircraft of the time, the wings of the C.II would be connected via a single wooden strut in a single bay wing.
Before a prototype was completed, a C.II fuselage was mounted on a railcar for aerodynamic testing and other experiments. The train would swiftly go down a straight track between the cities of Schoneberg and Juterbog and data would be recorded on the aircraft. The first prototype C.II was completed in October of 1916 and its first test flight would happen between the 24th and 25th. This test flight would end in misfortune, with the D.III engine failing mid flight, resulting in a crash and subsequent damage to the aircraft. The prototype was quickly repaired and flying, with a second prototype completed soon after. In the test flights, it was found that, thanks to its aerodynamic design and powerful D.III engine, the C.II’s speed was extraordinary, surpassing all of the current C-type aircraft then in use. With such a feat, a production batch of 50 aircraft were ordered on December 23rd, 1915. Testing continued and it was found that the wing cells were slightly unstable, so an additional drag wire was added for stabilization. After this change was added to the design and prototypes, production of the type continued and, by March 7th, 1916, the first of the production aircraft were ready to be sent to the front.
Design
The Roland C.II was a two seat observation biplane. The body of the C.II was aerodynamic in shape and had a plywood frame, with the outer shell created via Wickelrumpf and made of veneer strips glued together and supported with fabric. Wickelrumpf produced a semi-monocoque fuselage. The body would have two seats, one for the pilot and one for an observer. On the sides of the fuselage were two pairs of celluloid windows for the observer to use. On several occasions, flight crews would paint curtains onto them. The windows themselves were modified by the crews to open by sliding backwards or downwards, but this was not a standard feature. Above the pilot’s position was a roll cage designed to prevent the pilot from being crushed in the event of a roll over on the ground. The initial design of the cage was circular but, once the frontal Spandau was added, the cage had to be redesigned and became more triangular in shape. No measure was given to protect the observer. The C.II used a Mercedes D.III engine mounted in the nose and driving a wooden propeller. The first two cylinders were exposed to the elements. The area surrounding the engine was the only part of the aircraft to have metal plating. Certain plates were hinged to allow for maintenance to the engine. For exhaust, the initial models used the “ocarina” style pipes, but later models would change between the ocarina style and others. The engines would have two ear radiators on each side of the craft. These protruding radiators obstructed airflow and caused drag. The tailfins were wooden and fabric covered. The control surfaces were made of steel tubes and covered in fabric. The tailfin was enlarged after the June 1916 batch to increase stability.
The wings of the aircraft were made of wood and covered in doped fabric as was conventional at the time, with the control surfaces being made of steel tubes and also covered in doped fabric. The ailerons were originally in the lower wing but, starting with the C.IIa, these would be located in the upper wing. The wings themselves were the exact same length, shape and chord. Unique I-struts connected the wings together. The I-struts were of plywood construction and would have interior bracings in the shape of an X. The C.II would have a landing gear connected to the aircraft with v-shaped connectors. At the rear of the aircraft would be a landing skid.
For armament, the C.II initially only had a single Parabellum 7.92 mm for the observer to use. After the first 50 aircraft, a forward firing synchronized Spandau 7.92 mm was added for the pilot. If needed, four bomb racks could be fixed to the underside of the wings to carry small bombs. The aircraft also carried several flares. A radio could also be carried on the aircraft and used by the observer. This was powered by an airscrew-powered dynamo located near the landing gear.
The “Walfisch” In Action
The Roland C.II arrived on the frontline in late March of 1916 and the effort put into its aerodynamic design was noted almost immediately. The C.IIs were the fastest aircraft used by the Luftstreitkräfte (German Air Force) at their introduction, outpacing all of their operational aircraft and almost all opposing Allied aircraft, only being superseded by a handful of Allied fighters. Because of its impressive speed, the Roland C.II was flown in special groups, as other two seater C-type aircraft could not keep up with the type. The Roland C.II was initially used as a reconnaissance plane, with the second crewman acting as the observer, but its speed allowed it to be used on escort duties as well. Despite its good speed, however, the C.II was not without its flaws. In the observer role, thanks to the crewmen being seated above the body, visibility above the plane was superb, but visibility in front of the aircraft was lacking, and visibility beneath the aircraft was poor. An attempt to fix this early on, before production began, was placing cutouts in the base of the wings, but this solution still do not provide adequate visibility. This flaw became fatal later on, once enemy pilots learned of this massive weak spot, as they would now dive beneath a C.II, then fly upwards towards it, firing their guns while the Roland crew had no means of detecting threats from that angle. This visibility issue also made landings especially dangerous, as the pilot had difficulty calculating how close the ground was. Aircraft of the time were well known to have difficulty upon landing, but the Roland C.II exhibited worse than average landing performance due to the visibility issue. Maneuverability and stability of the C.II was also lackluster at times and would need improvement.
