Tag Archives: Fighter

Official classification tag

Re.2000 (J20) In Swedish Service

sweden flag Sweden (1941)
Fighter – 60 Aircraft

To protect their airspace as the Second World war ravaged Europe, Sweden wanted to acquire more modern fighters. Initially, they purchased American fighters, but the few they could order  were insufficient and would be soon out of date. Luckily for Sweden,  Italy was in short supply of vital metal ore, so it was that the Swedish Air Force managed to acquire 60 Re.2000 fighters. These were immediately put to service and proved to be the best fighters that Sweden had in its inventory during the war.

Re.2000 in Swedish service. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

History

As the war in Europe broke out in 1939, Sweden tried to use its geopolitical and geographic position to remain neutral. Despite its neutral position, it still needed to acquire weapons and other pieces of military equipment to protect its border in case of any potential attack. Just as the war in Europe started,  Sweden’s military officials purchased 120 P-35 Seversky fighters from the US to strengthen its air force. The first contingent of 60 aircraft reached Sweden in early 1940. The second group never reached Sweden, as the US Government canceled this agreement.

Despite ordering 120 P-35 Seversky fighters only half that number ever reached Sweden. Source: comandosupremo.com

The Swedish Armed Forces, not wanting to be left defenseless against an enemy air force, instead approached the Italians. Luckily for them, the Italians had developed and produced the Re.2000 which was essentially an improved copy of the US P-35. The Swedish government requested the purchase of 60 aircraft of this type. The official agreement was signed on the 28th of November 1940. As payment, Sweden agreed to give the Italians vital ore resources such as chrome and nickel.

Through Italy, Sweden managed to acquire 60 Re.2000 fighter aircraft in 1941. Source:www.destinationsjourney.com

Re.2000 Brief Development History 

In 1938, the development of the Re.2000 by Reggiane began at the request of the Italian Aviation Ministry. The Italian Air Force at that time wanted to introduce more modern, low-wing fighters. By then, several different fighter designs were in various states of development. Reggiane formed a team of engineers with the aim of creating such a fighter, led by the Technical Director Antonio Alessio, and Engineer Roberto Longhi. Due to a lack of time to design an aircraft from the ground up, a solution was made to utilize some elements of the design of the US Seversky P-35. The main reason why the Re.2000 was influenced by this US design was Roberto Longhi. He had spent some time working in the aviation industry in America before returning to Italy in 1936. While the two planes look very similar, there were some differences, like the cockpit, and landing gear. Due to the lack of interest of the Italian Air Force Officials, fewer than 170 aircraft of this type would be produced. Most were exported, and only small quantities of this fighter were ever operated by the Italian Air Force.

 

Italian Re.2000 fighter. Source: www.warbirdphotographs

In Swedish service 

The first Re.2000 reached Sweden in 1941. It was disassembled and then transported by rail through Germany and finally to Sweden. Once there, it was transported to the Swedish Air Force central workshop at Malment to be reassembled, after which the first trial and evaluation flights were carried out in September 1941. Once all 60 arrived, these were allocated to the F 10 Kung. Skanska Flyglottiljen (Eng. Fighter wing) unit. Their primary base of operation was the airfields at Bulltofta and Rinkaby. In Swedish Service, the Re.2000s were renamed to J20. The ‘J’ stands for Jacktplan, meaning a fighter. These received serial numbers from 2301 to 2360. The last two digits of these numbers were painted (in white color) on the aircraft tails and engine.

In general, the overall flight performance of the J20 was deemed sufficient. Its greatest downside was its poor mechanical reliability, and the difficulty in maintaining its engine. The Italians never tested the Re.2000’s performance in a cold climate, as it was intended for service in the Mediterranean. Because of this, the Swedish maintenance crews had to find out the hard way that the aircraft was simply not suited for the cold climate in the North. Trouble starting the engine in cold weather would prove a common, and frustrating exercise.

The J20 mainly saw service in the role of the interceptor. Their job was to intercept any aircraft that came near Sweden’s airspace. These were in the majority of cases, damaged Allied aircraft that were returning from bombing raids in  Germany. On rare occasions, some German aircraft would lose their way and be intercepted by the J20. The interception operations were not intended to engage incoming aircraft but to simply escort them to the Bulltofta airfield, where the plane and its crew would be interred.

During the war, some 16 J20s were lost in various accidents but only one was shot down in combat. During a routine patrol on the 3rd of April 1945, a J20 piloted by Erik Nordlund spotted a German Do 24 aircraft that was flying near Nahobukten. As the J20 approached the German plane it was hit by 2 cm cannon rounds. While the pilot disengaged and tried to fly back, the engine exploded in midair, destroying the aircraft and killing the pilot. The J20s that survived the war remained in the inventory of the Sweden Air Force up to 1955 before being finally removed from service.

Besides their national marking, the Swedish added two large two-digit designations to the J20. These large numbers were painted in white color. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

Surviving aircrafts

Most were either lost or scrapped, and today, only one J20 is preserved. It is currently exhibited at the Swedish Air Force Museum at Linkoping. This is the only known surviving Re.2000 in the world.

The preserved Swedish J20 fighter (serial number 2340). Source: plasticfantastique.com

Technical characteristics

The Re.2000 was designed as a low-wing, mixed-construction, single-seat fighter plane. The fuselage consisted of a round frame covered with a metal sheet held in place using flush-riveting. The Re.2000 wings had a semi-elliptical design, with five spars covered with stressed skin. The central part of the wing held two integral fuel tanks. The tail section had a metal construction with the controls covered with fabric.

The landing gear system was unusual. When it retracted, it rotated 90° (a copy from the Curtiss model) before it entered the wheel bays. For better landing handling, the landing gear was provided with hydraulic shock absorbers and pneumatic brakes. The smaller rear wheel was also retractable and could be steered.

The Re.2000 engine was the Piaggio P.XI R.C.40 14-cylinder air-cooled radial engine, providing 985 hp, equipped with a three-blade variable pitch propeller made by Piaggio.

The cockpit canopy opened to the rear and the pilot had a good overall view of the surroundings. For pilot protection, a 8 mm (0.3 in) thick armor plate was placed behind the seat.

The Re.2000 possessed weak offensive capabilities, as it was armed with only two Breda-Safat 12.7 mm (0.5 in) heavy machine guns. The machine guns were installed in the forward front fuselage and fired through the propeller arc. For each machine gun, 300 ammunition rounds were provided. The Re.2000 also had two small bomb bays placed in each central wing section. Each bomb bay had a payload of twenty-two 2 kg (4.4 lb) anti-personnel or incendiary bombs.

Conclusion

The J20 was the best fighter in service within the Swedish Air Force. It was noted that during its service it possessed good overall flight characteristics. There were several issues with its maintenance, but this was mainly attributed to the cold Scandinavian Climate.  In conclusion, while not the best fighter of the Second World War, for the country as Sweden it was more than enough to protect its airspace.

Re.2000 Specifications  

Wingspans 11 m  / 36 ft
Length 8 m  / 26 ft 5 in
Height 3.15 m  / 10 ft 4 in
Wing Area 20.4 m² /  220 ft²
Engine One Piaggio P.XI RC.40 985 hp
Empty Weight 2,460 kg   / 5,424  lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight 3,240 kg   / 7,140  lbs
Climb Rate to 6 km 6 minutes 10 seconds
Maximum Speed 515 km/h  / 320 mph
Cruising speed 450 km/h / 280 mph
Range 840 km / 520 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling 11,500 m /  34,450 ft
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 0.5 in (12.7 mm) heavy machine guns
  • 44 kg bombs
Swedish J 20 (Re.2000) with 42 marking number

Credits:

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by Henry H.
  • Illustration by Pavel

Source:

  • G. Punka (2001) Reggiane Fighters in Action, Squadron/signal publication
  • D. Nešić  (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Italija. Beograd.
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • M. D. Terlizzi. (2002). Reggiane Re 2000: Falco, Heja, J.20. IBN
  • G. Cattaneo () The Reggiane Re.2000, Profile Publication

 

A7He1 (He 112) in Japanese Service

Empire of Japan (1937)
Fighter Aircraft – Number Operated 30

During the war with China, the Japanese Air Forces encountered enemy fighters that were much better than what they currently had in their inventory. As their modern fighters were either under development or only available in limited numbers, they tried to acquire new fighters from aboard.  The options for acquiring such fighters were rather limited, and the Japanese turned to the Germans for a solution. This came in the form of 30 He 112 known in Japanese service as the A7He1.

The He 112 in Japanese service. Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

A brief He 112 history

Before the Second World War, the Luftwaffe was in need of a new and modern fighter that was to replace the older biplane fighters in service, such as the Arado Ar 68 and Heinkel He 51.  For this reason, in May 1934 the RLM issued a competition for a new and modern fighter plane. While four companies responded to this request, only the designs from Heinkel and Messerschmitt were deemed sufficient. The Heinkel He 112 was a good design that offered generally acceptable flight characteristics and possessed a good basis for further improvements. The Bf 109 on the other hand had slightly better overall flight performance and was much simpler and cheaper to build. Given the fact that the Germans were attempting to accelerate the production of the new fighter, this was seen as a huge advantage over the He 112. Ultimately it would not be accepted for service, and only 100 or so aircraft would be built. These would be mainly sold abroad, with those remaining in Germany used for various testing and evaluation purposes.

He 112 the unsuccessful competitor of the Bf 109. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

While the He 112 project was canceled by the RLM, to compensate for the huge investment in resources and time into it, Heinkel was permitted to export this aircraft. A number of countries such as Austria, Japan, Romania, and Finland showed interest, but only a few actually managed to procure this aircraft, and even then, only in limited numbers.

Attempts to make a deal with Japan 

In 1937 a war between Japan and China broke out. While Japan had a better-equipped and more organized army, it faced stiff resistance. The Chinese were supported by the Soviet Union which supplied them with weapons and equipment, including aircraft. These caused huge concern within the Imperial Japanese Navy. Their newest fighters were either present only in small numbers or were still under development. As a temporary solution, IJN officials decided to approach Germany for assistance in the hope of acquiring new fighters.

For this reason, a military delegation was dispatched to Germany in the Autumn of 1937. Despite its later known fame, the German Air Force at that time was still in its early stage of rebuilding and realistically did not have much to offer, being in need of modern fighters themselves.  This would come in the form of the Messerschmitt Me 109. Its competing Heinkel He 112 lost the competition but was allowed to be sold abroad if anyone was interested. It was probably for this reason that the Japanese delegation visited the Heinkel factory at Marienehe. There they had the choice to observe the He 112 V9 aircraft. They were generally satisfied with what they saw and placed an initial order for 30 He 11Bs. If these proved to be as good as they hoped they would be, another, larger order for 100 more aircraft was to be given. As a confirmation of this agreement, the Japanese delegation returned with one He 112 aircraft that was to be used for familiarization and evaluation.

One of the 30 He 112 sold to Japan in 1938, Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

Naming Scheme

As this aircraft was expected to enter service, it was designated as A7He1 by the IJN. The capital ‘A’ stands as a designation for a fighter. The number ‘7’ represents that this aircraft was to supersede the type 6 designation fighter. He stands for the Heinkel, and lastly the ‘1’ stands for the first variant of this type.  The Allied intelligence services discovered its existence within the IJP and awarded it the code name Jerry. 

Testing In Japan

Four aircraft arrived in 1937, and the last one arrived at the end of 1938. As the first aircraft began to arrive, the IJN began testing the A7He1’s performance in contrast to other fighters that they had in inventory, namely the Mitsubishi A5M2. While the A7He1 proved to be some 65 km/h faster, in other regards such as climbing speed and general maneuverability it proved equal or even worse than the Japanese fighter.  The Japanese were not satisfied with the A7He1 engine which was deemed too complex. These factors ultimately led the commission which examined it to propose that it should not be adopted, nor that any further orders should be given. After the arrival of the last A7He1, the order for an additional 100 aircraft was canceled.

Ultimate Fate 

As the A7He1 was not adopted for service, the IJN had to decide what to do with the 30 aircraft. They still represent a financial investment that could not be simply discarded. Some of these were allocated to various research institutes for future studies and evaluation, the remainder were given to training schools. None were ever used operationally in combat either in China or in the Pacific.

Quite surprisingly given their age and the rather limited numbers that were acquired, a few He1 survived the war and were captured by the Allies. One example was found in Atsugi airfield near Honshu in early October 1945. Unfortunately, the fate of these captured aircraft is not known but they were likely scrapped at some point after the war.

Despite the limited number of acquired aircraft, some of them survived the war and were later captured by the Allies. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
Another aircraft (on the left) is being photographed by the Allied soldiers. It is possible that it was the same aircraft as in the previous photograph just taken later when it was being scraped. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

Technical Characteristics

The He 112 was an all-metal single-engine fighter. The monocoque fuselage consisted of a metal base covered by riveted stress metal sheets. The wing was slightly gulled, with the wingtips bending upward, and had the same construction as the fuselage with a combination of metal construction covered in stressed metal sheets.

During its development life, a great number of engines were tested on the He 112. For the main production version, the He 112 B-2, the 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine was used, and some were equipped with the  680 hp Jumo 210E engine. The He 112 had a fuel capacity of 101 liters in two wing-mounted tanks, with a third 115-liter tank placed under the pilot’s seat.

The landing gear was more or less standard in design. They consisted of two larger landing wheels that retracted into the wings and one semi-retractable tail wheel. The He 112 landing gear was wide enough to provide good ground handling and stability during take-off or landing.

The cockpit received a number of modifications. Initially, it was open with a simple windshield placed in front of the pilot. Later models had a sliding canopy that was either partially or fully glazed.

While the armament was changed during the He 112’s production, the last series was equipped with two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and two 2 cm Oerlikon MG FF cannons. The ammunition load for each machine gun was 500 rounds, with 60 rounds each for the cannons. If needed, two bomb racks could be placed under the wings.

Conclusion

While the He 112 was often portrayed as a modern fighter, from the Japanese point of view it proved to be disappointing in any case. While expecting a potentially effective fighter that was better with everything they had, the He 112 proved to be quite the opposite. After the 30 aircraft arrived no further orders were given. This only serves to prove that the old saying the grass is always greener on the other side is correct once in a while.

He 112B-2 Specifications

Wingspans 29  ft 10  in / 9.1 m
Length 30  ft 2 in / 9.22 m
Height 12 ft 7 in  / 3.82  m
Wing Area 180  ft² / 17 m²
Engine One 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 3,570  lbs / 1,620 kg
Maximum Take-off Weight 4,960 lbs / 2,250 kg
Climb Rate to 6 km In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed 317 mph / 510 km/h
Cruising speed 300 mph / 484 km/h
Range 715 miles / 1,150 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 31,170 ft / 9,500 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 mm (1.8 in) cannons and two machine guns  7.92 mm (0.31 in) machine guns and 60 kg bombs

 

He 112 v5 as it was tested by Japan

Credits

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Godzilla

Source:

  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemаčaka. Beograd
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books.
  • https://airpages.ru/eng/lw/he112_combat_use.shtml

 

MS 406 in Croatian Service

Independent State of Croatia flag Independent State of Croatia (1943-1945)
Fighter –  36 to 46 Operated

During the Second World War, the German puppet state the Nezavisna Država Hrvatska NDH (Eng. Independent State of Croatia), tried to develop its own Air Force. Unfortunately for them, its German and Italian allies simply did not have the industrial resources, nor spare planes to allow them to build a significant air force. Still, the NDH’s persistence in asking for such equipment paid off in 1944 when they received over 30 captured French MS 406 fighters.

The Morane-Saulnier MS 406 in NDH service. Source: T. Likso and Danko Č. The Croatian Air Force In The Second World War

History

After Italy’s unsuccessful invasion of Greece, Benito Mussolini was forced to ask his German ally for help. Adolf Hitler agreed to assist, fearing that a possible Allied attack through the Balkans would reach Romania and its vital oil fields. In the path of the German advance towards Greece stood Yugoslavia, whose government initially agreed to join the Axis side. This agreement was short-lived, as the Yugoslav government was overthrown by an anti-Axis pro-Allied military coup at the end of March 1941. Hitler immediately gave an order for the preparation of the invasion of Yugoslavia. The war that began on 6th April 1941, sometimes called the April War, was a short one and ended with a Yugoslav defeat, and the division of its territory between the Axis powers.

With the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Croatia, with German aid, was finally able to declare independence, albeit becoming a fascist puppet state. It was officially formed on the 10th of April 1941. The new state received a significant territorial expansion by annexing most of western Yugoslavia, including Bosnia, parts of Serbia, and Montenegro.

While the conquest of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia proved to be an easy task for the Axis, holding these territories proved to be much more difficult. This was mainly due to two resistance movements that were actively engaged in sabotage, destroying railways and bridges, and attacking isolated occupation units’ positions and strong points. Despite attempts to suppress these attacks, the resistance movements, especially the Communist Partisans, grew rapidly, forcing the Germans and their Allies to introduce ever-larger occupation forces. The NDH forces were especially targeted as they committed mass murders and deportations to concentration camps. Thanks to the German help, they managed to form a small Air Force that in its inventory consisted of all kinds of obsolete, and in rarer cases, new equipment. By 1943, it was in the process of reorganization and the NDH officials during this time often asked their German overlords for more modern aircraft. Sometimes they even portrayed their own Air Force as weaker than it was.

The NDH Air Force was particularly poorly equipped with fighter aircraft. Luckily for them, the Germans at that time occupied what remained of Vichy France, capturing all kinds of military equipment. This also included the MS 406 fighters which was agreed to be sent to NDH by the end of 1943.

A Brief MS 406  History

At the start of the Second World War, the Morane-Saulnier MS 406 was one of the more modern French fighters built using metal components whose development began in mid-1930s. The first prototype under the designation MS 405 made its maiden test flight on the 8th of August 1935. Following successful testing and good performance, the French Ministry of Aviation issued a request for the first 50 aircraft in February 1938. Given the rising tension in Europe at that time the order was eventually increased to an additional 825 aircraft to be built. By the time, the French surrendered to the Germans over 1,000 aircraft of this type were built.

French Morane-Saulnier MS 406 fighter. Source: Wiki

The MS 406 was a good design that was nearly equal to the German Bf 109 models near the start of the war. During the War with the Germans in 1940, the MS 406 managed to achieve some success against the Germans but ultimately proved incapable of stopping the enemy. Some 300 aircraft of this type would be lost during this brief war, either due to the action of enemy fighters, ground anti-aircraft fire, or accidents. The MS 406 also achieved some success on the foreign market with 12 being sold to China, 30 to Finland, and the Swiss obtained a license for production. Poland also expressed interest in acquiring 150 aircraft of this type but nothing came of this as a result of the German invasion that began in September 1939.

In NDH service

The precise number of available MS 406 or the date when they arrived is not clear.  According to A. Pelletier ( French Fighters Of World War II in Action) the NDH received 46 MS 406 in early 1943. Author V. V. Mikić ( Zrakoplovstvo Nezavisne Države Hrvatske 1941-1945) on the other hand mentioned a lower number of 38 which began to arrive at the end of 1943 and early 1944. These aircraft received registration numbers from 2301 to 2338.  According to T. Likso and D. Čanak (The Croatian Air Force In Second World War) between 36 to 38 were sent to the NDH during 1944.

In late 1943, these aircraft, together with Italian-supplied Fiat G.50s, were to be used to equip the 11th Group consisting of three squadrons (21st, 22nd, and 23rd). The MS 406s were expected to arrive at the start of 1944. The first operational units were to be formed by mid-February. To help train the pilots, one Seiman 200 and ex-Yugoslav P.V.T aircraft were to be supplied. The training operations were carried out at Lučko airfield, starting from October 1943.

Once in Croatia, the MS 406 was used together with the Fiat G.50 fighter aircraft. Source: Wiki

The situation in the air and the ground significantly worsened for NDH at the start of 1944. It was especially hard-pressed as the Allies began bombing operations in occupied Yugoslavia. Thanks to their advances in Italy, they managed to set up many air bases from which these attacks could be launched. They bombed many military installations including ammunition depots, fuel production facilities, and NDH airfields.

An NDH MS 406 w heavily damaged during one of many Allied bombing attacks. The aircraft while damaged beyond repair was not written off, as it was used to cannibalize any usable spare parts. Source: T. Likso and D. Čanak The Croatian Air Force In The Second World War

On the 5th or 6th of April 1944, the Lazužani airfield where the NDH 5th Air  Base was located was bombed by the Allied 2nd SAAF Squadron. They managed to completely destroy 11 and damage 20 more aircraft. One MS 406 was destroyed when an Allied bomb landed next to it. The pilot Cvitan Galić did not survive the explosion. The loss in material was such that the 23rd Lovačko Jato was disbanded. Another MS 406 was lost during a second Allied bombing run on Borongaj and Lučko air bases that occurred on the 12th of April 1944.

In March 1944 Hrvatska Zrakoplovna Legija HZL (Eng. Croatian Air Force Legion) arrived at the NDH capital Zagreb. This unit was formed way back in 1941 and was in direct control by the Germans. Its pilots participated under German controls on the Eastern Front and were quite experienced. The Germans demanded that at least two MS 406s be given to this unit to be used as training aircraft. The NDH officials could do little not to comply.

By 15th September 1944, there were 19 available MS 406 aircraft. Of this number only 7 were fully operational. On September 18th, or on the night of the 21st the sources are not clear, the Partisan forces managed to capture an NDH airfield near Banja Luka. Some 30 ,or 11 depending on the source, aircraft stationed there were captured. The NDH personnel either joined the Partisans or fled leaving behind valuable equipment and supplies. The Partisans managed to capture 3 MS 406 fighters, two were under repair. These were used against their former owners, but one was damaged in an accident and was written off.

In late 1944, the few surviving MS 406 were used in desperate attempts to stop the victorious Partisans forces that were liberating Yugoslavia from the Axis occupiers. By this point, the NDH Air Force could do little to stop them given the chronic lack of fuel. Unfortunately, the precise information about the fate of many NDH aircraft in the last few months of the war was not recorded well. While the Partisans managed to capture a few MS 406 their use was limited at best, and unfortunately, none of them is known to have survived the war.

An MS 406duirng the winter of 1944. Source: T. Likso and D. Čanak The Croatian Air Force In The Second World War

Camo and markings

The MS 406 appears to have been left in German late time war type camouflage. This usually consisted of  Dunkelgrun (Eng. Dark green) and Grau  (Eng. Grey) on the upper aircraft surfaces, and  Hellblau (Eng. Sky Blue) on the lower surfaces. A standard Croatian white and red checkerboard coat of arms was painted on the wings and the fuselage sides. Starting from 24th February 1945 the NDH Air Force introduced the use of a black trefoil that was painted on the aircraft fuselage sides.

Near the end of the war, the NDH Air Force introduced the use of a black trefoil that was painted on the aircraft fuselage sides. Source: https://ww2aircraft.net/forum/threads/morane-saulnier-ms-406.50613/page-2

Technical Specification

The MS 406 was designed as a low-wing mix-construction fighter.  Its designers went for a conventional construction aircraft design. The fuselage frame was made using aluminum tubes connected and covered with Plymax. This is a  composite material that consists of layers of aluminum and plywood. The wings were constructed using a combination of spars and steel tubes also covered in this material. It was powered by one 860 hp Hispano-Suiza liquid-cooled engine. Most produced aircraft used a three-bladed two-pitch propeller, while some received variable-pitch propellers. The armament consisted of one 20 mm (0.78 in) Hispano-Suiza S9 cannon and two 7.5 mm (0.29 in) MAC 1934 machine guns. The cannon fired through the propeller shaft.  The total ammunition load for the cannon was 60 and for the two machine guns 600 rounds.

Conclusion

The MS 406 was one of the few more modern fighter aircraft that was available in any significant number. But despite that, it was already obsolete and could realistically do little against Allied bombers and fighters. It was mostly used to fight the advancing Partisan formations. Few remaining aircraft were used in this role up to the end of the war.

MS 406  Specifications

Wingspans 10.6 m / 34  ft 10  in
Length 8.13 m / 26 ft 9  in
Height 2.71 m / 8  ft 10  in
Wing Area 17.1 m² / 184 ft²
Engine One 860 hp Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 1,900 kg / 4,190  lbs
Maximum Take-off Weight 2,426 kg / 5,790  lbs
Climb Rate per minute 850 m / 2,790 ft
Maximum Speed 485 km/h / 302 mph
Range 1,000 km / 620 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling 9,400 m / 30,840 ft
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • One 20 mm (0.78 in) cannon and two 7.5 mm (0.29 in) machine guns

Illustration

 

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Illustration by Godzilla

Source:

  • A. Pelletier (2002) French Fighters Of World War II in Action, Squadron/Signal Publication
  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Francuska. Beograd
  • V. V. Mikić, (2000) Zrakoplovstvo Nezavisne Države Hrvatske 1941-1945, Vojno  istorijski institut Vojske Jugoslavije.
  • T. Likso and Danko Č. (1998) The Croatian Air Force In The Second World War, Nacionalna Sveučilišna Zagreb
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • T.L. Morosanu and D. A. Melinte Romanian (2010) Fighter Colours 1941-1945 MMP Books
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books.