Initially, the Roland C.II only had a single Parabellum 7.92 mm machine gun for the observer to use. The first fifty of these aircraft would have this small armament. Many of the pilots found this weak armament lacking. One pilot in particular, Lt. Otto Czernak of Schusta 28, would fix this issue on his own. He would rig up a forward firing apparatus for another Parabellum machine-gun that would allow the pilot to fire. Due to the propeller and machine-gun not being synchronized, the rig placed the gun well above the rotating radius of the propeller, making the rig very tall. Czernak’s own plane was modified in other ways as well, having a unique input system for his observer that would allow the 2nd crewman to communicate to Czernak to maneuvering instructions. No other C.II would have this system. After the first fifty aircraft, all C.II’s would have a synchronized Spandau machine-gun for the pilot to use. This gave the C.II some dogfighting ability, which is how it would end up being used for escort duties, along with its excellent speed.
At some point, either during its career or while it was still being developed, the C.II was given the unofficial nickname of Walfisch (Whale). The origin of this name has been told many times but there is no concise point that has been confirmed. The most common of these origins is said to have come while it was still in development, from a German official observing the type. Another reason could have been its overall round shape and how the early models were painted a silver-white color. Nonetheless, the name stuck around. The name Walfisch did not seem to have any negative connotation for its pilots, as many of them would paint fish or shark faces on their aircraft. Some would even paint scales. The previously mentioned Otto Czernak would paint a fish face onto his aircraft. This tradition was seen throughout its lifespan, even after the later two-toned camouflage models were introduced with green and brown paint.
A production of 24 aircraft, after the initial batch, with the modified machine-gun was ordered in March of 1916. Another batch of 45 aircraft was ordered in April. However, the batch of Roland C.IIs after this set would aim to fix many of the stability issues found with the aircraft in the field. The tailfin was enlarged to improve flight performance. The wings were shortened and the I struts were moved inward to compensate for the wing flexing. These made the wings much more structurally sound. This reworked design of the C.II was known as the C.IIa and testing of the type began in April and May of 1916. The type would be sent to the frontline by the summer. All C.II aircraft after this point would be of the C.IIa model. A batch of 19 C.IIa was ordered in April of 1916 and another batch of 36 C.IIa was also ordered, but with the ailerons in the upper wing. All aircraft after this would have the ailerons this configuration. A batch of 40 C.IIas was ordered in June of 1916 and would have a larger vertical fin to improve stability.
Most of the production Roland C.IIs were flying by the mid summer of 1916. The C.II was used extensively at the Battle of the Somme, where it was used in large numbers for recon and escort duties. On the second day of the Battle of the Somme, June 2nd, the soon-to-be-famous Albert Ball would go on a sortie in a Nieuport scout aircraft. While flying, his squadron would encounter 6 Roland C.IIs on patrol. The Allied squadron would begin their attack, while the Roland formation scattered. Ball was able to catch up to one and shoot it down, causing the C.II to plummet near the Mercatel-Arras road. This would be the first aircraft Ball completely destroyed in flight (There were several confirmed victories before this, but this was the first confirmed complete destruction of an aircraft). Many of Ball’s early kills were Roland C.IIs. Ball himself went on to compliment the C.II, stating it was the best aircraft the German’s had at the time, with a good defense to compliment its speed.
The Roland C.II was continually used through the rest of 1916. By summer, the Linke-Hofman company would begin license building C.IIs. An initial batch of 16 aircraft was ordered. The aircraft built under license were known as C.IIa(Li). In July of 1916, a batch of 40 aircraft was ordered to be produced by Linke-Hofman. This would be the last batch of C.IIs built and would be sent to the front in the beginning of 1917. By this time, however, the C.II had lost its performance edge. The Allies had fielded newer and improved aircraft that were able to easily keep up with the C.II, and the Germans had also produced newer aircraft that performed better. The C.II was instead returned from the front lines and used as a trainer for the C-type in flight schools. The C.II would perform this duty until hostilities ended in 1918. The fate of the remaining C.IIs is unknown, but they were most likely scrapped. No aircraft survive to this day.
The Roland C.III: A Derivative Design
In mid-1916, a derivative design of the C.II emerged; the Roland C.III. The C.III shared many of the same design features of the C.II, such as a two-seat aerodynamic body with two windows on each side for observation purposes. However, most of the similarities stop there. The C.III was designed to use the more powerful 200 hp (149 kW) Mercedes D.IV engine over the C.II’s D.III. Based on the few pictures available, the prototype C.III appears to still use a D.III engine, most likely to test the airframe before the larger engine was placed. To compensate for a stronger engine, the wings of the C.II were made larger. The wings themselves were also reworked. Instead of having single bay wings with flat strut connectors, like the C.II, the C.III instead had the standard two bay wings typical of aircraft of the era. This was most likely done as the single struts of the C.II happened to obscure the vision of the frontal windows. The tail design of the C.III also differed from the C.II. Very little is known of the C.III outside of these few details, including whether or not it even flew or any further testing. The single C.III prototype was lost when LFG’s facility in Adlershof was destroyed in a fire on September 6th, 1916. This incident is cited to be caused by sabotage from British Special Forces. After the loss of the prototype, no further work on this type was done.
Conclusion
At the time of its introduction, the C.II was one of the most advanced aircraft Germany had. Its powerful engine and aerodynamic construction allowed it to outperform most of its opposition. As the war continued, more advanced machines eventually outpaced the Roland C.II. The aircraft did manage to influence other companies to attempt more aerodynamic designs. Roland would continue building planes, including newer C-types (C.V and C.VIII) and fighter types, both of which would use Wickelrumpf. Two other aircraft were built off of the C.II’s design, the D.I fighter and the WD floatplane. Despite continuing to make newer aircraft, none of Roland’s designs would ever garner the same fame as their “Walfisch”, and it would remain their most iconic design of the war.
Variants
LFG Roland C.II Prototype – The prototype model of the C.II differed from the production version in several ways. Notably, it only had one set of windows. Two of these were built.
LFG Roland C.II – Standard model for the Roland C.II. After the initial batch, all aircraft would use a synchronized machine-gun in the nose.
Otto Czernak’s LFG Roland C.II – A modified early production C.II used by Otto Czernak of Schusta 28. It had a makeshift machine-gun mount and a unique input system for the observer to request movements from the pilot.
LFG Roland C.IIa – Later modified model of the C.II, had improved wings and a larger tailfin.
LFG Roland C.IIa(Li) – Designation given to C.IIa planes license-built by Linke-Hofman.
LFG Roland C.III – Derivative aircraft based on the C.II. Heavily reworked the wings and was given a Benz B.IV engine.
Operators
German Empire – The Roland C.II served as a reconnaissance aircraft and an escort aircraft in several squadrons of the Luftstreitkräfte from 1916 to 1918
LFG Roland C.II Specifications
Wingspan
33 ft 10 in / 10.33 m
Length
25 ft 3 in / 7.7 m
Height
9 ft 6 in / 2.9 m
Mean Aerodynamic Chord
4 ft 11 in / 1.5 m
Wing Area
91.7 ft² / 27.96 m²
Engine
160 hp (119.3 kW) Mercedes D.III 6-cylinder inline engine
The Modli J.M. 8 was designed in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, built by the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), and after World War II, operated by the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY). It was an inexpensive training aircraft that would be used in this role up to 1950.
The Beginning
The story of the Modli J.M. 8 began in 1938, when an aircraft engineer from the 1st Air Force Regiment (stationed at Novi Sad), Josip Modli, finished work on a new light training aircraft design. He originally intended to design and build a single seat trainer that was cheap and simple to manufacture by using mostly wood. He also intended to gain the interest of amateur aviators and aeroclubs with a low price. The J.M. 8 designation comes from the initials of the designer’s name. Due to its small size and low price, it earned the nickname Komarac/komaрац (Mosquito).