 

 

 

 

Westland Whirlwind

Great Britain (1939)

Twin-engined fighter-bombert Number built: 114 plus two prototypes

In the history of aviation, small production numbers usually indicated that a particular aircraft did not meet the desired results, or was simply a bad design. However, there were designs that performed well in their designated roles, but still built in few numbers. In such cases, external factors were usually to blame for that aircraft’s downfall. These were typically connected to production difficulties, such as the unavailability, or the unreliability of components. This was the case with the UK Westland Whirlwind, a twin-engined fighter that despite its excellent performance, failed due to engine supply issues, and was built in limited numbers.

The Westland Whirlwind twin-engined day and night fighter. Source: Wiki

History

The 1930s saw the United Kingdom Royal Air Force’s extensive adoption of new technologies. Improvements in fuselage design, new materials, heavier armaments, and more powerful engines were key in this period. These allowed for the development of faster, harder-hitting fighters than those previously in service. At that time, the fighter force of the RAF consisted of biplanes such as the Bristol Bulldog, for example. These were becoming obsolete in regard to speed of and offensive armament. In 1934, the development of much better low-wing fighters was initiated by the Air Ministry. These would evolve into the well-known Hurricane and Spitfire fighters. Such aircraft were armed with licensed 7.62 mm (0.3 in) Browning machine guns, but something with a heavier punch was also considered. For this purpose, the French Hispano-Suiza company was contacted. This company produced the well-known 20mm (0.78 in) Hispano cannon. A license was acquired and these cannons would be built by the BSA company. The delivery of new guns was carried out at a slow pace, and it was not produced in great quantities up to 1942. With the acquisition of a sufficiently strong armament and the availability of more powerful engines, the Air Ministry issued a request for more heavily armed twin-engined aircraft designs. This included the single and a two-seat day and night fighter configuration.

The final specifications for such aircraft were issued in 1936. The principal concept of this new aircraft was to focus a strong armament of four 20mm cannons inside of the aircraft nose. Several companies responded to these requests. The Air Ministry was mostly satisfied with the work of the Bristol, Supermarine, and Westland companies.

Westland Aircraft Ltd., was a relatively new, but successful aircraft manufacturer in mid-1930, and they were highly interested in the new twin-engine fighter project. For this, a team was gathered under the leadership of was designed by W.E.W. Petter.  The project was initially designated as P.9, “P” stands for Petter but has nothing to do with its chief designer, and was presented to the Air Ministry. The following year the Westland project was deemed the best design and given the green light. Orders for the construction of two prototypes were issued, initially designated L6844 and L6845, in February 1937.  The first wind-tunnel tests showed that some changes were needed regarding the model tail assembly due to longitudinal control problems. The Whirlwind was initially to have a twin rudder and fins configuration, but this was changed to a high-set tailplane to solve the problem. In May 1937 the first mock-up was completed. As it was deemed sufficient, work on the first prototype began shortly after its unveiling.  Due to delivery problems, this aircraft could not be completed until October 1938.

The first prototype during its early testing phase. Source: M. Ovcacik and K. Susa Westland Whirlwind

At that time, the project was officially designated as Whirlwind. The same month, the first ground test was completed, and shortly after that the maiden flight was made. The aircraft was flight-tested by Westland’s own chief pilot Harald Penrose. Following that, it was allocated to the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough for future testing.

During this early testing stage, numerous problems were encountered. The engine was somewhat problematic as it was prone to overheating. Another major problem was poor directional stability during flight. This was solved by increasing the rudder area at the tailplanes. In addition, the engineers added a concave-shaped surface on the rudders. To further stabilize the aircraft during stall and dives, an oval-shaped extension was added at the connection point of the vertical and horizontal stabilizers.

With these modifications, the flight testing of the first prototype continued into 1939. At that time the work on the second prototype was nearing completion. It would be tested with engines that rotated in the same direction. As this did not affect its overall performance, it made the production slightly easier. As both prototypes performed well, a production order of 200 aircraft was placed at the start of 1939.

However, precise specifications needed for production were not made until May 1939. The delay was caused by the indecisiveness regarding which engine to use, during this period various proposals were made. Further tests showed problems with exhaust systems, which had to be replaced with simpler designs. The overheating problems led to the redesigning of the pressurized cooling system.

The second prototype aircraft. Source: Wiki

As there were no available 20mm cannons, the prototypes were initially not fitted with any offensive armament. Once these were available, they would be fitted on both prototypes. Additional firing trials were to be carried out. These were to test various other proposed armaments

Following the successful testing of the first prototype, it would be allocated to the No.4 School of Technical Training. The second prototype would be allocated to  RAF No. 25 Squadron In June 1940. It would remain there until it was damaged in an accident and removed from service in June 1941.

Despite the whole project being undertaken in secrecy, both Germany and France were aware of its existence. The French even published technical papers mentioning this aircraft, with the Germans publishing their own in 1940. However, in Britain, the existence of this aircraft was only publicly announced in 1942.

Production

The production of the Whirlwind was delayed due to a lack of engines up to May 1940. The fighter versions that slowly began to be issued for operational use were designated Whirlwind  MK. I. The production version was slightly different from the prototypes. The mudguards on the landing wheels were removed and the exhaust was modified. Some other changes would be implemented during its production, such as moving the position of the radio mast. Initially, it was positioned on the sliding hood but later it would be moved further forward. Beyond that, the cockpit underwent a minor redesign. There were plans to adopt this fighter for service in other parts of the British Empire, but this request was never implemented.

As the production was slowly going on, another order for 200 more aircraft was placed in 1939. But this production quota would be canceled at the end of 1940. The Air Ministry limited the production of this aircraft to only 114 examples. The reasons for these limited production numbers were a general lack of Peregrine engines. These engines were actually being phased out of production in favor of more powerful engines, namely the Rolls Royce Merlin. The last aircraft was completed in December of 1941 or January 1942 depending on the source. Production was carried out at the newly built factories at Yeovil.

Service

Given their small production numbers, it should not come as a surprise that the distribution of this aircraft to frontline units was limited. The first three operational aircraft were allocated to No.25 Squadron stationed at North Weald. These were only briefly used by this unit from June to mid-July 1940. It was decided to instead re-equip the unit with the Beaufighter Mk. IF. The RAF’s No.263 squadron stationed at Grangemouth was next to be supplied with the Whirlwinds. The deliveries of the first aircraft were scheduled to arrive in July 1940. On the 7th of August, an accident occurred where one aircraft was lost. During a take-off, one of the tires blew out damaging the loading gear. Despite this, the pilot managed to retain control and fly off the aircraft away from the airstrip. Once in the air, he was informed of the damage sustained during the take-off. The pilot at that point had two options, either to try a hard landing and hope to survive or to simply bail out of  the aircraft and use his parachute. The pilot chose the latter option, while the aircraft was completely lost, the pilot was unharmed. Due to slow delivery, only 8 aircraft were received by this unit by October 1940. At the end of that year, the unit was repositioned to Exeter. The first combat action occurred on the 12th of January 1941. One aircraft took off and tried to engage returning German bombers. After a brief skirmish, one German Ju 88 was reported to be damaged.  The first air victory was achieved a month later when a Whirlwind managed to shoot down an Arado 196 near Dodman Point.

In March, some 9 out of 12 operational Whirlwinds would be damaged in one of many German air raids. For this reason, the unit was moved to Portreath and then to Filton. During this period the unit suffered further casualties, of which three were in action while the majority were lost during accidents.

On the 14th of June, some 6 aircraft were used in ground attack operations against German airfields at the Cherbourg peninsula. Due to bad weather, the attack was rather unsuccessful. In August, this squadron was repositioned to Charmy Down. From this base it flaw several escort missions. The same month several air raids against enemy air bases were also undertaken. These were successful, with the Whirlwinds managing to destroy many enemy aircraft on the ground. These included: three Ju 88s, possibly up to eight Ju 87s, and a few Bf 109s. Interestingly, even one German submarine was reportedly destroyed.

On a few occasions, enemy aircraft were engaged in the air. During one air clash, some 20 Bf 109s engaged a group of four Whirlwinds. In the following skirmish, the Germans lost two fighters. The British had two damaged aircraft, with one more being lost after a forced landing due to damage sustained during this fight.

No.137 squadron was another operational unit that had some Whirlwinds in its inventory. It was fully operational starting from October 1941 when it was stationed at Charmy Down. This unit was formed with the assistance of the previously mentioned squadron which provided experienced pilots and ground crew. One of the first combat actions of this unit occurred in February 1942. During an engagement with German Bf 109 fighters, this unit lost four Whirlwinds. Both units would continue to operate the Whirlwinds in various combat missions, which usually involved attacking ground targets and facilities, either along the English Channel or in Western parts of occupied Europe.

With its four 2 cm cannon armament this aircraft possesses quite strong firepower. Source: Wiki
Given their limited numbers, only two squadrons would be ever equipped with this type of aircraft during the war. Source: Wiki

Fighter-Bomber Adaptation 

While the armament of four cannons offered strong offensive capabilities, a bomb load would expand the air-to-ground capabilities of the plane even further. Such rearmament was proposed in September 1941 by T. Pugh, one of the squadron leaders. Given their limited number and the urgency of other projects, the first tests were not carried out until July 1942. One aircraft was modified at the Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment to be able to carry either 113 kg (250 lb) or 226kg (500 lb) bombs placed beneath the outer wings. The results were positive and mechanics from the No.263 squadron began adding the bomb bracket on the wings starting from August 1942. No.137 squadron followed up soon with the same modifications. While no official designations were issued for these modifications, the units that used them referred to them as Whirlibombers. In total, some 67 such modifications would be carried out.

The first combat action of these modified aircraft occurred on the 9th of September 1942. The British launched an attack on German trawler ships near Cherbourg. These aircraft would see extensive use up to 1943 against various ground targets. Trains were a common target, with some 67 being destroyed.

With the addition of bombs the firepower of this aircraft was greatly boosted. Source: www.staplesandvine.com
Close-up view of the bomb release mechanism. Source: Pinterest

Whirlwind Mk.II Project

While having a good overall design, the Whirlwinds had a few shortcomings. While having excellent flight performance at low altitudes, at greater heights its performance dropped sharply. The main reason for this was that its Peregrine engines used a small, single-stage, single-gear supercharger, and the small engine lost a considerable amount of power in thinner air. But there were some attempts made to further improve its performance, designated as Mk.II. The main drawback of the whole design was the engines, which while good had the potential to be further improved, and they were quite underpowered compared to the Rolls Royce Merlin engines. In 1940 it was proposed to use stronger Peregrine engines, a modified armament, and an increased fuel load. The armament would have consisted of four 2 cm Hispano Mk.II cannons which were belt-fed. While the fuel load would be increased by 42 gallons. Given that the main producer of engines, Rolls-Royce, was focusing all available resources on Merlin engine production there was simply no room for other projects. Thus the Air Ministry would simply abandon plans to further improve this aircraft.

Final Fate

All produced aircraft would be only used by these two units. Eventually, due to limited production numbers, and the wear of equipment, they were relegated to limited service. No.137 squadron retained its Whirlwinds up to June 1943 before they were replaced with  Hurricane Mk.IVs. The other unit operated them a bit longer, until the end of the year. These would be replaced with the Hawker Typhoon. The surviving aircraft were gathered at various maintenance depots before finally being declared obsolete and scrapped in late 1944. Only one aircraft survived the war. It remained in service up to 1947 before it too was scrapped.

Limited Export Service

As very few aircraft were produced, there was little prospect of them being exported to other Allied nations. An exception would be one aircraft (P6994) which was shipped to America in June 1942. There it was likely used for evaluation and testing, but its history or fate is unknown.

Technical characteristics

The Whirlwind was designed as a twin-engined low-wing, all-metal, day and night fighter. Despite being originally intended for this double role, it was never used in night operations.  The fuselage was oval-shaped and consisted of 17 metal formers that were connected together. The front sections were built using aluminum while the rear part used magnesium alloy. The nose is where the main armament was located, along with a 9 mm thick armor plate to protect the pilot.

The tail assembly had the same construction. Which consisted of a metal frame covered in duralumin sheeting. But if in need of repairs, the whole rear section could be removed. As mentioned the horizontal stabilizers had to be moved further up the fin. An interesting feature of this aircraft was the two-part rudder. Initial testing showed that they were quite ineffective during take-off. For this reason, they were replaced with new ones that were concave,on both sides, in shape.

The wings were constructed using metal frame ribs. These were then covered with duralumin sheeting which was flush riveted. Several various sizes of access panels were added to help the ground repair crew during the maintenance or replacement of damaged parts of the wings. The ailerons were also covered in metal. These were provided with trimming tabs which could be adjusted when the aircraft was on the ground. The wings on this aircraft incorporated the two-engine nacelles. These fairly large, but aerodynamically well-shaped nacelles were used to store the engine, fuel, and oil pumps that the front landing gear units. A highly interesting design decision was to add coolant radiators which were located on the central part of the wing trailing edges. This allows them to reduce the drag as much as possible.

Behind the aircraft’s nose, the cockpit was located. It had a large canopy which provided an excellent all-around view for the pilot. Given the offensive role of the aircraft, the pilot was fairly well protected. To the front, a 9 mm armor plate was positioned. While on the rear and lower parts of the seat were protected by a 6 and 4-mm thick armor plate. The cockpit itself was connected to the main fuselage by using bolts. The front part of the canopy was protected by bullet-resistant laminated glass. Under and behind the cockpit various equipment was stored. This included a radio unit,  de-icing tanks, accumulators, exigent tanks, etc.  To have easy access to some of these a small hatch was installed on the right side of the rear fuselage.

The Whirlwind was designed as a twin-engined low-wing all-metal day and night fighter. Some of the easily recognizable features were the enlarged glazed cockpit and the positions of the tail horizontal stabilizers. Source: Wiki

The landing gear consisted of two wing-mounted retractable wheels. With one smaller tailwheel placed. To provide a smoother landing, the front landing gear units used a pair of heavy shock absorbers. These use 790 x 270  mm (31 in x 10 in) Dunlop-type wheels. All three landing gear units retracted to the rear. The two larger wheels retracted into the engine nacelles. The lowering or retracting of the landing gear was controlled by the pilot by using a lever.

This aircraft was powered by two compact, 880 hp Rolls-Royce Peregrine I engines. These were actually fairly underpowered, they weighed about as much as a Merlin but were significantly less powerful. It’s a major reason this plane wasn’t retained, they simply couldn’t upgrade it with a better, but larger engine. These two engines were provided with a 25 cm  (10 in) diameter thick de Havilland three-bladed with variable pitch propellers. This engine was electrically started. The engine was seated on a specially designed mount which consisted of two bearers and bracing tubes. The engine, while enclosed, was provided with several small hatch access points for repair and maintenance. Fuel was supplied to the engine using two separate systems of power by pumps. The fuel was stored inside two tanks located in each wing. These were encased in a duralumin shell. To avoid spilling the fuel inside the aircraft, a self-sealing covering was also used. The total fuel capacity was 609 liters (134 gallons).

This aircraft was powered by two Rolls-Royce Peregrine engines. The lack of this engine ultimately leads to the abandonment of the whole project. Source: dingeraviation.net

The main armament of this type consisted of four 2 cm Hispano Mk.I type 404 cannons. These were mounted in pairs and located in the front aircraft nose. Its ammunition load consisted of 60 rounds per gun set in large drum magazines. Before the aircraft was to fly into action the Hispano cannons had to be manually cocked while still on the ground. Initially, a hydraulic firing mechanism was used. It would be replaced later in the production by a pneumatic firing system.

Besides the use of four cannons various other armament installations were also proposed or tested. For example, a redesigned nose mounting that consisted of 12 Browning machine guns was tested. Another experimental mount consisted of four vertically positioned cannons and three machine guns.  Additional tests were carried out with larger 3.7 cm and 4 cm guns. The plans of using two 4 cm guns were quickly discarded as it would require extensive rework of the aircraft design. In 1942 attempts were made to add two machine guns for self-defense but this was abandoned too.

 

Once the nose cover was removed we can clearly see the arrangement of the four 2 cm Hispano Mk.I type 404 cannons. The ground crew member to the left is holding the 60-round drum magazine. Source: /dingeraviation.net

 

Other experimental proposals included adding 12 machine guns. Source: M. Ovcacik and K. Susa Westland Whirlwind
While this proposal included four horizontally positioned cannons and three more machine guns. In either case, none of these would be adopted. Source: M. Ovcacik and K. Susa Westland Whirlwind

Production Versions

    • Two Prototypes – Both used for varius testing and evaluation with one being lost in an accident
    • Mk. I Fighter-bomber – over 60 aircraft were armed with bombs
    • Mk.II – Proposed improved versions, none built

Operators

    • UK – The only operator of these aircraft
    • USA – One Aircraft was shipped to America for testing and evaluation, but its fate is unknown

 

Westland Whirlwind Reconstruction

The completed pilot cockpit and the armament are located at the Kent Battle of Britain Museum. Source: https://www.whirlwindfp.org/

 

Conclusion

The Westland Whirlwind was a quite advanced twin-engined fighter design for its day. Although initially designed as a day and night fighter, it would never fully be used in this role due to problems with the acquisition of stronger engines and limited production run. Thanks to its strong armament it saw combat service as a ground attack aircraft with good results.

But despite its performance, the lack of sufficiently strong engines and general lack of vision for this aircraft ultimately killed the project. It was more a case that the aircraft was built around an engine that just wasn’t very good, and it couldn’t accept the larger, but much more powerful Merlin engine.

 

Westland Whirlwind  Specifications

Wingspans 13.7 m / 45 ft
Length 9.8 m / 32 ft 3 in
Height 4.9 m / 16 ft 3 in
Wing Area 23.23 m² / 250 ft²
Engine Two 880 hp Rolls Royce Peregrine inline piston engine
Empty Weight 3.770 kg /8.310 lb
Maximum Takeoff Weight 5.180 kg /11.410 lb
Climb Rate to 6.1 km In 8 minutes
Maximum Speed 580  km/h / 360 mph
Diving speed 645 km/h / 400 mph
Range 1,115 km / 630 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling 9.240 m / 30.300 ft
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Four 2 cm ( 0.78in) cannons
  • Payload of 454 kg (1,000 lb kg) bombs

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Ported by Marko P.
  • Illustrated By Godzilla

Illustrations

Whirlwind in the Battle of Britain era camouflage scheme.
Whirlwind in the 1942/43 livery

 

 

Source:

  • M. Ovcacik and K. Susa (2002) Westland Whirlwind, 4+ Publication
  • D. Monday (1994) British Aircraft Of World War II, Chancellor Press
  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-.Beograd
  • P. J. R. Moyes  The Westland Whirlwind, Profile Publication
  • https://www.whirlwindfp.org/

 

He 112 in Hungarian Service

Hungarian Flag Kingdom of Hungary (1938)
Fighter Aircraft – 4 aircraft operated

Despite being not adopted for service by the German Luftwaffe, the He 112 had great potential as an export aircraft. Spain, Romania, and Japan were some of the countries that got their hands on fighter aircraft. Hungary, with its close ties to Germany, also wanted this fighter in its inventory, though it was not to be. Unfortunately for them, despite their efforts, only a few of these aircraft would ever see service with their Air Force. This was mainly due to the reluctance of Germany to provide the necessary parts and licenses, and the start of the Second World War. The few aircraft that did reach Hungary were mainly used for crew training and even saw limited combat use.

One of few He 112 in Hungarian service. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

A brief He 112 history

Prior to the Second World War, the Luftwaffe was in need of a new and modern fighter to replace the older biplanes that were in service, such as the  Arado Ar 68 and Heinkel He 51.  For this reason, in May 1934, the RLM issued a competition for a new, modern fighter plane. While four companies responded to this request, only the designs from Heinkel and Messerschmitt were deemed sufficient. The Heinkel He 112 was a good design that offered generally acceptable flight characteristics and possessed a good foundation for further improvements. The Bf 109 on the other hand, had slightly better overall flight performance and was much simpler and cheaper to build. Given the fact that the Germans were attempting to accelerate the production of the new fighter, that alone was seen as a huge advantage over the He 112. Ultimately it would not be accepted for service, and only 100 or so aircraft would be built. These would be mainly sold abroad, with those remaining in Germany being used for various testing and evaluation purposes.

He 112 the unsuccessful competitor of the Bf 109. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

While the He 112 project was canceled by the RLM, to compensate for the huge investment in resources, Heinkel was permitted to export this aircraft.  A number of countries such as Austria, Japan, Romania, and Finland showed interest, but only a few actually managed to procure this aircraft, and even then, only in limited numbers.

Hungarian Interest in the He 112

Being that it was on the losing side of the First World War, the Hungarians were in a similar situation to Germany in regard to military restrictions under the Treaty of Versailles. Crucially, it prohibited the Hungarians from developing their air forces. In time though, the Allies became less and less involved in maintaining the Treaty, and the Hungarians began slowly rebuilding their air force.  By 1938 the  Magyar Királyi Honvéd Légierő MKHL (English: Royal Hungarian Home Defence Air Force) was openly presented to the world. At that time, the Hungarians undertook steps to rebuild their armed forces in the hope of reclaiming some of their lost territories. For a modern air force, they needed better fighter designs, as their aged biplanes would not be sufficient. By 1938, they had improved their relations with Germany, and it was then possible to acquire new equipment from them.

The Hungarian military delegation that was in Spain during the civil war observed the relatively new Heinkel He 112 fighter in action and immediately became interested in it. In June 1938, a military group disguised as a civilian delegation visited Heinkel’s company. Three Hungarian pilots had the chance to flight test the He 112V9 aircraft. They were highly impressed and urged the Hungarian Army officials to adopt this aircraft. Unsurprisingly, based on the glowing report, the Hadügyminisztérium (Ministry of War Affairs) asked Heinkel for 36 such aircraft.

Unfortunately for them, Heinkel never actually put the He 112 into mass production, given the fact that it was not adopted for service with the German Air Force. It did, however, build a small series that was intended for Spain and Japan. The Hungarian offer was not considered as important, and thus no aircraft would be delivered to them. The Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM (English: German Ministry of Aviation) also intentionally delayed the delivery of weapons to Hungary. This was done to politically and economically pressure the Hungarians and Romanians who were on the brink of war at that time, in an attempt to reduce tensions.

Still, the Hungarians persisted, and at the start of 1939, they requested again for the 36 aircraft, and once again, the Germans denied this request. However, a single He 112 V9 was given to Hungary and was used for flight testing near Budapest. On the 5th of February 1939, it crashed during a test flight against a CR-32 biplane fighter.  In March 1939, another aircraft was sent to Hungary, this one being a He 112 B-1. It was extensively tested by the Hungarians who generally liked its design.

The He 112 V9 was lost in an accident during its first test flight. Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

As the Romanians acquired a batch of 24 He 112 In 1939, the Hungarians were concerned over their neighbor’s growing military strength. Realizing that the Germans would not deliver the promised aircraft, they decided to ask for a production license instead. This was granted, and Heinkel also delivered two more He 112 B-1 with the Jumo 210E engine. When the license document arrived in Hungary in May 1939, a production order for the 12 first aircraft was given to the Weiss Manfréd aircraft manufacturer. Several changes were made, including the installation of 8 mm 39.M machine guns and the addition of bombing racks. In addition, the original 2 cm cannons were to be replaced by the Hungarian, domestically built, Danuvla 39, though it is unclear if any were actually installed. As the preparation for the production was underway the three available He 112 were adopted to service. This received coded designation V.301 to 303 where the V stands for Vadász (English: Fighter).

The B-series was in many aspects a complete redesign of the previous series. Including the introduction of a new tail unit, and part of the fuselage, to name a few. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

Despite the best Hungarian attempts to put the He 112 in production, the situation was made impossible by the coming war between Poland and Germany. The RLM would officially prohibit the export of any German aircraft engines and equipment at the start of the war. This meant that the vital delivery of the Jumo 210 and DB 601 engines could not be made. Based on this fact, all work on the Hungarian He 112 was canceled. Instead,  Weiss Manfréd investigated to see if it could reuse most of the He 112 production line to produce a new domestic design named WM–23 Ezüst Nyíl (English: Silver arrow). While one prototype was built it was lost in an accident which ended the project.

The WM–23 Ezüst Nyíl prototype. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
The V.303 during pilot training in 1940. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
Despite their best efforts, the Hungarians managed to operate only three He 112 (not including the single aircraft last way back in Budapest) Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

In Combat

In the Summer of 1940, the rising tension between Romania and Hungary over Transylvania reached a critical point. Transylvania was once part of Hungary but was lost after the First World War when it was given to Romania. By 1940, the Hungarian Army began preparing for a possible war with Romania over the territory. As neither side was willing to enter a hastily prepared war, negotiations began to find a possible solution. But despite this, there were some minor skirmishes, and Hungarian aircraft made several reconnaissance flights over Romania. The three Hungarian He 112 were stationed near the border, and the Romanians also had some He 112 in their inventory. While the Hungarian He 112’s did take up to the sky, no combat action by them was reported. Ultimately, at the end of August, Romania asked Germany to arbitrate the issue regarding the disputed territory, With Hungary being given the northern part of Transylvania in the settlement.

During the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1940, Hungary once again mobilized its He 112s. These were stationed near the border with Yugoslavia but they were not used in any combat operations.