The following year, Modli actually began building this aircraft. He reused the small 18 hp engine taken from a damaged French HM.14 Pou du Ciel (Nebeska Vaš/Небеска Ваш in Serbian). Four had been bought from France in 1935 but, due to construction problems, their use was limited and all were damaged during test flights. One was tested at Novi Sad, where the 1st Air Force Regiment was stationed.
At that time, word of his design and work reached the Yugoslavian Air Force Headquarters. Headquarters then instructed (or ordered, depending on the sources) aircraft engineer Tišma, who was co-owner of the Albatros aircraft manufacturer from the cit of Sremska Mitrovica, to contact Modli. After short negotiations, Tišma and Modli reached an agreement that Albatros should finish the construction of the J.M. 8. If the design received any mass production orders, Modli agreed to provide Albatros with a license for its production.
The J.M. 8 was completed in early 1941, with testing scheduled to begin in March. Due to bad weather, Albatros’ main airport at Ruma was flooded during March and early April, so no tests flights were conducted. During the outbreak of the April War (Axis invasion of Yugoslavia), all finished and partially constructed planes from Albatros were loaded on a train on the 10th of April. Because of the great confusion due to the outbreak of war and the lack of documentation, the fate of this train and its cargo is unknown to this day.
After the end of the April War, the Serbian Air Force Commission made estimates of all unpaid pre-war designs, including the Modli J.M. 8, in order to arrange for future payments for military contracts. The commission, after analysis of the Modli J.M. 8 documentation, concluded that the aircraft did not meet any military requirements and was suitable for civilian use only.
Technical Characteristics
The Modli J.M. 8 was designed as a single engined, high wing, mixed construction (but mostly wood) training aircraft. Its fuselage had a simple design made of plywood. The high wings and the rear tail were made of a wooden structure covered with fabric. For better flight controls, Modli used two modified Gottingen 426 longerons. The wings were connected to the fuselage with three “N” shaped metal bars on both sides and with two additional ones in the centre. The tail had a large rudder and elevators made of wood.
It was powered by the two cylinder Aubier & Dunne 18 hp engine. The engine compartment was covered with duralumin. The two-bladed propeller was made of walnut. A fuel tank with a capacity of 16 liters was placed in the center of the wing.
The landing gear was fixed, but was equipped with rubber shock absorbers for greater comfort and control during landing. There was no rear wheel, being instead equipped with a small skid and shock absorber.
The pilot’s cockpit was fully open with a small windshield at the front. The cockpit had a simple design and was equipped with basic controls and instrumentation. These flight instruments included an airspeed indicator, fuel level, tachometer, and altimeter. As the first prototype was never adequately tested, details about its flying performance are not known.
During World War II
After the Yugoslavian capitulation, its territories were divided between the Axis forces. The Germans created the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska) puppet state. Despite promises of sending military equipment, weapons and aircraft, the NDH was mostly supplied with older or captured equipment. The NDH aviation industry was heavily dependent on supplies from Germany and Italy, as it lacked any major production capacity or industrial development, meaning domestic production was not possible. The only attempt at domestic production was with the Modli aircraft.
In 1941, Modli joined the new NDH Air Force with the rank of Flight Captain as a flight school instructor. He immediately began working on his second prototype, now simply called Modli-8. Unlike his first prototype, the second one was powered by a stronger four-cylinder Praga-B giving 40 hp. As this engine was too strong for the prototype, its power was reduced to just 20 hp. For the landing gear, two smaller rear wheels from a German Me-109 were reused. The Modli-8 was also shorter in comparison to the first prototype by 0.94 ft (15 cm).
In 1943 Modli was transferred to the technical workshop of the 1st Air Base in Zagreb, where he continued to develop his plane. In 1944, the Modli-8 was completed and introduced to NDH operational service according to authors T. Lisko and D. Čanak. Unfortunately, they do not give more information on its service history. According to authors B. Nadoveza and N. Đokić on the other hand, noted that Modli deliberately delayed the production of the Modli-8 and it was never fully completed for use by the NDH.
On 26th October 1944, Josip Modli fled to Slovenia at the helm of a Bücker Bü 131 “Jungmann” in hopes of joining the Yugoslav Communist Partisans. Meanwhile, his assistants and friends in Zagreb hid the Modli-8 prototype in the attic of an old shed. Due to the chaos and confusion caused by the war, it was easy to hide the small and lightweight prototype. The Modli-8 would survive the war intact.