By the time the Axis attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941 all three He 112 were used as training aircraft, with their secondary role being to protect the Weiss Manfréd factory. Due to a lack of spare parts, there was no point in sending this aircraft to the frontline. Two aircraft were involved in a landing accident where they were damaged. While their final fate is not completely clear, they may have been destroyed in 1944 when the Allies intensified their bombing campaign against Hungary. It is unlikely that the He 112s were operational at this point.

The V.301 had an accident where the pilot forgot to activate the landing gear. This is not surprising given that most pilots at that time mainly flaw on the older biplanes that had fixed landing gear. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
In the Summer of 1941 the V.303 was damaged during a landing where the left landing gear wheel simply broke off. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

Technical Characteristics

The He 112 was an all-metal, single-engine fighter. The monocoque fuselage consisted of a metal base covered by riveted stress metal sheets. The wing was slightly gulled, with the wingtips bending upward, but otherwise had a conventional construction.

During its development life, a great number of different engines were tested on the He 112. For the main production version, the He 112 B-2, it carried a 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine, with some others being equipped with the  680 hp Jumo 210E engine. The He 112 had a fuel capacity of 101 liters in two wing-mounted tanks, with a third 115-liter tank placed under the pilot’s seat.

The landing gear was more or less standard in design. It consisted of two larger landing wheels that retracted into the wings and one semi-retractable tail wheel. The He 112 landing gear was wide enough to provide good ground handling and stability during take-off or landing.

The cockpit received a number of modifications. Initially, it was open with a simple windshield placed in front of the pilot, with Later models having a sliding canopy.

The armament was changed throughout the He 112’s production, and the last series was equipped with two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and two 2 cm MG FF cannons. The ammunition load for each machine gun was 500, with 60 rounds for each of the cannons. If needed, two bomb racks could be placed under the wings.

Conclusion

The He 112, although few in number, provided the Hungarian Air Force with one of its first modern fighter aircraft. Despite the Hungarian attempts to acquire over 30 aircraft from Germany, this was never achieved. In the end, the Hungarians only had three operational He 112, and one  was lost in an accident during testing. While these were stationed on the front line on two occasions they never saw actual combat action. By 1941 due to a lack of spare parts, they were allocated for training purposes. The Hungarians eventually got a production license for the Messerschmitt Bf 109G making the few available He 112 unnecessary.

 

He 112B-1 Specifications

Wingspans 29  ft 10  in / 9.1 m
Length 30  ft 2 in / 9.22 m
Height 12 ft 7 in  / 3.82  m
Wing Area 180  ft² / 17 m²
Engine One r 680 hp Jumo 210E  liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 3,570  lbs / 1,620 kg
Maximum Take-off Weight 4,960 lbs / 2,250 kg
Climb Rate to 6 km In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed 317 mph / 510 km/h
Cruising speed 300 mph / 484 km/h
Range 715 miles / 1,150 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 31,170 ft / 9,500 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 mm (1.8 in) cannons and two machine guns 8 mm (0.31 in) machine guns and 60 kg bombs

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Ported by Marko P.
  • Illustrated By Godzilla

Illustrations

Source:

  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemаčaka. Beograd
  • G. Punka (1994) Hungarian Air Force, Squadron Publication
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books
  • S. Renner. (2016) Broken Wings The Hungarian Air Force, 1918-45, Indiana University Press

 

Douglas F3D, F-10 Skyknight

United States of America (1951)

Nightfighter & Electronic Warfare Aircraft: 265 built

Skyknights on the muddy ground of K-6, Korea. (USAG Humphreys)

Designed after the Second World War, the Douglas Skyknight was meant to be the defender of the American carrier group after dark. The ambitious design sought to use all of the lessons learned from night fighter design and tactics in the Second World War, and produced the first specialized all-weather jet fighter. While it would prove too cumbersome for use on the smaller WWII era fleet carriers, the Skyknight would prove to be an exceptional nightfighter when disembarked during its combat debut in the Korean war. Yet beyond the conflict, and entering rapid obsolescence as a fighter in the 1950s, the Skyknight would prove itself to be an able electronic warfare aircraft and a pioneering aircraft in its field.

American Night Fighter Experiences in WWII

The more advanced, radar equipped night fighter of the Second World War was an ad-hoc creation which combined state of the art airborne detection systems with often pre-existing fighter designs. The resultant creation was an interceptor capable of bringing down enemy aircraft at night, or in very poor weather. While they carried their own radars, the limits of their range required they be directed by ground controllers into the path of their target. Alternatively, they could be tasked with offensive patrols to harass the enemy over their own airfields or carry out ground attack missions. In either case, sorties were demanding, with the crews of these aircraft having to endure patrols of several hours, flying almost entirely by instruments, and occasionally in extreme weather conditions. Even without the dangers of aerial combat in the dark, flying these aircraft was often exhausting and dangerous work. Vertigo was as deadly an opponent as any enemy they might encounter. Unsurprisingly, the best qualities that these aircraft could possess were straightforward flying characteristics, like good handling and stability. A good night fighter needed to be uncomplicated, and forgiving in how it flew.

The P-61 was a massive, but fairly short ranged night fighter with a mixed service record between the European and Pacific theaters. (san diego air and space museum)

The American nightfighters of the Second World War can largely be broken down into two groups. These were the heavier, twin engine, land based types in use with the Army Air Force, and the lighter carrier-embarked forces of the Navy. The Air Force’s principle nightfighter was the Northrop P-61 Black Widow, a purpose built, if somewhat over-engineered design that saw use across Western Europe and the Pacific. The design was cutting edge, featuring a state of the art airborne intercept radar system, and an impressive, if totally unnecessary, remote controlled gun turret. It flew exceptionally well, was nimble beyond what its size would suggest, and was fast enough to catch all but high flying, fast recon aircraft. Yet the design had two serious limitations. Foremost was its disappointing endurance, as in spite of its size, its limited fuel capacity and massive Pratt and Whitney R-2800 engines meant it had a range comparable to many single engine fighters. This was partially resolved by the installation of wing pylons which could fit either fuel tanks or bombs, though having to choose between ordinance or range imposed significant mission limitations. Less serious was its poor crew layout. As designed, the pilot and radar operator sat at opposite ends of the fuselage, hampering communication and, in the event of an accident, the loss of the intercom completely isolated the radar operator from the other two crewmembers. This limitation was overcome by the crews of the 425th Night Fighter Squadron, who moved the radar operator’s equipment to the gunner’s position. However, this modification was almost entirely limited to the European theater.

While the P-61 proved a capable night fighter, and an excellent all weather ground attack aircraft, there was much to be learned from the Mosquito Night Fighter Mk. 30’s that were made available to American crews near the end of the war. The Mosquito featured a side-by-side pilot and radar operator arrangement, and a large internal fuel capacity that gave it excellent range without having to install external fuel tanks. While it was less maneuverable, it was arguably the best night fighter of the war, capable of pursuing targets over long distances and attacking enemy rear line airfields at night, without having to sacrifice ordinance for range.

In all, the experiences of the P-61 crews were mixed. In Europe, they provided good night cover for the Army Corps they were assigned to, and during the siege of Bastogne, they were among the only fighters providing protection and support to the beleaguered Airborne forces in the city, when poor weather kept all but a handful of aircraft grounded. In the Pacific, they were less successful, particularly towards the end of the war. During the battle for the Philippines, they often struggled to deal with the swarms of Japanese fighter bombers that flew dawn and dusk attack missions. The P-61’s were never designed or intended to defend against such forces, and found them a challenge to bring down. Where in Europe they gained the personal thanks of the commanding officer of the 101st Airborne Division within Bastogne, they were the target of General MacArthur’s personal frustrations as his beachheads were continually harassed by Japanese forces.

Small composite units of F6F and F4U Corsairs operated aboard US carriers for night defense. They proved just as capable when deployed ashore. (wikimedia)

In contrast to purpose built P-61, the night fighters of the US Navy were fairly simple conversions of existing fighter planes converted to serve as a defense for carriers at night. Variants of the F5F Hellcat and F4U Corsair were fitted with small, wing mounted radar sets to allow them to track and engage targets at night or in poor weather at the direction of ground controllers. They were far simpler aircraft, and generally were tied down more heavily to their ground controllers as a result of their shorter range, and simpler radar systems. Within the fleet, the duty of these night fighters was to contend with enemy aircraft that attempted to attack naval vessels under the cover of darkness. When assigned to land based Marine corps aviation, they were typically charged with the protection of amphibious operations and providing air cover for important installations. In both cases, these light night fighters proved very successful, and in the case of the Philippines, F6F Hellcat night fighters ended up replacing P-61’s as the defenders of the beach head. However, the limitations of the single engine fighters left the navy wanting something more. The Hellcat and Corsair night fighters were fast, but they had a fairly short range, and lacked a dedicated radar operator. The benefit of the heavier night fighter was its ability to more easily re-acquire targets which may have evaded the first attack and longer endurance, which allowed it to pursue and catch fleeing targets over an extended chase.

The new F7F-N was hoped to be the ultimate carrier based nightfighter of the Second World War, carrying both a second crewman to operate radar and navigation systems, and having a significantly better range. However, it was not to see use during the war, it was too large, and it was soon to be obsolete. The piston engine was being superseded by the jet turbine, and the carrier air wing of the future would soon need an aircraft to contend with threats far faster than any of their existing fighters.

Douglas’ Dark Knight

In August of 1945, at the very end of the Second World War, the Navy’s aviation bureau set its requirements for a new carrier based, jet night fighter. It called for a top speed of 500 mph (805 km/h), a service ceiling of up to an altitude of 40,000 ft (12,192 m), and a 125 mile (201 km) radar intercept range. Beyond its performance requirements, it was to also carry a pressurized cabin with temperature controls, and a robust set of de-icing equipment. Four companies presented bids, these being Douglas, Curtiss, Grumman, and Fleetwing, with preliminary design work beginning in October. By April of the following year, the contest was over, with only Douglas’ proposal receiving a letter of intent, the resources to construct three prototypes, and ground testing materials. Its daylight counterpart was to be the Grumman F9F Panther, with the two fighters being poised to propel the US carrier forces into the jet age.

Designer Ed Heinemann with his 88 Oldsmobile alongside the Skyknight. (smithsonian)

The design dubbed ‘Skyknight’ incorporated many of the lessons learned from the Second World War. The aircraft’s chief designer was the prolific Ed Heinemann, who designed some 20 aircraft through a very productive career. Some of his most notable creations were the venerable SBD Dauntless, AD Skyraider, and A-4 Skyhawk. His Skyknight featured a cutting edge search radar which was operated by a crewmember seated beside the pilot, allowing for easier communication. The radar was also to feature a fire control system which gave the pilot an accurate lead on his target, allowing him to engage maneuvering targets and those that were not visible to him. They attempted to fully resolve the drawbacks of the Black Widow by installing large internal fuel stores, but the high fuel consumption of the turbojet engines meant the aircraft had comparable range to most other jet fighters of the era. Beyond its combat ability, it was to be a very straightforward aircraft to fly, with stability at both extremes of its speed limits. Its only eccentricity was that it had an ejection chute as a means of crewmen to escape the aircraft in an emergency. Altogether, it was a conventional, honest aircraft that flew well.

The first XF3D-1 prototype was flown by test pilot Russ Thaw on March 23, 1948, with the second flight following in June, and the final in October. Apart from basic safety and performance tests, the aircraft was flown in mock intercepts against single seat jet fighters. Even with their World War II era SCR 720 radar, they easily managed 85 mile (136 km) intercepts with GCI support. The Air Force also conducted tests on the aircraft, and inquired about installing the fighters with afterburning engines, but declined and instead developed the all-weather F-89 Scorpion.

The Skyknight was a remarkably stable and maneuverable aircraft. (aerocorner)

After satisfactory land based flight testing, the Skyknight received a production contract. The F3D-1 would replace the prototype Westinghouse J-34-WE-22 engines with more powerful WE-38’s, and the WWII era SCR-720 radar system was replaced by the new AN/APQ-35, a change made in the third prototype. The new radar boasted a much longer effective range, and was the first airborne radar with a lock-on feature, which allowed for the continuous, automatic tracking of a radar contact. Modifications continued to be made on the F3D-1’s as the engines were again changed to the J34-WE-34’s and their plastic-glass nosecones were switched to fiberglass.

The Skyknight was built around the concept of the heavy night fighter, and was thus at the limits of how large a carrier-borne aircraft could be. In an age where carriers were originally designed for single-engined, piston aircraft, the F3D-1 would prove rather troublesome. The comparatively massive Skyknight was difficult for carrier deck crews to maneuver about the ship, and prepare it for launch. The bridle, which connected the nosewheel to the catapult, needed to be significantly stronger than those used for other navy fighters, and the proximity of the wheel to the engine intakes required a greater level of safety, and these precautions lengthened launch procedures. The landing gear shock absorbers too were also judged inadequate, as the plane bounced excessively during arrested recovery, and high vibrations were noted. This was particularly worrying, as the Skyknight’s radar system used vacuum tubes, and was quite fragile. These, and other problems, saw the F3D rated for marginal daylight use and was prohibited from launching and recovering at night.

Another major challenge was to be found in training programs, both for pilots and radar operators. The training program for radar operators was notably lacking, and provided no specialized training for the complex radar systems aboard the Skyknight. A result of an underappreciation for how sophisticated the job was, and a lack of funding.

The Skyknight’s were significantly larger than all previous carrier borne aircraft. This often proved challenging on carriers designed for single engine piston aircraft. (Naval Air Museum)

Landing issues were resolved in the subsequent, and final production model, the F3D-2. The new model was designed primarily to get larger, more powerful engines into the aircraft, though the J46 engine they were slated to receive never materialized. However, they still represented a serious improvement over the first model, as they were equipped with an improved version of the J34 engine, an autopilot, gun laying radar, tail warning radar, wing spoilers to increase the aircraft’s roll rate, and they received the modifications that would get them cleared for their full use aboard aircraft carriers. They soon succeeded the small number of F3D-1’s built, with the first aircraft being flown in February 1951.

The first of the new F3D-1 Skyknights took flight on February 13th of 1950, with the Navy accepting the first deliveries, which were then turned over to Composite Squadron VC-3 in December of the same year. One of Douglas’s test pilots, LaVerne Brown, would give the Naval Aviators an introduction to the aircraft. The Skyknight would fully enter service in February, with the aviators familiarizing themselves with the new aircraft, and being bolstered by another combat squadron, VC-4. The new squadron would be the only one to actually be deployed aboard carriers.

They would not prove ideal. The dimensions of the aircraft proved problematic, being far larger than what the deck crews were accustomed to, and they were occasionally mishandled, resulting in minor damage. The weight of the aircraft also complicated the use of the carrier’s catapults. The H-8 hydraulic launching system needed to be used close to its maximum power setting to launch the Skyknight, and if the bridle was not well connected to the aircraft, the catapult hook could break free, and be sent hurtling toward the end of the track at the bow of the ship. The collision would necessitate a lengthy repair, and during their deployment aboard the USS Lake Champlain, it happened twice, much to the frustration of all aboard. Lastly, the low mounting position and slight downward cant of the aircraft’s engines baked the wooden deck of the carriers and had a habit of setting alight any flammable materials which may have leaked from any of the planes or machinery present. These were never large, or particularly dangerous, but any conflagration on the deck was met with an alarm and the entire ship was sent to fire quarters. The Skyknight’s were seen as extremely inconvenient, and frustrating to the carrier’s commanders, who were also very unhappy that the plane had only one, very specialized use. The night fighters and their crews quickly became the black sheep of the air group, even to the other pilots.

The size of the new Skyknight earned it the nickname “Willie the Whale”, with ‘Whale’ slowly overtaking Skyknight as the crew’s preferred moniker. (US Navy)

Pilot’s views of the new aircraft were mixed. The Skyknight was like nothing naval pilots had flown before, and not only because it dwarfed every other plane on the flight deck. It lacked all the familiar trappings of a navy fighter, and if anything it reminded many of them more of a transport aircraft than any fighter they had ever flown. Beyond that, the tandem seating arrangement proved unique, as did the spacious, carpeted, air conditioned canopy equipped with a cigarette lighter and ashtrays. While the Skyknight was not proving to be the answer to after hours protection the US Navy was looking for, many of those assigned to the new jet could not help but be fascinated. They also soon found they could not help but be frustrated when they were asked countless questions about what the plane could not do and the capabilities it did not have. Unlike the other fighters of the US Navy, the Skyknight was not a fighter bomber, but that never stopped the press from asking questions about how many bombs it could carry, or their commanders asking if they could perform daylight strike and patrol missions.

The Skyknight was a bad fit for the carriers of its day. It was far too large and did not have the versatility that might have justified its many inconveniences. It was the bane of the carrier air group, and left deck crews and other pilots irritated, as it meant more work for them. It was a massive, catapult breaking, deck burning, fire starting annoyance that did only one mission. In spite of this, the Skyknight was to become one of the most exceptional aircraft of its day.

While Naval aviation found the Skyknight totally unsuitable for their purposes, the Marine Corps were eager to get ahold of them. The Marines still flew their piston engined Tigercats and Corsairs, and believed wholeheartedly in the two-man nightfighter concept the Navy still was not entirely sold on. As opposed to the Navy, with jet fighters aplenty, the Skyknight represented a massive upgrade for the Marines, who already flew a fair share of oddball planes. It was thus in the Corps that the Skyknight found its new home, and would soon demonstrate itself as an incredible nightfighter.

The Forgotten War

Following the end of the Second World War, the Korean Peninsula was controlled by a combined US-Soviet commission, which eventually saw the creation of two governments on either side of the 38th parallel, the formal boundary for Soviet-American jurisdiction. The American supported Republic of Korea was founded in the South, and the Soviet aligned Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was founded in the North. In spite of what the names might suggest, both regimes were dictatorships, and neither recognized each other’s legitimacy. Clashes occurred at the border, and the DPRK was emboldened when the US and Soviet forces withdrew in 1948. North Korean leader Kim Il Sung was confident his forces could reunite the country in a decisive military campaign, and received permission from Soviet leader Joseph Stalin to launch the invasion. On June 25, 1950, an artillery barrage heralded the start of the war as the DPRK’s forces pushed South, and their marines made landings along the Eastern Coast.

The war would escalate into an international conflict that brought in the Soviet Union, China, and the United States with its many allies under the banner of the newly formed United Nations. The air war over the peninsula was an odd affair, with several of the air forces involved having only recently been formed, and flying a mix of World War II era and modern jet aircraft. The People’s Republic of China had only been founded in 1949, with an airforce so new it had not even been fully organized by the start of the war. With Soviet support, they received training and aircraft, becoming a fully realized military force by the end of the war. The DPRK was likewise supported, and possessed a force of WWII era fighters and ground attack aircraft of Soviet make. The Soviets themselves sent pilots and aircraft, seeing it vital that they gain some experience in what was becoming the first modern air war. They would, however, maintain that they were never directly involved, with their pilots officially flying with the Chinese air force.

The UN Forces would operate an eclectic mix of aircraft. Here an outdated F-80 Starfighter shares the ramp with a modern F-86 Sabre. (National Archive)

The UN forces were backed by the largest airforce in the region, the US Far East Air Force, stationed in Japan. The force mostly operated the then obsolete B-29 and B-26 bombers, and F-80C jet fighters. It was by far the most powerful air force in the region, but unsuited for tactical support missions. The Air Force was supplemented by the US and Royal Navies with their carriers, and later, disembarked Marine aviation forces.

Technologically, the forces involved used both the crudest and most cutting edge equipment available. The Soviet aligned forces were, initially, almost entirely dependent on older WWII era stock, their main fighters being Yak-9Ps and La-9’s until attrition ground them away after several months of fighting. After roughly a year, they began to be replaced by the cutting edge Soviet MiG-15, which allowed North Korean and Chinese pilots to claim a level of parity, even as they were largely overwhelmed over much of the peninsula. The disparity in numbers would force them into a defensive strategy which involved a great deal of night operations, and basing nearly all of their new MiG’s in China, where their airfields could not be stalked by American fighters.

The UN forces flew a bewildering variety of propeller and jet aircraft, especially when compared to Communist forces, who by the middle of the war were flying little else than MiG-15s and light ground attack planes into combat. Once their forces were better established in the theater, American air forces pursued an offensive anti-air campaign over the northern half of the peninsula using their own cutting edge F-86 Sabre, while swarms of piston engined F-51 Mustangs, F4U Corsairs, and new Skyraiders were used for close air support, and massed B-29’s were flown against strategic and tactical targets.

The Soviet MiG-15 proved an incredible upgrade over the outdated Yakovlev piston engined fighters, matched in performance only by the Air Force’s F-86 Sabre. (Museum of the US Air Force)

These strategic raids were much the same as those of the Second World War. The Superfortresses targeted factories, power generating infrastructure, and bridges, though the inaccuracy of their methods left much of the northern half of the peninsula in ruins. In an effort to stop the raids, the Communist forces used their new MiG 15’s as interceptors, and could comfortably attack these formations with their combination of heavy cannons, and near unapproachable speed. Only the less common American F-86 Sabres were fast enough to catch them, and thus any real hope of keeping the B-29’s safe during daylight hours was gone. Their solution was to transition to night bombing, which would eliminate all but a few very specialized Soviet MiG 15 crews from being able to intercept them. This nocturnal shift in the war over the peninsula saw night fighting transitioning from a mostly tactical affair, involving aircraft raiding or defending frontline positions at night, to a strategic one that pitted each side’s most advanced aircraft against one another over control of the northern half of the peninsula.

Sallying Forth

Marine Nightfighter squadron VMF(N)-513 arrived in Korea in August of 1950 with a dozen Corsair night fighters, and a very difficult job to do. The pilots of the ‘Flying Nightmares’ flew night ground attack sorties in their WWII era fighters. After shuffling from airfield-to-airfield as the Chinese army began its southern march, the unit was reinforced by VMF(N)-542, most of which was returning stateside. The Nightmares received new pilots from the retiring squadron, and some twelve heavy F7F Tigercat night fighters. With them came a new job, night interdiction, which proved to be more dangerous, but much more important. The UN forces had air superiority over much of the peninsula, and thus the Communist forces took to moving most of their supplies at night, often in well armed, well protected convoys. For two years, the Nightmares flew some of the most dangerous missions of the war, with 54 aircraft being lost to all causes. It was in June of 1952 that the squadron was resupplied, again given a new aircraft, and a new mission.

The F4U-5N was the most common American night fighter of the early Korean war. They were primarily tasked with night ground attack missions. (Wikimedia)

While they had received planes and pilots from the 542 in-theater, a cadre of that squadron had retrained on the new F3D Skyknight. They would join the Flying Nightmares in June, bringing fifteen new night fighters, and shortly after, retiring the squadron’s Corsairs. As the Skyknight was virtually useless in an air to ground role, their task was to be the escorts for the air force’s B-29 raids over Northern Korea. They would, however, not enter combat for some time, as the cadre had not been equipped with the blast tubes for their 20 mm cannons. Lt. Col. Lambrecht would take charge of the deployed unit, now with 12 aircraft, 3 having been retained in Japan.

The unit would quickly install the tubes after they arrived on August 5th, with the first combat sortie penned for the 7th. It was to be flown by a joint Royal Air Force-USMC crew, with RAF pilot Squadron Leader John Gardener, and Marine radar operator Staff Sergeant Kropp taking the Skyknight up on its first patrol. It was a local patrol mission, and apart from investigating an unidentified IFF emergency code, not much occurred. Over the next several days, more missions were flown, though no enemy aircraft were intercepted. As it was in the Second World War, night intercepts were difficult, and any failures on the part of the ground based radar director, or the RO on the plane, could result in a botched intercept. Even with the new radar, closing with the target was still a challenging affair that tested the pilot and radar operator alike. It was clear that even with new technical advances, bringing down enemies at night would require a mastery of the equipment, and excellent coordination between all parties.

Having been mostly discarded by the Navy, the Skyknight soon found itself among other oddball aircraft in the inventory of the Marine Corps. Unlike the Navy, the Marines were not ones to turn away an offer for new jet fighters. (Smithsonian)

The enemy they chased was typically in one of two groups, either cutting edge MiG 15’s that were usually flown by Soviet pilots, and rarely encountered outside of the North, or very light trainer aircraft flown in a ground attack role. These were usually Yakovlev 18’s, or the exceedingly obsolete wood and fabric Po-2 biplane. Rarely were these attacks very serious, though their frequency earned them the moniker “bed check Charlie”, a title formerly held by Japanese night raiders of the Second World War. The Skyknights rarely encountered the light piston engined planes, and the MiG’s were their primary opponents.

They lacked radar, but the Soviet pilots were well trained in instrument flying and were proficient in ground directed radar intercepts. They were thus reliant on a local radar, and the tell-tale glow of the Skyknight’s turbojet engines to attack them. Their most effective tactic was a trap in which one MiG flew a straight and level course, while a second trailed it at a lower altitude. Should the first plane find itself pursued, the ground radar would warn them to speed up, and direct the second aircraft to climb and attack the pursuing Skyknight. As the American night fighter had a tail radar, it was often forewarned of the approach of the trailing MiG, but on one occasion, the Soviet pilot claimed a victory. The other threat to the Skyknight were radar directed searchlight traps, which disoriented the crew while AAA batteries attempted to bring them down. This proved far less dangerous than the MiGs.

The Skyknight would prove to be one of the only two aircraft to challenge the MiG-15, though unlike the faster Saber, it relied on its sophisticated radar systems to ambush the mostly blind MiGs. (USAG Humphreys)

While the Skyknights of the 513th were working themselves into combat, a pair of incidents would leave a dark mark on some of the unit’s early service. On August the 15th, the Squadron’s CO, Col. Lambrecht disappeared while on patrol from Kusan, and the Corsair sent to search for him failed to identify any wreckage. On the 1st of September, a catastrophic engine failure brought down another Skyknight. Flown by pilot Maj. Harrold Eiland with his RO, MSgt. Alois Motil, the plane’s starboard engine experienced power fluctuations before breaking down. A clanging noise alerted the crew, as the RPM gauge and fire alarms remained steady. Then the port engine failed, and the plane lost all thrust. As the plane was flying out from the airbase, it fell into the sea, and only Motil escaped the crash. A two month investigation grounded the planes until the culprit was found. It proved to be a turbine compressor failure, which sent shattered turbine blades through the fuselage and into the second engine. While local flights were still carried out, combat patrols would not be flown again until October 17th, when armor plates were installed aboard the aircraft.

The Nightmares wasted no time, and once they were airborne again, they took on the job of escorting the Air Force’s bombers under the leadership of Lt. Col. Homer Hutchinson, who succeeded the late commander in early September. He was notably a much more aggressive commander, who tasked his pilots with seeking out enemy road traffic on their return from their escort missions. Their first escort mission was conducted on November 3rd, to cover the areas where the Air Force’s night fighters were not permitted. Their F-94 Starfire carried sensitive equipment, and could not be directed over Communist held territory.

The Skyknight’s escort strategy mirrored the RAF’s nightfighter tactics of the Second World War. Upwards of six fighters were flown on separate tracks to find and bring down the enemy. One group flew barrier patrols between the bombers and known enemy fighter bases, a second group flew with the bomber formation, and the final group flew over the bomber’s target area. A typical escort operation involved nine Skyknights.

The first victory was soon claimed, with Maj William Stratton and RO MSgt Hans Hoglind catching an enemy at 14,000 ft (4267 m). They struck the aircraft with 20 mm cannon fire, hitting the port wing, fuselage, and tail pipe, with the burning plane shortly descending rapidly out of sight. It was claimed as a Yak 15, but declassified Soviet records identify the aircraft as a MiG 15 flown by Capt. V. Vishnyak, who survived and brought the wrecked MiG home. The squadron’s second victory came on the 8th, when Capt. Oliver Davis and his RO Dramus Fessler were vectored on to a target. The enemy noticed them and attempted to evade, though Davis turned with them and fired. Several shots struck the rear of the enemy aircraft, which set fire to its engine, and they saw it lose control, before plummeting to the earth. The plane belonged to Soviet pilot Lt. Ivan Kovalov.

These new victories inspired great confidence after the incidents of the previous Autumn. Now going into winter, the Skyknight crews of the 513th settled into a routine of escort, and offensive patrols. Between November and January, they claimed four enemy jets and were getting a better handle for the ordeal that the escort mission was soon proving to be. The massive number of aircraft airborne, and the limited number of ground directors meant that communications with GCI operators were heavily strained. Coupling that with the task of navigating the predetermined patrol areas for about two hours, it all added up for a demanding job for pilot and RO alike.

In spite of all that, they proved extremely successful. The Skyknight was proving to be an exceptional night fighter, and was conducting patrols over Northern Korea with impunity. The only real threat were MiG traps, which could only be conducted in clear weather, and depended on perfect coordination between radarless planes and their ground controller.

In those first three months, bomber losses fell, and between February and July, no B-29’s would be lost to enemy fighters. The ungainly Skyknight, once considered almost useless by the Navy, was now proving itself indispensable to night operations over Korea.

The Long Haul

The Nightmares would be joined by another Skyknight unit in the Summer of 1953. VC-4, detachment 44N, the ‘Nightcappers’, arrived in Korea aboard the USS Lake Champlain in early June of 1953. The four planes were proving an absolute nuisance to the operation of the carrier, and they were prevented from flying as much as possible. The detachment’s officer, Lt. O’Rourke, would try his best to argue for more flight hours, in order to simply retain their proficiency. They would fruitlessly attempt to fly daylight missions, after the Carrier Air Group commander did everything possible to prevent them from flying at night. The commanders of the carrier wished to be rid of the planes. The Communist air forces lacked the strength to attack an American carrier in daylight hours, much less at night.

K-6 was a perpetually rainy airfield that hosted a mix of Naval Aircraft. (USAG Humphreys)

After being effectively grounded aboard the USS Champlain, O’Rourke successfully petitioned for the unit to be sent ashore to join the Marine aviators. They settled into airfield K-6, alongside the 513th, and were quickly worked into their schedules. Settling in proved a challenge, as they traded their carrier berths for quonsets, at the rainy, muddy airfield outside of Pyeongtaek. They drew Marine fatigues, though rain gear was in high demand and low supply. It rained constantly and the airfield had a permanent muggy atmosphere, which made landing more difficult, and keeping dry an impossibility. The two were combined during the frequent airstrip overruns, when the planes rolled off the tarmac and into the mud. It was rarely a dangerous affair, though it was always a cold and dirty job dragging out the stuck aircraft. The Navy aviators would also soon learn that the Skyknight had been banned from most airfields in Korea, with the exception of emergencies, as its low mounted engines gouged holes in asphalt as easy as it had baked the wooden decks of the carriers.

The culture shock would also require a good deal of adjustment. Whereas the carrier was well regimented and ran with a clean and ordered efficiency, the Marine Corps was a force which took the odds and ends it was given, and made due. Perhaps the best example came down to how to cut the engine tail pipe to size, so as to have the exhaust be the right temperature. If it was too hot, the turbine blades could overheat and break, if it was too cool, it would not produce anywhere near the amount of thrust it should. For the adjustment, the Navy used a prescribed manual for the process, they turned the engine on, checked the temperature with a specialized gauge, turned it off and let it cool, cut a section, and repeated the process for several hours until the numbers matched the manual.

The Marines turned on the engines to full power, and checked the temperature using the cockpit instruments. If it was low, they shut off the engine, and took a pair of large pliers and bent crimps into the hot tailpipe to shrink the diameter of the outlet. They then turned it up again to full power until the temperature was at least 40 degrees above the book’s absolute maximum allowable temperature. With that, they marked a red line at the max and told the pilots not to exceed that unless they absolutely had to. Doing this made their planes some 20 to 30 knots faster than their navy counterparts, regardless of how much rougher they were. It was harder on the blades and tended to scorch the pipes, but O’Rourke felt the extra performance could make the difference when trying to catch MiGs that held a confident speed advantage. This kind of resourcefulness would prove a necessity from operating from K-6, as spare parts were scarce, especially for the aircraft’s fragile, complicated radar systems.

In the end, they came together, and the Navy and Marine Aviators would be fully integrated and billeted together, in the words of O’Rourke with “no bitching”.

Toward Armistice

Reinforced, the 513th continued its job of MiG chasing. Their job remained the same, and they still had the same issues. GCI services were overburdened, and the radar station on Cho-do island missed a good deal of contacts. While on patrol, the long search range of the AN/APQ-35 was particularly useful, and crews reported spotting numerous contacts that the GCI stations never called out. In comparison, the MiG pilots enjoyed excellent radar direction owing to good training, a larger number of ground stations, and a defensive operations which made for easier planning. Their ability to react to the American night fighters led a number of aircrews to believe the MiGs began sporting radar sets, though this was never more than a rumor.

The number of intercepts of MiG 15s declined, though the aggressiveness of the Soviet, and by then some Chinese, pilots remained. They were learning the strengths of the aircraft, primarily its much higher top speed, and the tried and true tactic of diving and staying low so that the plane would become lost in the haze of radar ground returns. While they were getting better at escaping the Skyknights, they lost their chance to chase the bombers. B-29 ‘Double or Nuthin’ was the last to be shot down on the night of January the 29th, with all but one crewman surviving the war.

The final MiG kill likely belonged to a Lt.Jg Bob Bick, who had been determined to claim a MiG since arriving at K-6. He did so with CPO Linton Smith on July 2, after pursuing a contact, firing, and setting it ablaze. His next message to his GCI director was that his aircraft had taken several cannon hits, and Bick’s plane fell off the radar screens at Cho-do. Bick had fallen into a MiG trap, and though he had claimed the bait plane, the trailing MiG had him. In a unit as small as detachment 44N, his loss was felt hard. A second Skyknight failed to return from that patrol area two nights later, though there were no radio communications, or Soviet records, that might suggest a cause.

There was a superstition amongst the 513th with aircraft that bore a 13. Note the mud emblematic of runway overrun. (smithsonian).

Having successfully shot down one of the Skyknights, the Soviet crews felt a burst of enthusiasm and doubled down on the bait tactic. Three or more trailing aircraft replaced the lone tracker, and they flew out more frequently. The bait plane too embraced their role and made themselves as visible as possible. O’Rourke claims to have chased a MiG flashing its navigation lights, and as he closed to ID the plane, his tail radar alerted him to six pursuing fighters. He promptly broke off the engagement. In the last months, they failed to claim any MiGs, but they had completely stopped them from intercepting the B-29’s. In the final tally, the Skyknights claimed six MiG 15’s, and lost one of their own in combat, with another possibly sharing its fate. There were another four losses, attributed to accidents.

A less dangerous, but much more frustrating threat came in the form of the harassment attacks from the so-called ‘night hecklers’. By 1953, these were training aircraft, usually Yak 18’s and the comically outdated Po 2 biplane. Unlike the Yak 9’s and Lavochkin fighters that Chinese and Korean aviators flew earlier in the war, these light aircraft could be flown from pastures, hidden with ease, and could be flown so low that long range radar stations could not detect them. Apart from raising alarms, a number of them carried out a successful strike against UN force fuel reserves at Inchon. They were otherwise a threat only to a good night’s sleep, as their bomb loads were extremely light, and they were not putting their best pilots in these disposable aircraft. In addition to the AAA gun crews who had not had any targets for months, the Navy’s night fighter squadrons were called in to deal with the ‘hecklers’. There was some excitement among the aircrews, as the prospect of a defensive intercept was a new mission.

Excitement soon turned to disappointment. The pilots of the 513th expected calls to scramble and chase down contacts, but what they got were long nights playing cards in their full flight suits in the summer heat. The ‘hecklers’ were undetectable by radar, and there was rarely a forewarning of their attack. The Skyknight itself was also unsuitable for it, as the disparity in speed between the two aircraft meant the pursuer rarely had a chance to fire before they had to break off the attack to avoid collision. The first heckler was shot down in December, brought down by 1Lt. Joseph Corvi and MSgt. Dan George. It was even more notable, as the conditions were blind, and the crew downed the Yak 18 non-visually, using their radar. Apart from another probable kill, there was little luck to be found against ‘bed check Charlie’.

To better deal with them, Corsair and Skyraider night fighters were brought into K-6 from aircraft carrier dettatchements. These aircraft were handier at low speeds and had much better loiter time, so they could stay airborne and search for much longer. When they did pick up the enemy, they could stay on them as they stuck close to the terrain.

As the war came to a close, and an armistice was fast approaching, both sides fought tooth and nail for where the final North-South demarcation would lie. While diplomatic talks were underway at Panmunjom, the Skyknight’s mission soon changed. B-29 escort missions were over, as were patrols over the Yellow sea. They were to patrol the frontline, which proved extremely disappointing to the crews who were accustomed to owning the night skies over Northern Korea. Oddly enough, in the last week of the war, they were also tasked with ground attack missions, a job once reserved for the squadron’s now retired F7F Tigercats.

513th Squadron members alongside an F7F Tigercat and an F3D Skyknight. For a time, the squadron was flying Corsairs, Tigercats, and Skyknights, but by the war’s end, they were a purely jet aircraft operation (Smithsonian)

For the members of the 513th, the war ended at 2200 hours July 27, 1953. They soon transitioned to training operations, and DMZ no-fly line enforcement. This marked the end of the Skyknight’s surprisingly exceptional role as a night fighter. As an aircraft that had failed miserably in its planned purpose, the air crews of the 513th found in it something that could take them deep into enemy territory, and hunt the most dangerous opponent the war had to offer. Of the two aircraft that posed a threat to the MiG-15, one was a brand new, cutting edge interceptor in the form of the F-86 Sabre, and the other was an underpowered night fighter designed weeks after the end of the Second World War. It was a remarkable tool to a squadron that proved itself extremely flexible, flying three aircraft it had no pre-war training with in a damp and unforgiving environment.

Obsolescence and Testing

The Skyknight’s would remain in limited use as fighters after the Korean War, retiring from the role in the mid 1950’s. (US Navy)

The Skyknight was a dated plane even before it saw use in Korea, and by the end of the war, it was totally obsolete. Aeronautics was progressing in leaps and bounds, new fighters were breaking the sound barrier and mounting much more sophisticated radar systems, far better than the then archaic APQ 35. The squadron that had made a name with the Skyknight, VMA-513, dropped its ‘Night’ suffix when it traded its Skyknights for the Douglas Skyray, a supersonic, all weather interceptor. As it was slowly brought out of combat service, some 200 Skyknights were available for new jobs.

This saw an expansion of the Skyknight’s secondary role, flight testing. In addition to general aerodynamic and safety studies, the cavernous sections of the aircraft once occupied by its radar systems could be repurposed to carry equipment for any number of tests. Perhaps the most important of these was for the carrier automatic landing system. The Skyknight was the first aircraft to carry the Bell ALS, and in 1957, one was used to test the system aboard the USS Antietam. The system was designed to help guide an aircraft on the approach within plus or minus thirty feet (9 m) longitudinally, and twenty feet (6 m) vertically, to the arresting wires on the carrier deck. Ironically, an aircraft that proved so terrible for carrier service played a major role in developing one of the most important systems for modern carrier aircraft.

A lone Skyknight prepares to test Bell’s automatic landing system. (Wikimedia)

Another major, if not quite as groundbreaking task the plane received was in testing early air to air missiles. Throughout the fifties, the first practical air to air missiles were introduced, and while they were not mature enough to totally replace guns, the Air Force and Navy pursued them, believing that they soon might. The Skyknight was chosen as the test aircraft for the Sparrow missile program, and while the weapon did mature into one of the most effective air to air weapons of its day, its first iterations were extremely crude. Sparrow I was a beam riding missile which was directed by the aircraft’s radar into the target. To test it, 28 F3D’s, both 1’s and 2’s, were converted into missile carriers, receiving between two and four wing pylons to accommodate the new weapons, and their 20 mm cannons were removed. These aircraft entered limited service with Marine fighter squadrons, and a proposal for an updated design to carry six missiles was introduced. Nothing came of the program, as the missile was incapable of hitting maneuvering targets and was generally unfit for use in combat.

The Skyknight’s tested, and very briefly employed the Sparrow I missile. They proved to be totally unsatisfactory, and the planes were soon relieved of the weapons (tail spin topics)

As important as missiles was the ever evolving field of electronic warfare. It was becoming ever more vital to know the positions of enemy radar installations, communications infrastructure, and, as would become vital later on, surface to air missile systems. The Skyknight was recognized as an ideal candidate for this kind of reconnaissance mission, as the removal of its radar systems left ample space for electronic surveillance equipment and radar jammers. One F3D-2 would be modified in 1955 and equipped with a panoramic surveillance radar, direction finding and analysis equipment, and a pair of 200 watt noise jammers. Two of its cannons were removed, with two remaining to give the aircraft some form of defense and to avoid weight distribution issues. The plane was modified at MCAS El Toro by two electronic warfare veterans, WO Joe Bauher and MSgt. ER Grimes.

While the Skyknight was far too obsolete to be a fighter, its forgiving handling and large electronics bays allowed it to shift effortlessly into the realm of electronic warfare. (aerocorner)

The prototype was soon joined by a second test aircraft and the pair were evaluated and refined at the Naval Ordnance Test Station China Lake, and the White Sands Missile Range. They proved satisfactory and soon orders to convert 35 Skyknights to F3D-2Q, later redesignated EF-10B, electronic surveillance aircraft were approved. The first of the modified aircraft were received at the very end of 1956 and delivered to the Marine squadron VMCJ-3, with additional deliveries being made to VMCJ-1 through -3 in the following years. With its conversion complete, the Skyknight was to begin its second career.

Back in the Saddle

The first new deployment of the EW Skyknight began in July 1958, with VMCJ-3 rebasing to MCAS Iwakuni, Japan. While its original mission was to help with defensive electronic warfare training, it was not long until they were recruited into the Peacetime Aerial Reconnaissance Program, and used as a surveillance tool against the Soviets, Chinese, and DPRK in East Asia. Under the code name ‘Shark Fin’, the Skyknights flew offshore patrols to gather electronic data on radar stations and communication networks. Among the most crucial patrols were those around the Soviet Far East, though their patrols ranged all over the region, with forward deployments spanning from Tainan, Taiwan, to Misawa, in Northern Japan. Their first major find came in 1959, when they were the first to detect a modern Soviet P-12 ‘Spoon Rest A’ early warning radar which was based near Vladivostok.

Most of these patrols were well within international waters, though patrolling aircraft were still sent out to meet them. With the Soviets, it was a nearly carefree affair. While Skyknight and MiG pilots were engaged in a deadly cat and mouse game nearly a decade earlier, they made peaceful, routine intercepts over the Sea of Japan and its neighboring waters. One Captain Chuck Houseman would remember monitoring communications between a MiG pilot and his ground controller. When the fighter pilot asked what to do when the Skyknight’s ECMO began to take photos, his ground controller suggested he smile. On another occasion, in 1965, he flew with external fuel tanks which bore a message which, in Russian, read “JOIN THE US MARINE CORPS”. The joke was not appreciated in the higher echelons of his command, and the tank was soon painted over after they received complaints from the NSA. Soviet encounters were usually without issue, though the Skyknights would often try to avoid them by flying out over open waters and, with their twin 300 gallon (1135 liter) external fuel tanks, wait until the MiG’s ran low on fuel, before resuming their patrol.

Marine EF-10’s on the tarmac. They would convert 35 Whales for EW work. (aerocorner)

Flights near China and Korea proved far more challenging. They were met by pilots that flew far more aggressively, and on occasion, attacked patrols over international waters. While the Skyknight’s were never attacked, they always needed to be wary and tried to limit contact whenever possible. When avoidance was not an option, they were often escorted. Beyond this, the Chinese and North Korean air forces set up fake navigation beacons to try and throw off patrolling aircraft and lure them into their national airspace, where they could then be brought down. These dangers aside, no Skyknights were ever lost during these missions, and they recorded important data on Soviet radar systems.

With VMCJ-3 engaged in its Shark Fin operations in Asia, VMCJ-2 was working closer to home. Their job was to monitor Cuban military expansion flying patrols dubbed ‘Smoke Rings’, beginning in 1960. Unlike the relatively easy job of monitoring early warning radars in East Asia, Soviet technicians in Cuba were keen to keep their work under wraps, and shut down their systems if they thought they were being surveilled. This was soon noticed by the patrolling Marine aviators, who soon learned to fly under radio silence, and operate from less conspicuous airfields, particularly those in the Bahamas and Jamaica. Their work soon paid off, as in the next year, they detected the operation of a P-20 ‘Token’ radar system, used as a ground control radar for MiGs.

The Smoke Rings patrol work built up considerably as the situation in Cuba escalated after the failed invasion in the Bay of Pigs, which would lead to a significant Soviet military build up, culminating in the deployment of ballistic missiles to the island. During this period, the Skyknight’s would prove vital in uncovering, and confirming, the locations of SA-2 surface to air missile sites that would eventually prevent U-2 overflights of Cuba. When the missile crisis arrived, the Marine’s job would be to act as radar jamming support should the crisis turn into a conflict. Thankfully, they were never called upon for that task, though in the years to follow, they still patrolled the island to keep a picture of the situation, and to give new crews practical experience before they were deployed to Vietnam.

Vietnam

While the Marine Skyknight pilots were snooping along the seas of East Asia, and flying rings around Cuba, the US had become embroiled in the brutal civil war which followed the end of French control over Vietnam. Much the same as Korea, this war between two heavily militarized states would see widespread destruction, and a massive technological arms race. Airpower would be a major component to the US strategy, both seeing its traditional use, and a way to offset the considerable numerical disadvantage on the ground. It also proved a way to get around the DMZ between the North and South, which was created to prevent a direct invasion from either side. The Democratic Republic of Vietnam would weather a brutal air campaign with help from their patrons, the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. At first, they had little more than anti-aircraft artillery and various light anti-aircraft armaments, but as was the case in Korea, the Soviet Union would step in and deliver the tools and training needed to build a formidable defense against American air power.

Much like the MiG-15 over Korea, the Soviet S-75 (SA-2) would prove a game changer that shifted the strategies for both sides. (Smithsonian)

The Soviets would provide aircraft, radar systems, and training personnel to build the Vietnamese People’s Air Force an effective GCI system to intercept American bombers. They began modestly, with a small force of MiG 17’s, a subsonic fighter with a gun armament. However, in 1966, the Soviet Union would begin to supply the more advanced, supersonic MiG 19, and the much more modern MiG 21. As impressive as the MiG 21 was, it did not cause the shake up that the deployment of the SA-2 surface to air missile did, which Vietnamese anti-air troops began training on in 1965. The system was robust, easily transportable by truck, and very effective for its day, with the Soviet Union supplying 95 batteries, and over 7000 missiles during the war. The triple layer of defenses, in which lower altitudes were covered by flak, higher altitudes by SAMs, and the MiG’s which were effective in both areas, proved to be a serious danger to American aircraft over northern Vietnam. However, there was a unified weakness that all of these systems shared and could be exploited. They all needed radar support to function.

The Skyknight’s would join a staggering number of aircraft involved with signals reconnaissance and jamming efforts, but among those providing direct support during Operation Rolling Thunder, it was the only major electronic warfare aircraft. Its partner was the EB-66, a faster, sleeker aircraft that boasted a more modern suite of jammers and signals intercept equipment, and was capable of airborne refueling. It was by far the more capable aircraft, but by the start of 1965, they were in short supply. Against them was a fledgling, but quickly growing network of North Vietnamese SAM batteries and ground control stations for MiGs.

The growing EW requirements of the US air strategy would put an intense workload on the Marine EF-10 pilots, while more advanced aircraft prepared to enter service. (Marty Lachow)

VMCJ-1 were deployed to the airfield at Da Nang in April of 1965 under the command of Lt. Col. Otis Corman, with six EF-10B’s and a complement of 93 men. While it might seem odd that so old an aircraft was being brought in for such an important job, both the Navy and Air Force lacked an aircraft that could fully replace it. While the SA-2 missile was known to them in the late 50’s, and had gone on to down U-2 spy planes, budget constraints and a lack of concern over the weapon stifled the timely development of a tactical jamming and signals intelligence planes that could work closely with strike aircraft. While the Navy was to receive the new EA-6A Electric Intruder, technical delays would see it deployed at the end of 1966. As it was, the Skyknight, now known almost universally as the ‘Whale’, was to play an important role in plugging the gap until more advanced aircraft became available.

The Whale’s flew their first missions on April the 19th, flying radar reconnaissance flights throughout Indochina. Their findings allowed them to plot the network of North Vietnamese early warning and fire control radars near their side of the DMZ. As the month came to a close, the air war took a turn when MiGs downed two F-105s. In response, the Whale’s were sent to suppress North Vietnamese ground control radars. Equipped with ALQ-39 jammers configured to counter the enemy’s early warning and flak directing radars, they flew ahead of strike groups, jamming and dropping chaff to confuse MiG ground directors. The EF-10’s were soon in high demand to support Navy and Airforce operations, and it was not long until they were working at a 300 percent higher rate than they were in peacetime. This was later decreased to 200%, but the crews and planes were still operating near their limits.

VMCJ-1 flew both the Skyknight, and the Mach 2 capable F-4R reconnaissance aircraft, representing some of the oldest, and most modern aircraft in US service. (Sam Gill)

DMZ patrols and jamming support continued routinely until the 24th of July, 1965, when an F-4C Phantom was shot down by an SA-2. While, previously, the sites were off limits out of concerns that killing a Soviet advisor might escalate the conflict, strikes against two SAM sites were authorized three days after the Phantom was downed. The mission, Spring High, involved the use of all six EF-10’s acting in support of a strike force of 48 F-105s. The Whales flew as screens for the F-105’s, jamming the radars used by the flak, SAMs, and MiGs. None of the strike aircraft were lost to radar guided assets, but six were lost to low level anti-aircraft fire.

One of the early challenges faced in these missions was the lack of a dedicated escort, which proved concerning, as the defenseless Whales were typically the first in and last out. While none were ever lost to MiG’s, aircrews were often concerned enough to set up informal escort flights with other Navy units. Such was the case with Chuck Houseman, who organized an escort flight with a squadron of Marine aviators who flew F-8 Crusaders from the carrier USS Oriskany. MiG’s aside, the greatest concerns were typically fuel related, as the planes were operating at the limits of their range and carried jammers and chaff dispensers on their wing pylons, where they could otherwise carry additional fuel.