In NDH service, the Modli-8’s lower fuselage, wings, and tail were painted in silver. The upper part of the fuselage and vertical stabilizer was blue. The wings struts were painted in red, while the middle of the fuselage wore a red stripe on both sides with a white outline. There were NDH markings with a large “JM8” painted on the tail. The color scheme would remain the same after the war but the NDH marking would be replaced with the Communist Star.
After the War
After the collapse of the NDH and the German forces in Yugoslavia, Modli, now Captain in the Yugoslav People’s Army, moved his prototype from Zagreb to Skopje, where it was completed in an army workshop. Modli himself flew the prototype during the summer of 1945. Surprisingly , he did not report this flight to his superiors and an alarm was raised, with several fighters launched to intercept him. Modli was lucky, as this incident did not affect his military career. The Modli-8 was, by order of Air Force Command, moved to Belgrade for further tests. The aircraft proved to be a good design, as it was easy and pleasant to fly according to test pilot Vasilije Vračević. There were some issues with the sensitivity of the large rudders and elevators during flight. For take off, it only needed a very short 170 m (558 ft) runway, and could land on a 125 m (410 ft) airfield. The maximum speed was around 100 km/h 223 mph at an altitude of 1 km.
The Modli-8 was then given to Aircraft Center Vršac, where it was used for training and propaganda flights. It was used operationally up to 1950, when it was removed from Army service. During its operational service, the Modli-8 was also used as a glider trainer. Under the right conditions it could be used as a glider with the engine shut off, which was useful for glider training.
Josip Modli later (date unknown) designed a two-seater version named Modli-9, but it was never fully completed. Both the Modli-8 and the unfinished 9 were given to the Croatian Technical Museum (Zagreb) after the death of Josip Modli in 1974.
Production and Modifications
Despite being cheap, easy to build, and pleasant to fly, the Modli-8 was never adopted for military or civilian service. The first prototype was never fully tested due to the outbreak of the war and was lost (precise fate unknown). The second prototype was built during the war and was in use up to 1950. Despite the good feedback for its flight performance from the military, the Modli-8 was rejected for production, mostly due to the recent adoption of the BC-3 Trojka.
Modli J.M.8 – First prototype powered with Aubier & Dunne engine, lost in WW2.
Modli-8 – Second prototype powered by Praga-B engine and with other minor improvements, in service until 1950.
Modli-9 – Two-seater version, never fully completed.
Conclusion
Despite the few number of built aircraft, the Modli J.M. 8 had a small but interesting development history, changing owners several times. It had the honor of being the only aircraft built in Croatia during World War II. Despite its simplistic nature, it saw extensive use as a trainer after the war.
Operators
Kingdom of Yugoslavia – One built prototype
Independent State of Croatia (NDH) – Constructed one prototype but never tested
Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY) – Operated the Modli-8 up to 1950.
Modli-8 (second prototype) Specifications
Wingspans
31 ft 2 in / 9.5 m
Length
19 ft 7 in / 6 m
Height
6 ft / 1.85 m
Wing Area
36.25 ft² / 11.05 m²
Engine
One four cylinder Praga-B 40 hp engine
Empty Weight
474 lbs / 215 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
705 lbs / 320 kg
Fuel Capacity
16 l
Climb Rate to 1 km
In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed at 1 km
223 mph / 100 km/h
Take of run
558 ft / 170 m
Landing run
410 ft / 125 m
Range
124 mi / 200 km
Maximum Service Ceiling
5578 ft / 1,700 m
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None
Gallery
Illustrations by Carpaticus
Sources:
T. Lisko and D. Čanak (1998), The Croatian Air Force In The WWII, Nacionalna i sveučilišna knjižnica, Zagreb
Vojislav V. Mikić, (2000) Zrakoplovstvo Nezavisne države Hrvatske 1941-1945, Vojno istorijski institut Vojske Jugoslavije
B. Nadoveza and N. Đokić (2014), Odbrambena Privreda Kraljevine Jugoslavije, Metafizika Beograd.
Nebojša Đ.and Nenad M. (2002), IPMS Yugoslavia and Yugoslavian Aviation Special Interest Group Bulletin No 1-4,