By the end of the summer of ‘65, the SA-2 threat continued to evolve. Batteries sprouted up around the North, and their operators were honing their expertise on this new weapon. Facing the SAMs would require a new set of tactics that blended a mix of electronic deception and fast, aggressive flying. Named Wild Weasel, these strike aircraft were given the dangerous task of venturing into defenses designed to kill them, and tear them down. In this, the Whale was to play an early, vital role. While it had no real offensive capability, it could jam the radars of the anti-aircraft guns and SAMs, and use its signal analyzing capabilities to get a fix on their locations. They would accompany the flights of F-100’s, and later F-105’s, destined to attack the site directly and provide them with vital support. At this early chapter in anti-SAM tactics, most of the strike aircraft lacked the radar warning equipment that gave them an alert when they were being targeted. Until the devices began arriving in mass next year, one of the Whale’s most important jobs was simply to tell them when they were being targeted, and when they needed to go evasive.

In the fall, SA-2 networks and radar guided flak batteries had encompassed much of the North, and the job of the Whale’s grew more complex, and dangerous. The Vietnamese crews too were learning, often setting up several radar stations, while only using one of them to guide their weapons. The Whale’s performed well, but the limits of the aircraft and its equipment became apparent when they suffered their first and only loss to the SAM batteries. In March of 1966, the SAMs would finally catch one of the jamming aircraft, forcing a change in tactics.

With the prohibitions on their use near SA-2 sites, the Whale’s transitioned to supporting Naval operations along the coast. (Jerry Parks)

Following the incident, the EF-10 was no longer permitted within 20 miles (32 km) of a SAM site, and its mission area was effectively pushed out over the coast. This new patrol area would see them mostly supporting Naval operations, as the Navy would not possess their own jamming aircraft, the EA-6A, until the end of the year. The Whale’s new task was to fly in Navy strike aircraft toward the coast to screen their approach with jammers, while also taking note of the active air defenses over Northern Vietnam. They would prove essential, to the point that missions could be called off if no supporting EF-10’s were available.

The Whales would fly a much less conventional mission over Laos and Cambodia, where they aided in the project known as ‘Blind Bat’. In an effort to curtail the supply line known as the Ho Chi Mihn trail, the USAF outfitted several C-130H cargo aircraft with massive night vision devices. Using these, they hoped to spot the faint lights emitted by trucks and bicycle lamps as they made their nocturnal journey south to deliver supplies to the forces of the Viet Cong guerrilla fighters in the south. When the C-130 spotted something, it dropped illumination flares over it, and whatever was exposed would be attacked by the pair of B-57 Canberras which trailed the spotter. The fourth aircraft of the troupe was an EF-10, there to protect the others from radar guided AAA.

They flew off the wing of the C-130, with the two bombers following behind them. While they were never exposed to much of a threat from the ground, the Whale crews who flew these missions considered them the most dangerous during their entire combat tour. It is understandable, considering all four aircraft often flew in blacked out liveries, with a single navigation light atop the C-130 to provide reference between them. Poor weather and moonless nights were also common, as the porters along the trail knew they’d be hardest to spot in such conditions. Little was improved during a successful mission, as the flares and the exploding ammunition along the trail ruined the pilots’ night vision, leaving them to readjust as they turned for home.

End of Watch

By the end of 1966, the Whale’s replacement began to arrive in growing numbers. The EA-6A Electric Intruder was superior in every regard, but it proved unreliable as it went through a rough teething period as it was deployed to the theater. The first arrived at the end of October, ahead of a series of strike operations toward the end of the year. However, the new planes would not be able to do the job alone, and they were joined by the squadron’s venerable EF-10’s. A massive number of strikes were launched starting December 2nd, 1966, under the largest EW umbrella so far, consisting of six Intruders and ten Whales. While the Intruders could handle some of the more dangerous work, the Whales could cover transiting strike aircraft, and monitoring and jamming the growing number of radars for enemy AAA batteries.

A Super Whale departs the airfield at Da Nang. They are distinguished by the lack of any dorsal antennas. (Jerry Parks)

Even into the Autumn of the following year, the EA-6’s were still proving challenging to keep serviceable. It proved frustrating enough that the Corps decided to upgrade its Whale’s to bridge the gap until the Intruder’s readiness rates improved. The ‘Super Whale’ would feature a new broadband radar receiver, an ALR 27 radar warning receiver, and an improved panoramic display for detecting and classifying hostile radar systems. The new suite radically improved the crew’s ability to classify enemy systems and gave instantaneous missile launch warnings. The first of the modified planes was delivered in March, and crews soon flew them on their now familiar missions.

The eight Super Whales of VMCJ-1 continued to fly until September 1969, having been fully replaced by more modern aircraft. By the end of its service it was almost unique in its age, and its pilots often remarked on the fact that few airmen were assigned to something so eccentric. It was an aircraft designed with WWII era technology, and it made its pilots well aware of that fact. There were so few of them that the training materials for the aircraft were sparse, and no formal training program existed, so learning to fly and use the aircraft’s systems was an on-the-job affair. In a sense, each crewman familiarized themselves in their own way. A NATOPS manual was produced, but only near the very end of the plane’s combat tour in Vietnam. Many airmen felt pride in having mastered such an unconventional plane, especially one that flew quite well. Sentiments aside, they all knew it was an extremely obsolete plane kept flying by the kind of resourcefulness the Marine Corps is known for. The newest planes were almost twenty years old and had seen constant use in that time. The stockpile of parts was low, and there was not a single aircraft that was not completely wrung out. As fond of them as some pilots were, they were all happy with their new Intruders, and the Skyknight was finally retired in 1970.

Crew Remarks and Flying Characteristics

From the ground up, the Skyknight was designed to be stable, maneuverable, and to have no quirks in flying that might surprise the pilot. The designers were extremely successful in this regard, with pilots praising solid flying characteristics that some went as far as to call immaculate. Most contemporary jet fighters were known for being a handful, if not outright dangerous to fly, but with its hydraulically boosted controls, spoilerons, and positive longitudinal stability, it was an easy handling aircraft. Even over Vietnam, pilots found it a very forgiving, comfortable aircraft to fly. This being said, no one was ever much impressed by the look of the aircraft, with some pilots remarking that with its broad, flat wings, wide fuselage, and deep set cockpit, that Skyknight was a transport aircraft masquerading as a fighter.

A Skyknight crew prepares to depart. (National Archives)

It was, however, underpowered, having never received engines much more powerful than those on the prototypes. Its top speed was poor, and a fully loaded plane had a downright sluggish climb rate. While it was slow, this did not prevent it from scoring 6 victories against MiGs over Korea, and preventing the rest from chasing B-29’s. However, speed was not the primary issue, but rather reliability. These engines were fairly primitive turbojets developed from the first combat models. Engine failure brought down a number of these aircraft, and exploding turbines would prompt the fitting of armor plating to prevent shrapnel from traveling through the fuselage.

In its intended use as a carrier based night fighter, it was an almost total failure. The plane was simply too large and prone to mishandling by deck crews familiar with much smaller aircraft. It was also almost beyond the capabilities of the hydraulic catapults in use at the time, and accidents would result in serious damage being done to the system. The low cant of the engines scorched the wooden flight decks and ignited any flammable materials, resulting in fire alarms and a shut down of the flight deck. Thus, they could only be kept idling if positioned off the side of the ship. When they were later modified to correct for landing issues, they were controllable on the approach, and generally had good landing characteristics. However, the large flat windscreen was easily obscured by rain, and seaspray in poor weather conditions. The windshield wiper did little to improve visibility on the approach.

While the Skyknight might have been at home on the supercarriers which entered service in the 50’s, they were nothing but trouble on the WWII era carriers of their day. (smithsonian)

When deployed ashore, the issue of the low slung engines remained, and the exhaust was capable of warping, or boring holes, in tarmac. The position of the engines also made them vulnerable to foreign objects and debris on airfields, though this was amended with the use of intake covers which were removed when the aircraft was lined up on the runway. The aircraft was otherwise very capable when operating from airfields.

The Skyknight’s range was also rather short, given the high rate of fuel consumption from its crude turbojet engines. This was mostly resolved through the use of 150, and later 300 gallon (567, 1135 liter) wing mounted fuel tanks. However, in later electronic warfare missions, a jammer or chaff dispenser was often carried on one of the two wing pylons, shrinking the total fuel capacity of the aircraft. Over Vietnam, aircrews would occasionally fly with one engine off while they were transiting to stretch the endurance of the aircraft on longer missions.

The radar suite of the Skyknight was advanced, though its complexity did not lend itself well to ease of use or repair. The AN/APQ-35 featured a gun laying radar, which directed the pilot where to fire, a search radar, which the RO used to find targets, and a tail radar which warned the crew of pursuers. The radar presented information through three scopes.

The AN/APG 26 gun laying radar was the first with lock-on capability, automatically tracking a selected target. This feature was engaged by the RO, who centered the radar on the target and pushed a button. It was useful, but its position ahead of the search radar created a small blindspot. Some crews opted to remove the smaller device entirely to clear the blindspot, and many simply felt it was unnecessary given the high performance of the search radar which could be used to guide the pilot onto target.

The AN/APS 21 was a massive, cutting edge, and very complicated, search radar. It was a truly excellent piece of equipment, but was described by O’Rourke as being designed ‘by engineers that had never flown a plane’. The radar itself was not stabilized, and the plane of the scanning radar shifted with the positions of the aircraft. An RO also had to operate it within certain limitations. If set to a fast sweep at the widest angle, the dish would swing rapidly back and forth, destabilizing the plane and breaking itself. Broken radars were not uncommon given the fragility of vacuum tube electronics, with radar serviceability capping squadron readiness near 60% in Korea.

However, for all its quirks, it was an extremely impressive piece of engineering for its day. The radar was able to detect large contacts at 125 miles (201 km) and had an adjustable search angle that could be set as wide as 170 degrees. For all its trouble, it was worth it.

The massive tandem radar array of the APQ-35. (Jay Miller)

Lastly, the system had an AN/APS-28 tail warning radar which sat at the very end of the aircraft. It was very similar to the older APS 19 radar system found on Corsair night fighters, and thus very familiar to those who retrained for the Skyknight during the Korean War. It employed a small scope on the AN/APQ-35 console and displayed the position of contacts behind the aircraft up to four miles, with a crude approximation of their altitude, with the contact being noted as being as level, above, or below the aircraft. It also had a secondary display consisting of a quadrant of warning lights that would warn the crew of pursuers and their relative distance and position. In service, it was almost useless, as it was set off at lower altitudes and any friendly aircraft nearby, for instance, any B-29’s they might be escorting. The quadrant lights were thus typically removed and the RO would refer back to the dedicated AN/APS-28 radar scope every few minutes.

The AN/APQ-35 suite was later removed when the Skyknights were converted to electronic warfare aircraft, replaced with an EW kit comprised of a panoramic surveillance receiver that displayed the direction of radar and communications systems. It was fed information by a radio direction finder, and a pulse analyzer for identifying radar emissions. The original system used a once quite sophisticated APR-13 receiver, which displayed information on an oscilloscope, and a direct audio output of the radar transmission, to classify and give the direction of ground based radar systems. This allowed the ECMO to identify and locate any number of radar stations, though this took a good deal of work. The Skyknight proved to be a groundbreaking EW platform, but for its crews, this meant dealing with cutting edge yet crude equipment.

Being from the 1950’s, the system was a cumbersome affair that required its operators to manually set operating frequencies and offered no automation of any kind. It could surveil enemy radar systems and provide missile launch warning for friendly aircraft, however, it was nearly impossible to do both at once. Thankfully, in roughly its last year of service, the Marine Corps replaced the analogue EW suite with an APR-33 threat receiver, an ALR-27 missile launch warning system, and a new panoramic display which displayed the entire range of Soviet and Chinese radar frequencies. The new system took a lot of work off the ECMO and automatically warned them of a missile launch, representing a comprehensive upgrade.

Operating the aircraft’s jammers, both on-board and those on the pylons was a relatively straightforward affair. In Vietnam, this virtually always meant using wing mounted ALQ-31 pods that could carry two jammers that were configured to counter different radar systems. While the Skyknight was pulled from the SA-2 jamming mission, it proved very helpful in jamming AAA fire control radars. Crews often remarked that anti-aircraft fire became totally inaccurate once the jammers were in range of the enemy radar system.

Construction

The Skyknight was a solidly built aircraft with a conventional construction. It featured a very wide, monocoque fuselage with folding, mid level, two spar wings. The front of the aircraft contained the search radar or electronic warfare equipment, and the armament, all enclosed in a fiberglass cone. The engines were contained in low slung nacelles within the fuselage, behind which were the airbrakes. At the rear of the aircraft was a conventional stabilizer configuration, with a tail warning radar at the very back of the aircraft. The aircraft had a fully retractable tricycle landing gear arrangement with a deployable tailwheel to prevent tail strikes.

Armament and fuel stores (Standard Aircraft Characteristics)

The wings of the aircraft were of conventional construction, though it saw an early use of hydraulically boosted control surfaces. Combined with a set of spoilerons added to the production series of the aircraft, its roll rate was excellent and maneuverability was retained at high speeds. With the fuselage air brakes allowing for the pilot to prevent overshooting a targeted aircraft, or avoiding overspeed, the plane was remarkably controllable in all aspects of flight. They were designed to fold just beyond the outboard pylons.

The final engine of the aircraft was the Westinghouse J34-WE-36. It produced up to 3,400 lbs (1542 kg) of thrust, leaving the aircraft fairly underpowered. Attempts to re-engineer the aircraft were canceled when the J46 never became available. The J34 was a development of the J30, a WWII era jet engine, and was largely obsolete before entering service due to the rapid strides in turbine development after the Second World War. The engine was an axial compressed turbo jet, with 11 compressor stages, and two turbines. In its early service, it was fairly unreliable and dangerous, as the turbines could break and send their blades through the fuselage, into the second engine. Armored deflectors were thus installed early in its military service. The engine ran on 115/145 octane AVGAS, and not jet fuel, a feature which seriously highlighted its obsolescence in later years.

The console for the APQ-35 contained all of the controls and displays for the three radar systems; it proved compact, but complicated to use. (Pilot’s Handbook)

The Westinghouse AN/APQ-35 radar suite comprised three self contained radar units, being the X-band AN/APS-21 Search radar, AN/APG-26 gun laying radar, and AN/APS-28 tail warning radar. The search radar was by far the largest unit and presented a maximum instrumented range of 200 nautical miles for ground contacts. In airborne use, it could detect targets out to a range of about 120 nautical miles. Its scan area could be adjusted in terms of elevation, and had an adjustable horizontal search angle between 30 and 170 degrees. The search radar sat in tandem with the gun laying radar, with the smaller system ahead of the main unit. The gun laying radar had a maximum range of 4000 yards (3657 m) and was activated by aiming the search radar onto the target and engaging the lock feature. The smaller radar would then automatically track the locked target and adjust the aircraft’s gunsight to give an accurate lead. The tail warning radar had a range of 3 nautical miles and was fixed. The console had three scopes, being a plan position indicator scope, an azimuth scope that gave directional guidance toward the target, and a tail warning scope. Long range target information was displayed on a large plan position indicator scope which was used exclusively by the search radar, while the azimuth scope was shared with the gun laying radar and used to guide the pilot on the final approach to the target.

On the electronic warfare model, the radar suite was replaced by a collection of radio emission monitoring equipment, jammers, and countermeasure dispensers. The original EW suite consisted of an APR-13 panoramic surveillance receiver, replaced in the early sixties with the ALR-8, which included a APA-69A direction finder, and an ALA-3 pulse analyzer. The direction finder and the receiver each had their own console and were used to track and classify actively emitting radar systems. The ALR-8 could monitor most of the Soviet, and Soviet derived, radar systems of its day. This was done with a pair of oscilloscopes, one circular in the case of the panoramic indicator, the other linear in the case of the pulse analyzer, and a direct audio output of the radar emission. These gave the direction and pulse width of the radar system respectively, while the audio output could also be used to identify the pulse width and type of radar system. Each had their own distinctive tone, occasionally allowing for easy classification. A constant pulse rate indicated a fire control type system either directing a SAM or anti-aircraft gun batteries.

EW suite changes, the Super Whale setup is on the right. (EF-10B NATOPS)

These systems were seriously overhauled with the Super Whale upgrade under AFC 199. This included a panoramic ULA-2 indicator console which displayed the directions of all emitting radars, and no longer required the ECMO to manually search frequencies. Defensive upgrades included an APR-33 fire control monitor receiver and an ALR-2 missile launch warning receiver. These upgrades automated much of the ECMO’s workload, and allowed for the aircraft to perform missile warning duties while also investigating radar emissions.

Originally, the aircraft was only equipped with a pair of ALR-2 200 watt jammers, which were acceptable through the 1950’s, but totally inadequate for use over Vietnam. They were typically supplemented by outboard jammer pods and countermeasure dispensers. They often carried an ALQ-31 pod that could fit two jammers, which were typically configured to jam the early warning radars used to provide GCI for MiGs, and fire control radars for anti-aircraft batteries. The other major EW tool was the ALE-2 chaff dispenser, which could be used to create metallic, radar reflecting clouds of aluminum strips. Other avionics included VHF radio communication systems, a UHF radio, a VHF beacon homing receiver, a radio altimeter, and a radio compass. These systems were upgraded throughout the Skyknight’s long career, and new systems, like equipment to use the Tactical Air Navigation System, were added.

The Skyknight’s armament consisted originally of four Hispano Suiza M2 20mm cannons with 200 rounds carried for each weapon. The pilot was provided with a radar directed Mk. 20 Mod. 0 gunsight which could provide automatic targeting for a locked target. On electronic warfare variants of the aircraft, the armament was reduced to two weapons, retained for balance and self defense purposes.

A variety of ordnance could be carried on the outer pylons, being unguided bombs up to a weight of 2000 lbs (907 kg) per pylon. The 11.75” ‘Tiny Tim” rocket could also be mounted, though it is unlikely they were ever used, as only a handful of ground attack missions were carried out with this aircraft near the end of the Korean war, and only with unguided bombs. The pylons were otherwise used only for carrying 150, or 300 gallon fuel tanks (567, 1135 liters), in addition to the electronic warfare equipment described above.

The Skyknight featured more creature comforts than most other navy fighters by the time of its design. It was air-conditioned, its floors were carpeted, and an electric cigarette lighter was installed in the instrument panel, with ashtrays at the crew’s elbows. It was perhaps the only fighter aircraft to be equipped with a built-in cigarette lighter. However, it was not retained on the EF-10 and the engineers at Douglas removed it when they were updating the instrument panels. Both crewmembers were provided with urinals in the form of relief tubes for use on long flights.

F3D escape diagram. (Pilot’s Handbook)

The escape system consisted of a chute positioned between the crewmen, and at its end was a panel which would be ejected by means of explosive bolts. The crew would then use a bar over the opening, at the rear of the cockpit, to hurdle themselves down the chute and clear the plane. It was effective, though it meant that one could not safely bail out of the aircraft below 2000 ft. Crewmen who ditched the aircraft were to escape via the roof panel, which also doubled as the means to enter and exit the plane.

Conclusion

A preserved Skyknight, ironically stored aboard the USS Intrepid. (Tony Inkster)

In spite of failing in its original goal almost completely, the Skyknight’s career in the Marine Corps saw it become the unsung hero of two wars and earn the respect of its crews. It seems almost impossible that an ungainly nightfighter rejected for its original use could have ever brought down cutting edge MiG’s, made the Air Force’s B-29’s untouchable, or claim the night skies over North Korea for its own. Yet in the end, the Marine’s made due, and ‘Willy the Whale’ became one of the most successful fighters in the theater. Beyond this shocking combat debut, it almost effortlessly transitioned into an entirely different role, surveilling radar systems and providing electronic support for US forces in the technological cat-and-mouse race over Vietnam. Developed in an age when planes had their operational life spans measured in months, the Marine Corps flew the Skyknight for almost twenty years, a testament to its ruggedness and versatility.

F3D-2

Specification

Engine Westinghouse J36-WE-36
Engine Maximum thrust 3,400 lbs (1542 kg)
Fighter weight internal stores only 24,614 lbs (11,164 kg)
Fighter with 2 x 150 gal tanks 26,731 lbs (12129 kg)
empty weight 14,898 lbs (6757 kg)
Combat Range [with external fuel] 1,195 nmi
Combat Range [internal stores] 995 nmi
Maximum Speed 426 kts @ 15,000 ft (4572 m)
Cruising Speed 395 kts
Combat Ceiling 35,000 ft (10,668 m)
Armament 4x 20 mm Hispano Suiza M2 cannon
Crew 1x Pilot

1x Radar Operator

Length 45′ 5″ (13.84 m)
Height 16′ 1″ (4.9 m)
Wingspan 50′ (15.24 m)
Wing Area 400 sq.ft (37.16 m2)

Variants

F3D-1 (F-10A): First production version, J34-WE-34 engines. 28 built.

F3D-2 (F-10B): Improved, final production model. J34-WE-36 engines, lock on capability, General Electric G-3 autopilot, wing spoilers. 237 Built, final aircraft built in March of 1953.

F3D-1M: Sparrow missile testbed.

F3D-2M (MF-10B): Four missile hardpoints, no cannons. Brief service life. 16 converted from F3D-2s.

F3D-2Q (EF-10B): Electronic Warfare Aircraft. 35 Converted from F3D-2.

F3D-2T: Night fighter trainer. 5 converted.

F3D-3: Proposal, swept wing night fighter with J46-WE-3 engines.

Illustrations

 

VMF(N)-513, Korean War. During their combat tour ,The Flying Nightmares developed a superstition around aircraft numbered 13. The crew of this aircraft improvised an alternate number.
VF-14, USS Intrepid, 1954. The Top Hatters were among the last squadrons to fly the Skyknight as a night fighter. They quickly transitioned to more modern fighters.
VMCJ-1, Da Nang, Vietnam War. in 1967, all of the in-theater EF-10B’s were upgraded to ‘Super Whales’. They continued to serve for two more years before being phased out by more modern aircraft.

 

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by  Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Hansclaw

 

Sources:

Primary:

“Eyes In the Night”. Naval Aviation News. V33-34 1952-1953.

Pilot’s Handbook Navy Model F3D-2 Aircraft. Secretary of the Air Force and the Chief Bureau of Aeronautics. 15, July 1952.

NATOPS Flight Manual Navy Model EF-10B Aircraft. Chief of Naval Operations. 1 April 1969.

Night Fighters Over Korea. G.G. O’Rourke with E.T. Woolridge. Naval Institute Press.

Standard Aircraft Characteristics F3D-2 “Skyknight”. 15 February 1952.

Secondary Sources

F-3D/EF-10 Skyknight Units of the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Joe Copalman. Osprey Publishing. 2022.

F-105 Wild Weasel vs SA-2 “Guideline” SAM. Peter Davies. Osprey. 2011.

All Hands. No. 648-658. 1971.

Naval Fighters Number Four Douglas F3D Skyknight. S. Ginter.

Korean Air War Sabres, MiGs and Meteors 1950-53. Michael Napier. Osprey. 2021.

Naval Aviation News, Obituary Heidemann, Jan-Feb. 1992.

Skyknight. R.E. Williams. Naval Aviation News. 1983.

Into the Jet Age: Conflict and Change in Naval Aviation , 1945-1975. E.T. Wooldridge. Naval Institute Press. 1995.

A History of Marine Fighter Attack Squadron 531. Colonel Charles J. Quilter II and Captain John C. Chapin. History and Museums Division Headquarters, US Marine Corps. 2001.

US Marines in Vietnam High Mobility and Standdown 1969. Charles R. Smith. 1988.

Sparks over Vietnam The EB-66 and the Early Struggle of Tactical Electronic Warfare. Captain Gilles Van Nederveen. College of Aerospace Doctrine, Research and education. 2000.

Aircraft Carriers a History of Carrier Aviation and its Influence on World Events Volume II 1946-2005. Norman Polmar. Potomac Books. 1969.

Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander

United Kingdom (1918)

Ground Attack Aircraft [300-500+ Built]

A frontal view of a production Sopwith Salamander. The entire front section of this aircraft was armored. (Wikipedia)

The Sopwith Salamander was a dedicated ground attack aircraft, at this point known as a trench fighter, designed for use by the Royal Air Force in the First World War. The Salamander was based off of the Sopwith Snipe fighter and reused many components, but was much more armed and armored. Only a few Salamanders would be assigned to squadrons for testing during the war and none would see frontline combat. After the war, the Salamander was in service with squadrons in British territory until at least 1922. The aircraft was interesting as, in addition to its other modifications, it would be one of the first aircraft to be officially painted by the RAF in camouflage, most likely being the first in RAF aircraft to do so.

The Trench Fighter: Birth of the Ground Attacker

Rear view of the T.F.1 Camel. This was Sopwith’s first attempt at a dedicated Trench Fighter before the Salamander. (Sopwith Aircraft from 1912-1920)

Late into the First World War, the British Royal Air Force began using single-engine fighters to deliberately attack enemy trenches. This was seen at the Battle of Ypres and Cambrai in 1917. Oftentimes, the types used for this role could not perform well enough to dogfight or had some other glaring issue that prevented them from seeing widespread service. Although not their original purpose, these “Trench Fighters” were the first evolutionary step to creating what is now known as dedicated ground attack and close air support aircraft. The Sopwith Aviation Company began experimenting with dedicated, purpose-built trench fighters in 1918. The first of these was a derivative design based on their famous Sopwith Camel fighter. The T.F.1 Camel, TF standing for Trench Fighter, was a modified Sopwith F.1 Camel that had additional armor and was to be used to strafe trenches with a machine gun or bombs. Despite work being done on the T.F.1, it was only considered as a test for a trench fighting aircraft and was never meant to enter service nor production.

Instead, the Royal Air Force was looking for an aircraft with a more powerful engine, which the Camel airframe could not accommodate. Sopwith looked instead to their recently developed Snipe fighter. The Sopwith Snipe aircraft had been designed in late 1917 as a successor to the esteemed Sopwith Camel. It would not enter widespread service until September of 1918 and would only see combat for three months before the end of the war. Despite its short combat service, the Snipe proved itself as one of the most advanced fighters of the time, thanks to its powerful engine and excellent maneuverability. All of this had yet to be proven, however, when the trench fighter derivative design was being drawn up, as the Snipe had only just started testing in late 1917.

Official work began on the trench fighter Snipe in January of 1918. This machine was seen to have several advantages over the TF1. The newer design of the Snipe proved to be much more agile and it was able to carry the powerful 230 hp Bentley BR2 rotary engine. There were three factors that sought to specialize the design of this new aircraft; engine, armor and armament. A rotary engine was favored over an inline on the aircraft because an armored cowling could easily fit over the engine and was thus less likely to be hit from ground fire. For armament, it was planned to have a single forward facing Vickers machine gun with two more in a downward firing position, akin to the armament of the TF1. This idea was ultimately scrapped and two forward facing Vickers were chosen instead, like the armament on the Snipe. Relating to the armor, the front section of the fuselage was made to be a heavily armored box that would protect the pilot and engine from enemy fire. It was optimistically thought only three things would be able to shoot this new aircraft down; a direct hit from anti-air artillery, damage to the flying wires or heavily damaging the main spar. Three prototypes of the new trench fighter aircraft began construction in late January 1918. The first of these would be airworthy and ready in April. By now, the aircraft had received an official name; the Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander.

An example of a production Sopwith Snipe. This would be one of the best aircraft the RAF would field in the later stages of the First World War, and is the aircraft the Salamander would be based on. (Pilots and Planes)

Design

A cockpit view of the aircraft. (Imperial War Museum)

The Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander was an early ground attack aircraft based on the Sopwith Snipe fighter. The two aircraft shared many components, but the Salamander would have a number of features that would make its design unique. It had a wingspan of 19ft 6in (9.5 m). The wings were of two bay construction and consisted of a frame covered in canvas. The fuselage was of all wooden construction and covered in fabric, like the Snipe. It had a length of 19ft 6in (5.9 m). In total, the aircraft had a height of 9ft 4in (2.8 m). The sides of the fuselage were flat, being a change from the rounder fuselage of the Snipe.

In the front of the aircraft would sit the 230-hp Bentley B.R.2 air-cooled radial engine. The eleven-cylinder Clerget 11E engine was an alternative to the Bentley, but no Salamander would be equipped with this engine. The engine and cockpit section of the aircraft would sit in an armored box that would protect its most vital assets. The armored box was 8 mm thick in the front (the armor over the engine and the engine itself also factored in as frontal protection), 6 mm for the sides, 11 mm for the floor, and 10-gauge sheet metal with an additional 6-gauge sheet at the rear. In addition to the armored box, the engine would have an armored cowling over it. The aircraft had around 650 Ibs of armor in total. The sheer amount of armor was meant to protect the aircraft from German anti-armor rounds fired from short range, something it would no doubt deal with at the frontlines.

The controls and cockpit were likely carried over from the Snipe. Behind the cockpit was an armored head fairing that was not present on the Snipe. This detail is a distinct visual difference that one can use to identify the Salamander over the Snipe. Beneath the cockpit was the undercarriage and landing gear. During testing, it was found the armor made the aircraft quite hard to land, and the landing gear was further reinforced during development to assist in this area. The fuselage would taper towards the rear and tailplane. Beneath the tail was a simple landing skid. The tail and rudder were small at first on the prototype Salamanders, like on earlier Snipes, but this would be replaced by a larger rudder and tailfin on the production versions. At first, the tailplane was rigged via wires but this was replaced by four steel tubes connecting at the top and bottom.

A view of the armored front section of the aircraft. (Weapons and Warfare)

For fuel, the Salamander would carry less than the Snipe to accommodate the extra weight of the armor. The fuel delivery system was composed of a Badin vacuum-feed system with a Weyman hand pump connected to the main petrol tank for standby use. The fuel delivery system was protected with armor and rubber along the piping to prevent leaks or fire. In addition to the main petrol tank, there was an oil and gravity tank connected via piping.

The armament of the Salamander went through a number of iterations before its final layout. Originally, the aircraft was going to have a single forward facing Lewis machine gun, with two more facing downwards into the hull, but this was replaced by two synchronized Vickers guns that were staggered to house more ammunition (1000 rounds each). There exist other known layouts pf the Salamander but it is unknown if any of these were tested at any point. These included eight downward firing guns in one layout and two downward facing Lewis guns with two more over the center (in addition to the standard two Vickers). No photos of these two layouts exist. For special missions, the Salamander could carry up to four 20 Ib (9 kg) bombs or a single 112 Ib (51 kg) bomb.

A direct frontal view of the Sopwith Salamander. (Wikipedia)

The Sopwith Salamander: World War Woes

Rear view of the 3rd prototype Salamander. This example has the early rudder. Unfortunately this particular aircraft would be lost in a crash. (Pilots and Planes)

The Salamander would have its first flight on April 27th at Brooklands. The prototype Salamander, E5429, shared the wing mainplane, ailerons and tail control surfaces with the early model Snipe, but these would be improved later on the production models. The improvements were the same as done on the Snipe, which included increasing the size of the rudder. On May 9th, the first Salamander prototype was sent to France for service testing. There is a strange overlap in information with the prototype. Some sources claim that it returned to England on June 30th for further testing at Martlesham Heath, but others claim the prototype was lost to a crash in France on May 19th. Perhaps this was confused with the 3rd prototype, which did crash at a later unknown date. By this point, the other two prototypes were completed (E5430 and E5431). Testing found that the aircraft performed well, but problems appeared with the controls, which were found to be sluggish due to the extra armor.

The Salamander did have its fair share of critics, with several pilots being harsh towards the slower controls of the aircraft and some even finding the concept of an armored aircraft a waste of resources. Many of those who were strong critics of the aircraft criticized it as they did conventional fighters of the time, glossing over its specialized role of ground attack and arguing its armor would make it sluggish in a dogfight, when the aircraft was never intended to operate as a dogfighter. Originally, a plan for 6 prototypes was made but the last 3 were canceled. The 3rd prototype would stagger its machine guns to accommodate the increased amount of ammunition the Salamander had over the Snipe. This change would be present on all Salamanders going forward. With the aircraft performing well in testing, an initial order of 500 aircraft was requested in the early summer months of 1918. Sopwith would begin building production Salamanders at their factories, being constructed alongside the Snipe. In addition to Sopwith, several other aircraft manufacturers would begin constructing Salamanders as well; Air Navigation Co Ltd, National Aircraft Factory No.1, Palladium Autocars Ltd, Glendower Aircraft Co Ltd and Wolseley Motors Ltd. The production versions differed from the prototype Salamanders, having the larger tail fin and rudder as well as the ailerons from the production Snipes being fitted, as well as the staggered machine guns from the 3rd prototype.

A production line at a Sopwith factory where both Salamanders and Snipes are under construction. The first row are incomplete Salamanders. (Armament of British Aircraft)

As the year went on, production for the Salamander increased, as the order jumped from from 500, to 600 to 1400 by the war’s end. Producing the Salamander was found to be more difficult than the Snipe, thanks to its complicated wiring due to the extra steps of creating the armored cockpit area. Problems also began to be found with the armor, as the box was found to warp after some time and distort the frame. This was not a known problem at first, but it plagued many of the early production versions after the war. In October, production Salamanders began being painted in unique disruptive camouflage patterns. This practice started on the 3rd prototype. This would be one of the first times the RAF would officially camouflage paint aircraft, something that would eventually become a mainstay in the next World War. By early November, two Salamanders were sent over and stationed in France, with one being assigned to No 86 Squadron at Phalempin. No 86 Squadron had just been assigned as a dedicated ground attack unit when it arrived. Back in Britain, squadrons No 95 at Weyton, and No 157 at Upper Heyford were also reworked to be dedicated trench fighting squadrons and equipped with five Salamanders each. No 157 Squadron was scheduled to leave for the front on November 21st. With production rapidly increasing and the aircraft soon to be used at the front, all of this was suddenly brought to a halt when the Armistice was signed on November 11th.

 

Postwar Mediocrity

A Sopwith Salamander showcasing its unique camouflage livery (RAF Museum)

With the signing of the armistice, all plans to ship the Salamander-equipped squadrons to the front were canceled. Production was soon to be cut short as well, as the need for such a specialized aircraft disappeared. Gradually, the order of 1400 was decreased to a much smaller number. Sopwith and Glendower continued producing the Salamander until mid 1919, when total production was completely halted. The other companies mentioned before either stopped production entirely or produced only a few more Salamanders after the Armistice. The Salamander was prepared to be used in full force had the war continued into 1919, with an expected thirteen full Salamander squadrons stationed in France by May. There were expected delays with the production of the Bentley engine, so five of these squadrons were to be equipped with the aforementioned Clerget engines. The exact number of Salamanders produced varies from source to source. The most common number found is that 210 were produced in total, but other sources claim that the actual number is closer to 300. Others claim that almost 500 were built. None of these numbers can truly be confirmed but it is likely much more than the commonly thrown around 210.

Rear view of a Sopwith Salamander (Imperial War Musuem)

Postwar, the Salamander did not find itself too popular, as many issues rose up with the design. The warping of the armor began to become a serious problem on early production Salamanders and it was also found the first 70 Salamanders built by Sopwith had upper wings from Snipes, which were not capable of supporting the heavier Salamander. All of these 70 aircraft were found to be extremely dangerous to fly and it took until December of 1918 for the problem to be realized and fixed. From what can be gathered, most of the production Salamanders were put into storage after the Armistice, with many being finished and immediately sent into storage. Flight testing of the type continued until 1920 despite all interest in the Salamander seemingly being lost in mid 1919.

In addition to the disruptive camo, there is mention of a Salamander being painted in a type of lozenge camo, similar to German aircraft schemes in the war, but no photos are known to exist. It was to be tested at Farnborough alongside the regular camo in July of 1919 but it was unlikely anything became of the tests. Despite the lack of interest, the Salamander did occupy a number of squadrons post war, however the details of where and when are sparse. The latest Salamanders mentioned in RAF service were a squadron stationed out of Egypt in 1922. This would have coincided with the Chanak Crisis against Turkey. A few Salamanders were sent to foreign nations for testing. An unknown Salamander was sent to France to be tested by the Section Technique de l’Aéronautique (Aeronautical Technical Section) in Villacoublay, France. Salamander F6533 was sent overseas to America for trials and testing by their Army Air Service. No further orders or Salamanders were made by America after this and the sole example was known to have been still at McCook Airfield as late as 1926. It is likely the warping issue happened with this particular aircraft, as beneath the cockpit “This machine is not to be flown.” was printed and was seen in photographs of the aircraft.

Salamander F6533 at Mccook Airfield (Pilots and Planes)

Many combat aircraft of the First World War found new life in the following years in the hands of private collectors or attending airshows for spectacular performances. The Salamander was unfortunately not one of these aircraft due to its specialized nature and slower performance compared to the fast aircraft that were featured in such displays. With the purpose of the aircraft now gone and with no future in sight, the Salamander was left to be forgotten as newer aircraft replaced it in squadrons and eventually all would be scrapped. None survive to this day.

Conclusion

The Salamander was one of the first British attempts to create a dedicated ground attack aircraft. In addition, it first tested camouflage patterns on RAF aircraft. Unfortunately, it came too late, if only by a few weeks, to be tested in combat. With the war over and the need for such an aircraft gone, the dream of the Salamander strafing enemy positions died and it fell into obscurity as the type was eventually completely scrapped. Had it entered combat, it would have encountered the same problems it did postwar, which would have left the aircraft prone to accidents of its own design and would have taken time to repair in the field. A strange, and perhaps sad, note is the Salamander was the last Sopwith aircraft to enter service with the RAF before the company became defunct in 1920.

Variants

 

  • Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Prototypes – The first prototypes for the Salamander had many of the same features as the Snipe, including sharing the mainplane, unstaggered guns and the tailplane was supported by wires.
  • Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Production – The production version of the Salamander had staggered guns, provisions for carrying bombs, and the tailplane was supported by four steel rods. The first 70 production aircraft accidentally were equipped with the upper wings of the Sopwith Snipe.

 

Operators

 

  • United Kingdom – The Sopwith Salamander was built as a dedicated Trench Fighter for the Royal Air Force, but hostilities would stop before it could be sent to the frontlines. After the war, most Salamanders would be put in storage, but a few would be sent abroad, such as to Egypt.
  • United States of America – A single T.F.2 Salamander (F6533) was sent to McCook Field for testing.
  • France – A single T.F.2 Salamander was sent to France for testing with the Section Technique de l’Aéronautique in Villacoublay, France.

Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Specifications

Wingspan 31 ft 2 in / 9.5 m
Length 19 ft 6 in / 5.9 m
Height 9 ft 4 in / 2.8 m
Wing Area 272 ft² / 25.3 m²
Engine 1x 230 hp ( 171.5 kW ) Bentley B.R.2 Radial Engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade wooden propeller
Weights
Empty 1844 lb / 836 kg
Maximum 2512 lb / 1139 kg
Climb Rate
Time to 5,000 ft / 1,525 m 6 minutes 5 sec
Time to 6,500 ft / 1,980 m 9 minutes 6 sec
Time to 10,000 ft / 3,050 m 17 minutes 5 sec
Maximum Speed 117 mph / 188 km/h at 10,000 ft / 3,050 m

123 mph / 198 km/h at 6,500 ft / 1,980 m

125 mph / 201 km/h at 3,000 ft / 915 m

Cruising Speed 125 mph / 201 kmh
Endurance 1 ½ hours
Maximum Service Ceiling 13,000 ft / 3,690 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • 2x synchronized Vickers .303 machine guns (1000 rounds per gun)
  • 4x 20 Ib (9 kg) bombs or 1x 112 Ib (51 kg) bomb

Illustrations

The Salamander in standard RAF livery

 

Several Salamanders would receive a standardized camouflage pattern, they were among the earliest RAF planes to use an official camouflage livery.

Credits

  • Article written by Medicman11
  • Edited by  Henry H. & Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Carpaticus

 

Sources

https://www.baesystems.com/en/heritage/sopwith-salamander

https://www.rafmuseum.org.uk/blog/salamandrine-fire/

King, H. F. Sopwith Aircraft, 1912-1920. Putnam, 1981.

Mason, Francis K. The British Fighter since 1912. Naval Institute Press, 1992.

Green, W. and Swanborough, G., n.d. The complete book of fighters.

 

 

Focke-Wulf Ta 152H

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1945)

Fighter: Approximately 60 built

A Ta 152H undergoing compass calibration. (flugrevue)

Introduction:

Throughout the Second World War, the job of the interceptor would become ever more challenging. Their targets, mostly bombers and photo reconnaissance aircraft, would fly ever higher and faster thanks to new advancements in turbo and supercharging. With Germany under a state of permanent siege and surveillance by aircraft like the Boeing B-17 and De Havilland Mosquito, it was clear the Luftwaffe needed a specialized interceptor to effectively reach these high flying threats and the multitude of new fighters that were appearing in growing numbers. After several failed attempts to develop the Fw 190 into such an interceptor, Kurt Tank designed the Ta 152H. The short lived design incorporated all of the available developments in high altitude flight available to German aviation in an attempt to create the ultimate high altitude fighter.

High altitude threats and Interceptors

In the summer of 1941, the Mosquito was making its first reconnaissance sorties and becoming one of the gravest threats to German aerial defenses. Operating above 7km and capable of reaching speeds upwards of 560 km/h, the aircraft was almost untouchable after it had reached its destination. Once they had taken their photos, they turned for home and entered a shallow dive that allowed them to accelerate to speeds beyond those of pursuing fighters who were not already chasing them from a higher altitude. With such a small interception window, they were a chief concern to the Luftwaffe. Doubly so were the bomber variants of the aircraft, which raided targets all over North Western Europe.

The following year saw the entrance of the United States into the Second World War, their air force possessing some of the most capable high altitude aircraft at the time. Investments in engine turbocharging allowed them to field a number of bombers and fighters with exceptional high altitude performance. B-17’s were conducting regular operations above 7 km. At first, they undertook operations at significantly lower altitudes, never straying too far from their air bases in southern England, but it was becoming clear that they would soon pose a threat that the Luftwaffe was ill equipped to combat.

The De Havilland Mosquito was quickly recognized as a serious threat not long after its introduction. Photorecon versions, like this later Mk XVI here, could surveil Germany with little fear of interception. (wikimedia)

The only two fighters of consequence employed by the Luftwaffe, the Bf 109 and Fw 190, were effective low to medium altitude fighters. However, through 1942, both were operating with engine power restrictions, and supercharger related performance bottlenecks. While inferior alloys and lubricants were causing a variety of issues, that was less of a concern than the engines themselves not being designed for use at high altitudes. The Bf 109G’s DB 605A, with its variable single stage blower, provided a full throttle height of roughly 6.5 km, depending on the variant. The Fw 190’s BMW 801, with its significantly simpler, single stage, double speed supercharger, was even worse off. Its critical altitude was only roughly 6 km, leaving it, and the 109, distinctly lacking in power at the over 7.5km B-17’s often flew at. Above these altitudes, neither engine could maintain the manifold pressure needed for combat power, putting them at a distinct disadvantage in trying to catch the Mosquito, or fighting American high altitude fighters which were soon making forays into German airspace. As the USAAF began its strategic bombing campaign against Germany proper, there were deep concerns within the Luftwaffe about the battle they were soon to fight, and for which they were clearly technically unprepared for. Even more concerning was the fear that the RAF would soon be operating the Vickers Wellington V bomber, which was reportedly capable of operating at an almost untouchable altitude of 12 km. They never entered service, but were the impetus for the creation of a specialized high altitude fighter with the Höhenjäger program.

With these anxieties building, the RLM convened a conference on the development of high altitude fighters on May 20, 1942 at Messerschmitt’s plant in Augsburg. In addition to the high altitude British bomber, further concerns were spelled out over the recent study of the new Merlin 61 engine, which, with its two stage, two speed supercharger, promised to make the Spitfire and Mosquito even more challenging opponents at high altitude. Of particularly grave concern was that the German aviation industry could not simply follow the same development path as the Allies. The poor qualities of their available alloys and the inadequate supplies of high octane fuels meant that even, if they had a factory furnished with all the tools to manufacture an engine like the Merlin 61, they simply could not build or operate it with the materials at hand.

As such, they had to pursue less conventional means of improving performance. Messerchmitt proposed a redesign of a former naval fighter proposal for high altitude use. The Me 155 carrier based fighter design, with its very long wingspan, was proposed to be converted for high altitude use, the work being done mostly at the S.N.C.A.N plant in Paris. The design would later be taken up and heavily altered by Blohm & Voss, who went on to design the Bv 155, with turbochargers and GM-1 nitrous boosting. Neither design came to fruition. A secondary design, the Bf 109H, would involve stretching the wingspan of a Bf 109F, and later G, and installing the high altitude GM-1 engine boost system. Likewise, this design was not pursued. In the end, Messerschmitt would go on to design a mass production, high altitude variant of their standard Bf 109G with a pressurized cockpit and nitrous boosting. While it would prove fairly adequate for the time, it was held back by the need for GM-1, which was difficult to transport in large quantities without a pipeline.

Focke-Wulf would face an even greater challenge with their program. While their Fw 190 was proving to be among the best medium altitude fighters of the war, its short wingspan and outdated supercharger meant it would take a considerable effort to make a high altitude fighter out of it.

The Höhenflieger Fw 190

Focke-Wulf first pursued turbocharging to get their fighter to reach the adequate level of performance for the Höhenjäger project. Almost immediately, they ran into the issue that it was almost impossible to fit a suitable turbocharger into a Fw 190A, though an externally mounted, and almost completely unwieldy unit was suggested. The first serious effort came with the proposal for the Fw 190B fighter, or Höhenjäger 1, in August of 1942. The design would take the then in production Fw 190A-3, increase its wingspan from 10.5 to 12.4 meters (increasing its area from 18.3 to 20.3 m^2), and install a pressurized canopy. The engine was initially unmodified and nitrous boosting was not pursued, in the hope a suitable turbocharger would be developed. The prototype, Fw 190V-12, began testing, but was abandoned in favor of using older, pre-production Fw 190A-0 prototypes before moving on to pre-production. The Fw 190B-0 received the new BMW 801 D-2 and several other modifications going into the new A-5 fighter. It began testing in December of 1942, and despite some faults with the pressurized canopy, which were later corrected, the aircraft had considerably better high altitude handling than the original A model. All four of the A-0’s were converted, but the program showed little promise. Despite the effort, the improvements were not enough and the aircraft was still too slow at high altitude. It was clear that the aircraft needed a heavily modified, or entirely different engine, in order to attain the level of performance needed.

Perhaps the most promising development for the next generation of the Fw 190, the C series, hoped to install a much more powerful DB 603 engine. Harsh teething issues and limited supplies for the engine doomed the project. (grafiq)

In parallel with the B-project, the decision was made to re-engine the aircraft with either the Junkers Jumo 213, or Daimler Benz’s DB 603. Both promised better high altitude performance over the BMW 801 along with a considerable overall increase in engine output. The DB 603 project would proceed with the designation Fw 190C, and the Jumo 213, Fw 190D. The first Fw 190C prototype, V13, had a DB 603 installed, with an annular radiator at the nose of the aircraft and its supercharger intake mounted between its two oil coolers, these modifications presenting a longer, but more streamlined profile. Little drag was added to the airframe with the modifications initially, but they would be forced to mount the supercharger scoop externally. The aircraft first flew in March of 1942, and overheating, along with general teething issues would be noted. Two more prototypes were converted, V15 and 16, receiving the longer wing from the B-project and GM-1 equipment. Turbocharging was also proposed, but not pursued until much later on. The program continued through May at a decent pace and they were achieving high speeds, one aircraft reaching 696 km/h at 6,950 m, but overheating and engine failure remained serious issues. Similar problems were likewise being experienced with the Jumo 213. The results, however, prompted Focke-Wulf to expand the program with six more prototypes, V13,15,16, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, and 27 carrying the DB 603, and V22 and 23 using the Jumo 213. Despite the focus on the DB 603, the company was prepared to switch to the Jumo 213, which they could obtain a much larger supply of.

The large, drag inducing turbocharger scoop earned this aircraft the moniker ‘kangaroo’. Aerodynamically unsound, it proved unsatisfactory for service. (wwiiforum)

The final design for the Fw 190C featured the DB 603A with its supercharger intake mounted on the port engine cowling, with various provisions for an armament of MG 131 machineguns, MG 151/20, and MK 108 autocannons. Its highest tested speed was an impressive 722 km/h at 9 km, without armament or armor plates. Production was strongly considered, and then canceled. The DB 603, in its fighter configuration, was still proving troublesome, and V13 was written off after an engine failure forced the pilot to crash land. The engine itself had a comparatively small production run compared to the Jumo 213, and was being shared with a number of twin engine bombers and night fighters. As the older, and massive Jumo 211 production lines were transitioning to the more powerful Jumo 213, it was by far the better choice for a new mass production fighter.

The Fw 190D or ‘Dora’ project continued, though its development path did not lead to a mass produced, high altitude fighter. Rather, it became a project to facilitate getting the Jumo 213 into a fighter as fast as possible, as it was one of the few German engines capable of competing with Western Allied models in most areas. The only mass produced variant, the D-9, is often mislabeled as a high altitude fighter, though its engine was designed for low to medium altitude use. A small number of high altitude models, with the appropriate engines, were produced, but were nothing compared to the D-9’s production run of well over a thousand aircraft by the end of the war.

Shifting programs aside, Focke-Wulf would continue with the new Höhenjäger II project, now seeking to build a truly superb high altitude fighter by taking several of the Fw 190C prototypes and equipping them with Hirth TK 11 turbo-superchargers. With the Fw 190B improvements, the 2000 hp DB 603 S, and a pressurized cockpit, it was hoped that a number of exceptional high altitude fighters could be produced, even if they could never reach the production figures of the Dora. They attempted to solve the earlier issue with the unmanageable size of the turbosupercharger by installing it partially outside of the fuselage, with an air scoop at its front. V18 received the necessary modifications and flew in December of 1942, with serious cooling problems being noted. Further modifications were made after the first several flights, most notable being that a larger oil cooler was mounted, the tail was enlarged to improve high altitude control, and the next prototype, V30, was re-equipped with a four bladed Schwarz propellor. Their extreme high altitude performance was superior to the C, with the aircraft reaching a speed of 670 km/h at 11 km, though they were proving far more temperamental. Turbine and engine issues continued to cut test flights short, though more prototypes were constructed through early 1943, V29 to V33. However, turbine issues persisted, and the entire scoop set up was found to be aerodynamically poor, and the design was proving very disappointing in comparison to the fully recessed models in service with the USAAF. Its performance too was deemed inadequate, and the project was canceled.

Falling behind

Apart from expedient designs, like the GM-1 boosted Bf 109’s, German efforts to produce a high altitude fighter had largely stagnated during 1943, and by the beginning of 1944, they were at a distinct disadvantage. For the past two years, most of the aero engine industry was working hard to modify their existing models to run at their full power using the inferior materials and fuel that were available to them. Among the clearest problems this caused was with the Messerschmitt Bf 109 G, or ‘Gustav’ model, which was only finally cleared to run at its full combat power in the summer of 1943, almost two years after its introduction. Under such conditions, developing new engines was a mostly hopeless effort, and to make matters worse, Allied developments in this field were unfolding brilliantly. While Focke-Wulf and Messerschmitt had failed to deliver on their high altitude fighters, the RAF began to fully transition to the use of the two-stage Merlin in their Spitfires, while the even more powerful Griffin was in development. By the end of 1943, USAAF finally introduced the P-51B, using a licensed Packard Merlin engine, and the P-47 had seen significant performance improvements which gave it unparalleled performance above 9 km. The P-51 proved perhaps the most concerning, as it not only had the benefit of a significantly more advanced engine, but it had been designed with aerodynamic concepts that were not available to aircraft designers before the war. It was an altogether modern aircraft, whereas the German air force would remain dependent on modified versions of planes which had been flying before the war had begun. The Bf 109G had fallen behind its Western contemporaries in most areas of performance, while the Fw 190 still clung to a competitive edge in low to medium altitude engagements. At high altitudes, especially above 7.5 km, there were only a comparative handful of GM-1 boosted Bf 109G’s that could really challenge the Allies, and even then, not on equal terms.

Germany did not possess the materials needed for robust and reliable exhaust valves, bearings, or more efficient, high pressure, high temperature radiators like those on Western Allied planes. However, there were areas of hopeful improvement. Foremost was that, by the autumn of 1943, German engine manufacturers had developed nickel coatings for engine pistons to overcome corrosion problems, and had modified the DB 605’s oil scavenge system to allow it to run at its originally planned combat power. While they would not be able to produce engines as reliable as those in the service of the RAF and USAAF, it was clear that the performance disparity could be reduced. Just as crucially, improvements were being made in regards to radiator design, particularly the annular units which were being tested on the high altitude Focke-Wulf projects. The new AJA 180 on the Fw 190 series was both approaching the pressure and temperature tolerance of Allied models, and was very compact, allowing the Fw 190 to retain its aerodynamic sleekness even when it switched engines.

The Fw 190D project transitioned away from high altitude fighters when the demand for better general purpose fighters grew. Rushed into production, it had more than its fair share of blemishes but, nonetheless, was an effective successor to the earlier ‘Anton’. (worldwarphotos)

While Messerschmitt had already succeeded in producing an acceptable high altitude fighter in the GM-1 boosted Bf 109G, Focke-Wulf’s projects took a different turn. The high altitude Fw 190D project shifted focus to produce a medium altitude fighter, the Fw 190D-9, and another project would seek to build a successor to the Fw 190, the new plane being named Ta 153. The designation changed to reflect Kurt Tank’s role as the head designer at Focke-Wulf. With this new design, hopes for significant high altitude improvements were again stoked, but as had become clear by their earlier failures, such improvements could not come from any unfamiliar solutions or technically complex methods, like turbocharging.

The Successor

The Ta 153 was so designated as it was not a variant, but a successor to the original aircraft. It featured a new fuselage and wings and the occasionally troublesome electrically driven landing gear actuators were changed for hydraulically driven ones. Being almost entirely divorced from the Fw 190’s supply chain, it was thus denied for production in March of 1943, given the amount of labor and time it would take to set up tooling. A compromise model between the design and the Fw 190D was selected, designated the Ta 152.

The Ta 152C program attempted to replace the Fw 190 A&D and correct the faults of the Dora. In the end, it proved too similar to justify shifting production before the end of the war. (ta-152.de)

There were several types planned, namely Ta 152 A,B,C and H. These were standard fighters, heavy fighters for use against bombers, fighter bombers, and a high altitude interceptor. The A and B were designed to use the Jumo 213A & E, respectively, the C the DB 603, and the H, the Jumo 213E. To avoid impacting the production of the Fw 190D, the high altitude model was the first to be developed. These planes featured a hydraulic landing gear system as opposed to the electric actuators on the Fw 190, an improved vertical stabilizer from the Fw 190C program, larger wings, and a half meter fuselage extension in the rear fuselage, with the ensuing redistribution of weight helping to correct for an issue with the aircraft’s center of gravity.

While it may seem odd that they were essentially pursuing two fighter designs to succeed the Fw 190A, the Luftwaffe was desperately looking for higher performance fighters. Hopes were placed on the new Jumo 213 in the Fw 190D, and the new DB 605D in the Bf 109K, to keep pace with the Allies. The Dora was an expedient solution which could use the same supply chain as the original fighter, and the Ta 152 would be a more thoroughly improved model which would be transitioned to once the Dora’s supply chain was well established. In any case, only the high altitude Ta 152 variant was pursued with any substantial amount of resources, given it would be assigned a mission the Bf 109K and Fw 190D models were not suitable for. Jets were, of course, also quite promising, but they were still an immature technology, and it was clear that the leap from pistons to turbines could not be made in 1944.

The new fighter would be designed with both high altitude and low altitude performance in mind. To meet this challenging requirement, both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude engine boost systems were to be installed aboard the aircraft. Kurt Tank selected several of the old Fw 190C prototypes to be converted for the new program, these being V18, 29, 30, 32, and 33. V33 was the first to undergo modification and was redesignated V33/U1, now featuring a three bladed VS 9 propeller, a forward fuselage lengthening of .5 meters, a rear fuselage lengthening of 0.772 m, a new high aspect wing with an area of 23.5m^2, a hydraulically actuated undercarriage, and two 20 mm MG 151/20’s mounted in the wing roots.

It first flew on July 13, 1944, and was lost after it crashed during its 36 minute test flight at Vechta. The second prototype, V30/U1, flew on August 6, and like the first, was again lost, though this time resulting in the death of its pilot, Alfted Thomas. More success was had with the third prototype, V29/U1, which flew on September 29, 1944, and the fourth, V18/U2, which flew shortly after. With pre-production beginning in November, this left them about a month to perform flight tests on their surviving prototypes.  Serious trouble with the program was encountered as late as November, when test pilot Hans Sander had to crash land his aircraft after his engine seized due to fuel starvation. It was found a hydraulic valve had been installed in the fuel line, an accident most likely a result of the aircraft’s rushed development.

The losses and damages experienced at this point in testing were threatening to seriously interrupt the pace of the project, but in the end, they rushed through development with some of the stability issues unresolved. This effectively led to the aircraft entering production with only slight adjustments from the prototypes. However, the plane was achieving good high altitude performance, both in terms of speed and ceiling. Test pilot Friedrich Schnier would fly V29/U1 to an incredible height of 13.6 km on January 20th, 1945. Beyond this, the fourth and final converted aircraft was V32/U1, which was fitted with a four bladed Schwarz propeller and the new MG 213 revolver cannon. It first flew in January of 1945, though none of the equipment would be worked into any production aircraft.

The eccentric profile of the aircraft, with its high aspect ratio wings. (destination’s journey)

The H was unique among the Ta 152 series, with its long, high aspect wings designed for high altitude use, a pressurized cockpit, and the installation of both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude boost systems. While together, they promised incredible performance at any height, GM-1 was never carried aboard any of the operational fighters due to its container’s adverse effects on stability. Eager to have this aircraft as soon as possible, Focke-Wulf sprinted through its development, and the Ta 152H entered pre-production in November of 1944. The extremely rapid pace of development was emblematic of the very desperate situation the German air force was in at the time. This resulted in the delivery of an aircraft that was effectively unfinished.

The Ta 152H-0 entered service without several of the key features that the plane was set to carry, lacking the outer wing fuel tanks, and the engine boost systems. As such, it was considerably lighter, and better handling than the planned production model, but without the boost systems, it was much slower.  For the time being it judged necessary, as there were serious weight distribution issues with wing fuel tanks and boost systems aboard. While it was designed with wing tanks, GM-1, and MW 50, the production model of the aircraft would not be permitted to fly with all three. In the end only the MW 50 and the wing tanks were permitted to be used together, but the GM-1 system would prove more troublesome. A stop gap solution late in the war would allow for the use of GM-1, but only GM-1. By the time the war ended, there was still no solution on how all three pieces of equipment would be added to the plane without jeopardizing its flying characteristics.

It was in this rough state when it was delivered to the Luftwaffe for testing in December. Due to supply chain issues, production was slow and the aircraft were finally delivered to the Luftwaffe until January 27, 1945.

Operational History

Given their very late introduction during the war, the Ta 152H saw very little action and its combat record is extremely limited. The aircraft was only supplied to the Stab, the squadron staff group, and Gruppe III of JG 301, a dual night and day fighter squadron which transitioned to them from Fw 190A-8’s on January 27. The squadron had a good pool of experienced pilots already familiar with Focke-Wulf aircraft, though their mechanics would have a far more difficult task, as the Ta 152H-0 had been pushed into service without maintenance manuals. At the airfield at Alteno, they received 11 aircraft, with 16 others having been destroyed or damaged on the ground before they could reach the unit. Familiarization and training proceeded until the end of February and was not without incident. One aircraft (150037) was lost in a training incident, a second damaged but repaired, and serviceability fell from 75% to 30% after an incident with water contaminating fuel supplies. The squadron would go on to receive several more aircraft before rebasing to Sachau when Alteno was overrun. They would attempt to engage Allied bombers on March 2, but the 12 Ta 152H’s would fail to reach them, as they were attacked by the Bf 109s of another squadron which mistook their unfamiliar planes for the enemy. No aircraft were lost in the engagement. A second high altitude interception against a DeHavilland Mosquito was also attempted, though engine trouble forced the pilot to return to base before contact was made.

One of the only photographs of Ta 152H’s in operation with JG 301. (destination’s journey)

The unit rebased again to Stendal near Erfurt, where they joined JG 301’s Gruppe II, during which one aircraft was lost, and the pilot, Jonny Wiegeshoff, was killed on the landing approach. This was believed to be the result of the propeller reduction gear failing and becoming stuck in an almost feathered position. By March 14th, the understrength unit was supplied with several Fw 190A-9s. Outnumbered and with little security, the Ta 152H’s often flew top cover for the rest of the unit during what few operations were undertaken. On April 10, Erfurt was contested, and during the fighting, the eight serviceable Ta 152’s engaged a flight of fifteen P-47’s near Brunswick, resulting in one victory claim.

Gruppe III’s last actions were conducted from Neustadt-Glewe. On April 15th, the unit suffered its first combat loss. During operations that day, four Ta 152s sortied to attack a pair of RAF Hawker Tempests engaging in a low level sweep. According to Obfw. Willi Reschke, the Ta 152H in the number two position, flown by Obfw. Sepp Sattler, suddenly lost control and crashed before contact was made, seemingly suffering a fatal malfunction, while other accounts claim he was brought down by one of the RAF Tempests. The remaining two Ta 152’s engaged the Tempests of No. 486 Squadron. In the ensuing battle, Obfw. Willi Reschke entered an intense, low level dogfight with one of the Tempests. Near the beginning of the engagement, he fired on and struck the tail of a Hawker Tempest flown by Lt. Mitchell, his gun’s electrical circuit seemingly failing shortly after. However, when Mitchel attempted to turn away from his opponent, he lost control of his damaged aircraft and crashed. Reschke swore by the low speed maneuverability of the Ta 152, which he felt was critical in this engagement, and his survival through the last days of the war. The Ta 152H flown by the Schwarm leader, Oberstleuteneant Fritz Auffhammer, suffered an engine failure, though the pilot successfully restored power and returned to base with his supercharger broken. Sattler and Mitchel were both buried at a cemetery in Neustadt-Glewe.

The last actions of the squadron were in the last stages of the Battle for Berlin, and on April 24th, the Ta 152s and Fw 190As of the IInd and IIIrd Gruppe attacked Soviet positions and engaged Yak 9’s. The final mission was flown over Berlin in poor conditions, and during an engagement with a flight of four Yak 9’s, Hauptman Hermann Stahl was killed during the engagement, with the four Yak-9’s being claimed by the unit. After the surrender, the unit rebased to Leck in Schleswig-Holstein, where they were disbanded and one of the serviceable Ta 152H’s was transferred to England by the RAF so that it could be evaluated. A second Ta 152H was also claimed by the USAAF for evaluation purposes, the plane being another H-0 which likely belonged to a testing unit at Rechlin.

One of the only serviceable planes was taken to the UK for testing. The other was taken in hand by the US. (Alessandro Orseniga)

In all, the Ta 152H was never actually used for any high altitude combat operations and its service was restricted to a single under strength unit. With at most ten victories and four operational losses, it is difficult to give any appraisal for its performance from its brief career with JG 301. Obfw. Josel Keil, was the only pilot to qualify as an ace on the Ta 152H, and together with Willi Reschke, who had two credits in the Ta 152H, and 24 in other aircraft, held nearly all of the aircraft’s combat credits between them.

Handling and Flying Characteristics

While the Ta 152H’s combat record leaves a lot of questions left unanswered, most pilots who had the chance to get behind the controls of the aircraft can at least agree that the aircraft flew very well. Among its most famous advocates was Royal Navy Test pilot Eric Brown. He would praise its excellent climb performance, maneuverability at high altitude, stability, and good landing characteristics. His only negative remarks were that its roll rate was reduced over the older Fw 190A, that its stick forces were notably heavier, and that its wheel brakes were still awful and prone to fade after a few moments of use. He otherwise considered it an excellent aircraft and the best high altitude piston engined fighter he had flown, comparing it favorably to a Spitfire Mk IXX. It must be noted that he misidentifies the aircraft as an H-1 in his book, and not the substantially lighter H-0, which is visually identical.

Captain Brown’s remarks are matched by those of the pilots who assessed the aircraft in the Stab and III/JG 301. The Ta 152H-0 had the best evaluation received by a front line operator of a Focke-Wulf aircraft. The aircraft possessed most of the best qualities of the earlier Fw 1,0D-9 without having its poor accelerated stall characteristics. While still described as uncomfortable like the Fw 190D it was so similar to, it was much improved and less prone to the aggressive snap rolling. So, while the aircraft was less maneuverable, generally speaking, most pilots were more comfortable pulling harder turns. In tests at the unit, some new pilots in Ta 152H’s were able to turn with seasoned pilots in Fw 190A’s. Take off runs were short, and the landing approach could be conducted at low speeds. Generally speaking, it was a fairly forgiving aircraft. The only negative notes on the aircraft were from the findings of the Rechlin Test Center, which found the aircraft became seriously unstable in dives exceeding 600 km/h and that level flight required excessive trimming of the horizontal stabilizer.

The enlarged tail and redesigned wings helped give these aircraft better handling characteristics than the Fw 190D. (Grafiq)

The stick forces were notably fairly high, but they were harmonized well, and the push rod control system ensured inputs were very responsive. Stability about the vertical axis was poor, and there was a tendency to skid. This tendency grew worse at higher altitudes and motivated them to install a level flight autopilot. The aircraft possessed good visibility to the back, sides, and rear, with the view over the nose being mediocre to poor. The controls were placed conveniently, with the instrument panel layout being clean and easy to read.

Most of its good qualities were not found in the fully equipped H-1 production model of the aircraft. Numerous problems were encountered when the full set of engine boosting equipment and fuel tanks were installed and filled. The added weight of the boost systems and wing tanks was substantial, and asymmetric. The GM-1 system and the wing tanks were particularly problematic, and the aircraft was unstable if the GM-1 container and fuel tanks were filled. Stability with the GM-1 system was only possible with a ballast kit, empty wing tanks, the removal of the MW 50 system, and a set fuel limit for the rear fuselage fuel tank. These issues were not resolved by the time the war ended, and there was no way the aircraft could use any combination of these systems without seriously jeopardizing its flying characteristics. MW 50 was usable aboard only the H-1 production model, but it may not have been available to JG 301 in the field. The squadron was still mostly composed of BMW 801 equipped Fw 190A’s which did not use the system.

Mechanics generally found the aircraft easier to maintain than the Fw 190, however there were some issues. The new hydraulic system for the landing gear was experiencing teething and quality control issues. The position of the landing gear wheel well was also found to be at issue, as when launching from damp conditions, the propeller cast mud and water into the well, which made its way inside the wing. This caused issues with the hydraulic systems and the autocannons fitted in the wing root.

Comparisons with contemporary fighters

The Ta 152H represented a leap in Germany high altitude fighter design, though not necessarily one that took them beyond the competition. (flugrevue)
Aircraft (manifold pressure) Speed at Sea Level (km/h) Speed 3050 m (10,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 6096 m (20,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 9144 m (30,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 9.5 km (31,168 ft) (km/h)
Ta 152H-1 (1.92 ata) 580 640 690 725 732
Fw 190D-9 (1.82 ata) 611 645 689 653 645
P-51B-15 (75″ Hg) 616 675 709 688 685
P-47N-5-RE (72″ Hg) 587 643 708 740 759
P-47M (72” Hg) 587 646 701 753 762
P-38L (60” Hg) 550 608 646 663 659
Spitfire Mk 21 (+21 lbs) 592 658 700 704 703
Me 262 A-1a 800 x 870 845 x

*The Ta 152H-1 could reach a maximum speed of 760 km/h at 12.5 km using the GM-1 boost system. While it was never cleared for operational use, on paper, it made the Ta 152H the fastest fighter at that altitude. The Fw 190D-9 represents a late model, having received an MW 50 boost system, as was available near the end of 1944.

The Ta 152 entered service on a battlefield where the Western Allies already had high altitude supremacy, and had a number of improved designs that had yet to make their debuts by the time the war in Europe was ending. By January of 1945, the German air force was no longer dealing just with long range escort fighters over its own soil, but virtually every fighter the Allies could throw at it, such as P-47’s, Spitfires of several marks, La-7’s, and Tempests, just to name a few.

Fw 190D-9 (Graphiq)

Against its contemporary Fw 190D-9 counterpart, it is clear that the Ta 152H did not represent a comprehensive upgrade. The Dora shared much of the same fuselage, though it retained the wings and tail sections of the older Anton series fighter, and it carried the Jumo 213A engine designed for use at lower altitudes. In regards to linear speed and acceleration below 6 km, the Dora roughly matched or exceeded the Ta 152H. This, however, was not the case at higher altitudes, where the high altitude specializations of the fighter showed their worth. The Ta 152H was known to be more maneuverable in flat turns and much more forgiving in most aggressive maneuvers, a result of its high aspect ratio wings which lacked the less than ideal tendency for snap rolling without much warning that the older Fw 190’s were known for. In a dive, the Dora was notably superior, as the aforementioned wings of the Ta 152H made it notably unstable at high speed. The H-1 carried, but was not cleared to use GM-1, nor does it seem they would have ever been supplied with the mixture. This is a discrepancy of several hundred kilograms, leaving the true climb performance of the aircraft somewhat ambiguous, with a claimed 20 m/s at sea level without MW 50.

The P-51B’s and D’s had marginal differences in performance They were among the most aerodynamically clean fighters of the war, boasting an extremely streamlined fuselage, laminar flow wings, and a radiator scoop which produced thrust that offset upwards of 90% of its own drag. To increase maneuverability in high speeds and in power dives, the control surfaces were internally sealed and used a diaphragm to reduce stick forces. The engine was a Packard Merlin V-1650-7 with an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Even though the engine was actually geared for lower altitude use than its predecessor, the combination of these features made the aircraft a very fast, maneuverable fighter which could boast of high performance at most altitude ranges.

Against the Ta 152H-1, the Mustang held to a higher top speed at low to medium altitude, better maneuverability at high speed, and far better dive performance. At extreme altitudes, the H-1 outstripped the Mustang in top speed, and across most altitudes would have had better low speed maneuverability. The high aspect ratio wings of the Ta 152 both gave it better handling at high altitude, and much improved stall characteristics over its predecessors down low. Curiously enough, both the Ta 152H and the Mustang were far more maneuverable than their wing loading would suggest, a result of high aspect ratio and laminar flow wing designs, respectively. However, in the Ta 152’s case, this came at the cost of a slower roll rate, and unstable high speed dive characteristics. While the Ta 152H could prove an exceptionally challenging high altitude opponent to all of the contemporary Allied fighters, it was a competitive, but not particularly impressive aircraft at lower altitudes. Performance wise, it could be said to fly like a more maneuverable, if slower, Fw 190D when at lower altitudes.

There is of course the story of Kurt Tank himself escaping a pair of P-51’s at low altitude in a Ta 152 prototype. Near the end of 1944, the designer himself was flying one of the prototypes to a conference in Cottbus, Germany, where he was happened upon by two P-51’s. Using the MW 50 boost system in the aircraft, Tank slipped away from his pursuers and arrived in Cottbus unscathed. Some laud this encounter a sign of the aircraft’s superiority, however, it is not a useful measure of the performance of any of the combat models of the aircraft. At Kurt Tank’s instruction, the prototype in question was unarmed and, more than likely, carrying no armor plate, which would have made the aircraft substantially lighter than any operational Ta 152H fighter.

The Spitfire Mk 21 represented the final evolution of the wartime Spitfire, by then nearing its tenth year in the air. A far echo from the Mk I, the 21 featured a vastly more powerful Griffin 61 engine. Much like its late Merlin powered predecessors, it possessed an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Unlike them, it was massive and much more powerful. After incorporating structural improvements and modifying controls for high speed, the Spitfire aged perhaps the best of any fighter of the war. Compared to the Ta 152H, it lacked the sheer distance in top speed performance of the P-51, but more than challenged the Focke-Wulf in linear speed and climb rate across most altitudes. However, at and above 7 km, the 152H had a confident advantage in speed and maneuverability.

The P-47N represented the final evolution of the Thunderbolt. Though not destined for Europe, it performed similarly to the P-47M which debuted in combat roughly the same time as the Ta 152H. (wikimedia)

Compared to the most modern Allied high altitude fighters, the Ta 152H lost most of its edge. The P-47N and M represented the final evolution of the American high altitude fighter, featuring a new 2800 hp, R-2800 turbocharged engine, and a variety of aerodynamic improvements to increase control at high speed. By the late Summer of 1944, the Western Allies had already gained air superiority over Europe, and so the new aircraft was stockpiled in the US for use in the Pacific, with the first deliveries being made in September of 1944. There was a similar performing model in Europe, the P-47M, though it was a limited production aircraft designed for chasing V-1 flying bombs and other high speed targets. Teething issues would keep it from entering service roughly until the Ta-125H did, in March of 1945. In the end though, the Luftwaffe had become so degraded that clearly no new updated models would be required and the performance increases would not justify the effort to refamiliarize pilots and maintenance personnel.

In terms of top speed, the P-47M&N handily outperformed the Ta 152H at all altitudes, the only exception being at extremely high altitudes when the Ta 152H employed GM-1. In contrast, the Focke-Wulf enjoyed a better climb rate and was likely the more maneuverable of the two, although it was certainly less capable in a dive. The late war Thunderbolts were certainly the fastest high altitude fighter which saw combat, the Ta 152H’s of JG 301 never having carried GM-1.

The P-38L was the last fighter variant of the Lightning fighter, the first model having been in service prior to the US entry to the war. With its turbo supercharged Allison engines, it was among the first fighters of the war that was designed for high altitude use. However, by the end of the war, it left something to be desired in terms of both its top speed, and like the Ta-152H, its high speed dive performance. Its low critical Mach number meant that the plane encountered compressibility at lower speeds than all of the fighters presented here. At high speeds and altitudes, the plane locked up and would remain uncontrollable until its high speed breaks were deployed, or it had descended into lower, denser air. Of all the Allied high altitude fighters, the Lightning compared fairly unfavorably with the Focke Wulf.

Most easily glossed over is the performance compared to jet fighters, which by the time the Ta 152H was introduced, could not exactly be called new. The Messerschmitt 262 had re-entered service in November of 1944 after earlier operational problems, and once training and maintenance programs were revised, the plane quickly proved itself. While it was slow to accelerate and climb, it was unapproachable in terms of top speed. Extreme high altitude use of the temperamental Jumo 004 turbojet engine was limited, though as a means of attacking high altitude formations of Allied bombers, it was by far the best equipped aircraft Germany possessed. Its slow acceleration meant that any energy-demanding maneuvers were largely off the table, but when flown by a pilot that understood its strengths, the plane was untouchable save for when it was taking off or landing. Though largely an issue post war, the Me 262 demonstrated the difficulty in justifying further piston engine fighter development at this point in aircraft development.

The Ta 152H began production after the Me 262 jet fighter had already entered service, so it, and many other programs, had to compete with it for resources. As the turbojet was already showing to be the future of fighter design, the Ta 152 was difficult to sell to the Luftwaffe. (I.PINIMG)

Overall, the Ta 152H certainly was not a Wunderwaffe by any means. At all but the highest altitudes, the aircraft was not a particularly better performer than its preceding, and much more numerous, Fw 190D counterpart. Even at extreme altitudes, it more than had competition in the form of the Thunderbolt N and M, which not only outstripped it in performance in a number of areas, but beat it into production by several months. It’s only truly exceptional performance was achieved using a high altitude engine boost system that was never made available to the unit carrying the aircraft, and in any case, it would have required a redesign of the aircraft to be used properly. Nevertheless, it represented a stark improvement in high altitude performance over previous German fighters. It too, could boast of extreme maneuverability at high altitudes, even if it didn’t lead the pack in pure speed. Top speed aside, its wings lent it a great degree of maneuverability at high altitude, and its overall performance at and above the altitudes Allied bombers flew at was considerable. This is also to say nothing of its trio of cannons; two 20mm MG151/20’s and its single 30mm MK108, which leant it incredible striking power. While the incorporation of the Jumo 213E, MW 50, and on paper, GM-1, did not produce the pinnacle of fighter design, the result was still a capable high altitude interceptor capable of engaging the highest flying targets of its day.

Construction

The construction of the Ta 152H’s fuselage was essentially that of a modified Fw 190A-8. The fuselage was largely the same with the following modifications: the forward fuselage was lengthened by 0.772 m in order to fit in a Mk 108 autocannon, the wing connecting section was moved forward 0.420 m to correct for the center of gravity, and the rear fuselage was lengthened by 0.5 m. The leading edge of the tail was exchanged for that on the Fw 190C, being considerably larger. Given the deteriorating situation near the end of the war, the new tail surfaces were wood, rather than metal skinned. The fin and rudder were enlarged for better control, with the new surface area of the tail stabilizers measuring 1.77 m2 for the vertical and 2.82 m2 for the horizontal. The changes to the fuselage necessitated strengthening, which saw some duralumin framing elements replaced with steel. In order to reduce the number of assembly jigs they needed to produce, the forward fuselage extension was bolted through the former engine attachment points.

The Ta 152H-1 featured all the fuel tanks pictured here, the preproduction H-0 had only those in the fuselage. (Deutchesluftwaffe.de)

The Ta 152H-1 featured all the tanks pictured here, the preproduction H-0 had only those in the fuselage. (Deutchesluftwaffe.de)

The wings were entirely redesigned from the Anton and changed to a high aspect model which increased the wingspan to 14.4 m, and to an area of 23.3 m2. Structurally, it remained a monocoque structure, but its rear spar and leading edge were used to absorb transverse forces and it was structurally reinforced with additional stiffening ribs. The landing gear were the same as the Fw 190A-8’s, but they were hydraulically and not electrically operated. They mounted 740 mm by 210 mm wheels to accommodate the increased weight of the aircraft. The inboard section of the wing mounted an MG 151/20 autocannon with provisions for 175 rounds of ammunition each.

Clean instrumentation, a high level of engine automation, and good visibility made the Ta 152H a fairly straightforward aircraft to fly. (destination’s journey)

The aircraft possessed a pressurized canopy to reduce the physiological stresses of high altitude flight. It was a very rudimentary system, with the cockpit rivets being sealed with DHK 8800 paste, and the sliding hood being sealed by means of a cylindrical rubber tube liner. Pressurization was regulated by means of a 1 liter air bottle supplied by a Knorr 300/10 air compressor which was geared to the engine with no intermediate gearing. The system was engaged at 8 km and maintained a constant .36 atmospheres. To prevent windscreen fogging, it was double-paned, with silica packets installed in the gap. Quality control issues saw varying effectiveness at altitude. On the record setting flight, Friedrich Schnier reported the system leaked badly above 12 km and shortly after he suffered joint pain, impaired vision, and numbness in his extremities due to low air pressure.

The Ta 152H carried an armament of two MG 151/20 20 mm cannons in each wing root and a centerline MK 108 30 mm cannon which fired through the propeller hub. The 20 mm guns were supplied with 175 rounds per gun, and the 30 mm with 90. The gunsight was the standard Revi 16b sight, which was eventually supposed to be replaced by the new EZ 42 gyroscopic sight which, when properly used, gave the pilot an accurate gunsight lead against his target. The aircraft was well armored with two engine plates, and six to protect the pilot, with a combined weight of 150 kg. The 8 mm plate behind the pilot was judged inadequate, though plans to increase its thickness to 15 mm were not carried out. A single hardpoint could be attached to the underside of the aircraft to install a 300 liter drop tank, but there were no provisions for carrying bombs.

The engine was a 35 liter Jumo 213E inverted V-12. Originally developed from the Jumo 211, which saw heavy use in bombers much earlier in the war, the new Jumo 213 was what most of the Luftwaffe’s hopes were placed on to compete with newer, more powerful Allied engines. It featured a new AJA 180 streamlined annular radiator that supported the oil and engine coolant. Critically, it was able to operate at significantly higher temperatures and pressures than older models, though not quite at the standards of the Western Allies. However, unlike Allied models, the Jumo was heavily automated. The Bediengerat, or control device, was a hydro-mechanical computer that managed the propeller RPM, mixture, supercharger speed, and radiator based on the pilot’s throttle inputs. This helped to relieve the pilot’s workload, as the Kommandogerat did on the BMW 801 powered models.

The Jumo 213E was the high altitude model which featured an intercooled, two stage, three speed supercharger. To further improve on high altitude performance, the aircraft would use a GM-1 nitrous boosting system. The system consisted of an 85 liter tank behind the pilot, and a crescent shaped liquid nitrous tank that sat at the right front side of the cockpit. The mixture was fed into the supercharger by a pump when the system was activated. As an oxygen carrier, the job of the nitrous is to provide an oxygen rich mixture to the engine when the supercharger is operating at altitudes where it is unable to provide the compression, and thus enough oxygen, needed to maintain a high manifold pressure. For the Jumo 213E, this was above 11 km. The drawbacks of the system were its uselessness below 11 km, and the bleed off of the evaporating liquid nitrous, which prevented it from being efficiently stored aboard the aircraft beyond several hours. Unlike its use on other aircraft, like Bf 109’s and Ju 88’s, the position of the nitrous tank aboard the Ta 152H proved dangerous, as it severely impacted the plane’s stability. It is unlikely the system would have been very effective without a major redesign of the fuel and mixture tanks, as even with a ballast kit that stabilized a GM-1 carrying plane, the aircraft could not carry anywhere near its full fuel load or its MW 50 boost system. While, on paper, the system promised unparalleled performance at extreme altitudes, it was almost unusable given its unstable configuration.

The MW 50 system was the low altitude boost system. It consisted of a 70 liter tank in the port wing containing MW 50, being roughly 49% methanol and 49% water, with the remainder being an anti corrosion measure. When active, the solution was pumped into the supercharger. The system was designed to boost engine power and overcome the less than ideal quality of German aviation fuels. Poor detonation characteristics, especially of the lower octane B4 fuels, forced the Germans to run at lower manifold pressures and thus lower power to avoid damaging their engines. Methanol boosted the octane rating of the fuel-air mixture entering the manifold, and the water cooled the mixture, with both factoring to bring major improvements in engine power via their combined anti-detonation, or knock, effects. The system made its debut in the summer of 1944, and was essential in allowing the later Bf 109G and Fw 190D series aircraft to stay competitive with their Allied counterparts. However, it was not without its drawbacks. It could not be used effectively above around 6 kilometers, and it was highly corrosive, severely limiting the lifespans of corrosion prone German engines. Aboard the Ta 152, it was to be installed in either a 70 liter wing tank or a standard 115 liter tank behind the pilot.

The Jumo 213E Kraftei. The entire assembly was bolted to the front of the fuselage and streamlined engine swaps. (ta152.de)

The engine had a bore and stroke of 150 mm and 165 mm, a compression ratio of 6.5:1, and a dry weight of 1040 kg. It differed from the standard model in that it had a slightly smaller bore, and the larger supercharger assembly and the associated intercooler added some 300 kg. It used B4 fuels which had a minimum octane rating of 87. The engine drove a constant speed 3.6 m VS 9 wooden propeller with a reduction gear of 1:2.40, and produced a maximum of 1753 PS (1729 hp) at sea level and 1260 PS (1242hp) at an altitude of 10.7 km. The oil header tank sat atop the front of the engine, and the coolant tank sat at the rear. On the Jumo 213A, these had a capacity of 55 and 115 liters respectively. The entire engine assembly was a Kraftei, or power-egg, consolidated unit, allowing the engine and its associated coolant systems to be easily removed or added to the aircraft.

Its radio and navigation systems included the FuG 16ZY ground control transceiver to allow it to be tracked and directed from ground based stations, a FuG 25A erstling IFF, and a FuG 125 radio direction finder for beacon homing. Some aircraft were also fitted with a K 23 level autopilot to reduce fatigue when flying the aircraft at high altitudes and in poor weather. The autopilot was accompanied with a heated windscreen and a FuG 125 Hermine radio navigation system as part of the R11 Rüstzustand equipment package.

Production of the Ta 152H

The Ta 152H was introduced in an environment where all quality control measures had already been cut down for every aspect of production. The lack of skilled labor and poor materials meant that building a reliable aircraft engine in Germany had become almost impossible by the spring of 1944. Slave labor and foreign, drafted workers had become the base of the labor pool, as most of Germany’s factory workers had been drafted to fight, resulting in a sharp decrease in quality. This was not only a result of poor working conditions and the inexperience of the workers, but sabotage became widespread, especially among those pulled to work from concentration camps. Even more desperate measures began to be instituted in the summer of 1944, as the re-use of parts from salvaged aircraft became more commonplace, and engine test runs were ever more limited to conserve dwindling fuel supplies.

The first Ta 152H-0 was completed in November of 1944 after considerable delays due to several sets of blueprints being found to be inaccurate, and sets of jigs had been lost in France the previous summer. The first planes were sent to the Rechlin test center in December of 1944, while Focke Wulf considered how to accelerate production. While doing so, they were hobbled when the Jagerstab, which managed strategic fighter production, shifted more and more resources to jet fighters and older, established piston engined fighters. Ta 152H production standards continued to decline in the midst of the widespread economic collapse of Germany. Near the end of January 1945, it became almost impossible to build any more Ta 152H’s, as the decentralized production system began to collapse, the rail system became unusable, and the wing and fuselage production center at Pozen was overrun by the Allies.

By the war’s end, approximately 60 Ta 152H fighters had been completed at the Focke Wulf facility at Cottbus. The series suffered extreme quality control issues in service with JG 301, which included supercharger surging and the failure of a propeller reduction unit, which resulted in the death of a pilot. In April of 1945, the plans were sold and shipped to Japan, where unsurprisingly, there was no new production of the aircraft.

Conclusion

The sole remaining Ta 152H is in storage at the Smithsonian Air and Space Museum, where it awaits restoration. (Smithsonian)

The Ta 152H is often seen as one of the great ‘what if’s’ of the Luftwaffe, but in reality, the aircraft was a good, rather than truly exceptional fighter. While on paper, the Ta 152H was to be an incredible aircraft at high altitude, it’s rushed development, and hasty introduction into service saw it fly without the GM-1 boost system that it needed to achieve these feats, and in a rather regrettable state in terms of build quality. It stacked up well against many of the older aircraft in the theaters it fought in, like the Yak-9, Spitfire Mk IX, or the P-38L, and against its contemporary Allied rivals, it was a competitive fighter at high altitudes.

Specification:

Specification Ta 152H-0 H-1
Engine Junkers Jumo 213E Junkers Jumo 213E
Engine Output 1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50 1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50
Empty Weight 4031 kg
Loaded Weight 4730 kg 5220 kg
Maximum Range 2000 km
Maximum Endurance 3.3 hrs
Maximum Speed [At altitude] approximately 720 km/h [10.9 km] 760 km/h w/GM-1 [12.5 km]
Service Ceiling 15 km w/ GM-1 (estimated)
Armament 1×30 mm MK 108, 2×20 mm MG 151/20 same
Crew 1x pilot same
Length 10.82 m 10.82 m
Wingspan 14.44 m 14.44 m
Wing Area 23.3 m^2 23.3 m^2
Height 3.38 m 3.38 m

 

Variants:

Ta 152H-0: Pre-production model, no wing fuel tanks, no MW 50 provisions, GM-1 capability but never cleared for operational use.

Ta 152H-0/R11: Poor weather pre-production series with level autopilot. Most pre-production aircraft were built in this configuration.

Ta 152H-1: Production model, wing fuel tanks, 85 liter GM-1 provisions but not supplied due to operational concerns. 70 liter MW 50 low pressure system installed. Fuel tankage increased from 595 liters to 995 liters with unprotected bag tanks in wings.

Ta 152H-1/R11: Poor weather model, autopilot. Most production aircraft were built in this configuration.

Ta 152H-1/R21: Equipped with Jumo 213EB intercooled engine, high pressure MW 50 system installed. Not operational.

Ta 152H-1/R31: Jumo 213EB, ballast kit to allow GM-1 use. No MW 50 and fuel capacity restricted. Not operational.

Ta 152H-2: FuG 15 radio set instead of FuG 16. Canceled in December 1944.

Ta 152H-2/R11: Bad Weather model.

Ta 152H-10: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-0.

Ta 152H-11: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-1.

Ta 152H-12: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-2.

Illustrations

The unique paint scheme of this aircraft was an identification measure, as the plane was largely unknown to German Flak and fighter crews. It was flown in this state to a conference.

 

 

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by  Henry H. & Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Hansclaw

Sources:

Primary:

Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down Spitfire F. Mk. 21 LA.187 (Griffon 61) Climb and Level Speed Trials. 10 October 1945.

Einmotorige Jäger: Leistungsdaten, 1.10.44

Ersatzteil-Liste TA 152. Konstruktionsgruppe 7 Triebwerksanlage. Focke-Wulf Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. Bremen.

Fighter Offensive Performance at Altitude Model P-47N-5RE Engine P&W R-2800-73 GP=45:1 Propeller-4 Blades- 13’0” DIA. (Curtis 836) War Emergency- 2800/2800 S.L. to Critical Altitude G.W.=13962 LBS. Republic Aviation Corporation. Farmingdale L.I., New York.

Horizontalgeschwindigkeit über der Flughöhe mit Sonderleistung. Leistungsvergleich Fw 190 – Ta 152. Focke-Wulfe Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. 3.1.45

P-51B-15-NA 43-24777 (Packard Merlin V-1650-7) Performance Tests on P-38J, P-47D and P-51B Airplanes Tested with 44-1 Fuel. (GRADE 104/150). 15 May, 1944.

Smith F., M.A. and Brotherton J. Note on the performance in flight of the German jet-propelled aircraft Messerschmitt 262, Heinkel 162, and Arado 234. Royal Aircraft Establishment, Farnborough. October 1945.

Secondary:

Brown, Eric Melrose. Wings of the Luftwaffe. Hikoki, 2010.

Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.

Green, William. The Warplanes of the Third Reich. Doubleday & Company. 1970.

Harmann, Dietmar. Focke-Wulf Ta 152 the Story of the Luftwaffe’s Late-war, High-Altitude Fighter. Schiffer Military History. 1999.

Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Focke-Wulf Fw 190, Vol. 3: 1944-1945. Specialty Pr Pub & Wholesalers. 2015.

Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Me 262 Volume Two. Crecy Publishing. 2007.

Weal, John. Focke-Wulf Fw 190 Aces of the Western Front. Osprey Publishing. 1996.

Messerschmitt Bf 109G-1,3,5: Pressurized, High Altitude Series

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1942)

High Altitude Fighter – Reconnaissance

Approximately 690 Built

The small compressor scoop behind the inertial starter is among the only features to differentiate this G-5 from its unpressurized counterpart. (asisbiz)

Introduction:

The end of the battle of Britain was the beginning of an escalating air war which would claim nearly all of Europe as its theater. While neither air force could be said to claim the Channel in its entirety, low level fighter sweeps, tactical bombing raids, and high level photoreconnisance efforts would be conducted with ever more sophisticated methods and technology over the coming years. High flying recon planes, in particular, would prove the most challenging to combat, as specialized aircraft, like the Ju 86p, began to appear alongside ever faster fighter planes equipped with cameras. With the air war quite literally being taken to new heights, it would take a considerable effort to modify existing fighter planes to enable them to deal with an enemy operating at extreme altitude. In Germany, such efforts would produce the high altitude, ‘odd numbered’ variants of the Bf 109G, which would incorporate nitrous boosting systems and pressurized cockpits to enable them to chase targets far above their unmodified counterparts.

No laughing matter

Prior to the Second World War, high altitude fighter development was a largely secondary issue, in comparison to the build up of aircraft geared for combat at low and medium altitude. The premier fighters of the battle of Britain, the Spitfire Mk I and the Bf 109E, both exemplified this, the latter possessing a single stage, two speed supercharger, and the former a single stage mechanically driven variable speed type. The performance of both aircraft declined considerably as the planes rose above six kilometers. After the battle of Britain, the once highly active theater of Western Europe became secondary to the battles waged in the Mediterranean and the East. The primary activities there soon became focused on intelligence gathering and nuisance raids; there was an escalating nightly strategic air war, however, it was largely dislocated from the efforts of both the RAF’s and Luftwaffe’s daylight forces.

The Ju 86p, with its turbocharged engines and pressurized cabin, caused great alarm among the RAF in 1940, as the peculiar looking recon plane flew at altitudes that made it nearly untouchable. (Rods warbirds)

In 1941, both sides would introduce two aircraft which would largely shape the high altitude mission, namely the Ju 86P and the DeHavilland Mosquito. Neither aircraft could be caught by the conventional models of either the Bf 109 or the Spitfire, and thus a race to design high altitude models of the fighters began. For the Germans, the process would be far more complicated, as the reduced supply of certain critical materials meant that the traditional methods of increasing performance were off the table. There was insufficient nickel for corrosion resistant exhaust valves, no tin for heavy duty bearings, and eventually, less cobalt and chromium for heat resistant alloys. On top of this, a transition to synthetic fuels would further complicate matters. While the Battle of Britain-era Bf 109E could boast of both good performance and reliability, its succeeding F model would be plagued by a number of issues, and its increased performance was accompanied with horrible mechanical reliability. In short, nickel poor exhaust valves corroded and failed and the untested C3 synthetic fuel degraded in rubber fuel tanks and escaped into the oil system. Fuel escaping into the oil system was common on most aircraft, but it often happened in small quantities that were subsequently boiled off. The droplets which failed to aerosolize in the DB 601N tended to be of a larger than normal volume, and combined with Daimler Benz engines running cooler than most, they often failed to boil off.

With the new model of Bf 109 in such a sorry state, any new major modification of the engine was forgone, and boosting high altitude performance would fall on some external system. However, the Germans already possessed and employed such a system the year before. GM-1, or Goering Mixture-1, was a nitrous oxide injection system which was used to boost the high altitude performance of a late and uncommon model of the previous aircraft, the Bf 109E-7NZ. The mixture worked as a means of delivering oxygen into the engine’s combustion cycle at altitudes where the supercharger’s boost could not supply the boost pressure to run the engine at emergency power. Additionally, the mixture had the added benefit of cooling the engine when the mixture was injected at a low temperature. Carried in bottles behind the pilot’s seat, the mixture would be pumped into the compressed air circulating in the supercharger, after which it entered the manifold. Even when the supercharger was failing to produce the compression needed, any decrease in the volume of oxygen would be offset by that which was being delivered by GM-1. However, the system was not without its disadvantages. Namely, it increased the weight of the aircraft and provided only a marginal increase in power at low to medium altitudes, where a supercharger had no difficulties in providing sufficient boost to the engine. In short, GM-1 was dead weight below an engine’s full throttle height and, thus, the system had no real place on board a general use fighter plane. Transporting the mixture was also an issue, as GM-1 had to be transported either by pipeline or refrigerated trucks, after which it was transferred to smaller bottles. As it was kept cool, it could not be kept aboard a grounded aircraft and was usually loaded aboard as part of its pre-flight preparations.

Its limitations aside, it was clear that GM-1 was the only means by which the Bf 109 could achieve the much needed high altitude performance.

One Step Forward, Two Steps Back

The trouble with the Bf 109 F’s DB 601N engine would be solved mostly by the introduction of the DB 601E. The new engine switched the fuel source to the lower octane B4, its direct injection pumps were adjusted to prevent fuel drops from entering the oil system, and some of the more fragile components of the engine were redesigned. Prior to this, the Bf 109F ran at a reduced maximum output prior to the Spring of 1942. With the restriction rescinded, it was allowed for the maximum rated manifold pressure to rise from 1.3 ata to 1.42, and it could finally run at its intended, full emergency power.

The new engines were installed aboard the Bf 109F-3 and F-4, and were largely satisfactory, but the delay in achieving their full performance was considerable. The success of the new model DB 601E meant that high altitude developments could continue, and the first new model, after over a year, was the Bf 109F-4/Z. The engine was similar to the early DB 601N aboard the high altitude E-7Z, and delivered roughly the same level of performance, however, the structural and aerodynamic improvements of the F model allowed for better handling and maneuverability. Like the earlier E-7Z series high altitude fighter, there were no standardized provisions for photoreconnisance equipment. The GM-1 system too was improved and expanded on. The tanks were moved from behind the pilot into the wings, which increased the total to 100 kg. The mixture too was stored in a chilled, liquid state which increased its potential horsepower increase from +3 bhp per gram to +4.

A Bf 109E-7Z being prepared at a frontline airfield (asisbiz)

It is difficult to ascertain the success these aircraft had, as no distinction was made between F-4 subtypes for kill claims. However, an F-4 of JG 1, a unit which did possess the high altitude variant, brought down a Mosquito at high altitude on August 19, 1942. Lieutenant Gerd Scheiger engaged Mosquito W4065 on a bombing raid to Bremen, at a height of 8.8 km. Given the extreme altitude of the engagement, it is very likely the aforementioned Bf 109 was a high altitude model.

The few Bf 109F-4Zs would serve on every front with considerable success, though access to GM-1 could be problematic across the Mediterranean and on the Eastern Front. However, these troubles were nothing compared to the issues soon to arise with the aircraft’s successor. The Bf 109G series hoped to bring a much desired increase in performance with its DB 605A engine. Effectively developed by boring out the cylinders of the preceding DB 601E, its volume and compression ratios were increased considerably. Along with improvements to its supercharger, and built with a crankshaft able to handle higher RPMs, great hopes were placed on the engine. They were soon shattered. Almost as troublesome as the DB 601N, the engine faced a variety of harsh teething issues. Worst of all were its fragile, corrosion prone exhaust valves and an insufficient oil scavenge system made worse by a switch from ball to sleeve bearings. The series would not reach its potential for almost two years, as Daimler Benz worked through these issues. However, in perhaps the clearest example of the confusing and disjointed relationship between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, they failed to ensure a continuity in materials between the engines in its development branch and those being produced for the Luftwaffe. At an RLM meeting on May 19, 1942, it was revealed that the valves on the test engines had a nickel content of 14%, while those shipped to the Luftwaffe possessed only 8%. This, and similar discrepancies delayed effective testing for some time.

Ground crew performing maintenance on a Bf 109E-7Z. (Asisbiz)

Regardless of the disasters brought on by the lower quality economy alloys, and the misadventures between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, development of the high altitude Bf 109 continued apace.

Under Pressure

The new supercharger on the Bf 109G was extremely promising, and was one of the only things that really worked when the aircraft was introduced. With it, a new high altitude model and standard fighter were produced. The G-1 and 2 were largely built along the same lines as the late F-4 series, with a series of improvements to its armor and instrumentation. The G series also incorporated a series of standardized, modular Rustsatz kits, which could represent anything from bomb racks to photographic equipment. However, these initial models brough little improvement, as they were soon prohibited from running above 1.3 ata in manifold pressure, or in other words, without an emergency power setting. However, the G-1 would prove fairly innovative thanks to a number of new features.

Of the two, the G-1 was the specialized high altitude model, which would include both the ability to carry the GM-1 system, and was equipped with a pressurized cockpit. The cockpit pressurization allowed for a pilot to remain at extremely high altitudes without encountering any of the discomfort one would otherwise experience. Without these aches, pains, and numbness, a pilot was far less likely to become fatigued after long flights at extreme altitudes. The cockpit pressurization system was rudimentary, and was kept pressurized by a compressor which drew from a small scoop left and forward of the pilot. Silica pellets were also installed in the canopy and windscreen to prevent fogging. The GM-1 system too was improved, being made modular and paired with a set of fuselage racks which allowed for the fitting of a reconnaissance camera. GM-1 would also be made available to all subsequent models of the Gustav, regardless of pressurization gear.

The compressor scoop above the supercharger intake is the only major external difference between this aircraft and the non-pressurized G-2. (asisbiz)

The first of these aircraft were built in May of 1942 at the Erla plant and were subsequently handed off for testing and familiarization with Luftwaffe crews. These planes were then used by the 11th staffel of JG 2, noted as their high altitude unit, and began operations on July 17. The unit was first based in St. Pol in the Netherlands and would be assigned to the area before later being redeployed to Germany, and then to the Mediterranean in November, and then transferred to JG 53 before the end of the year. JG 5 also received a number of the planes some weeks after JG 2, the unit being assigned to various bases in Western Europe until the end of the war. Beyond these combat units, the aircraft was operated by the training units Ergänzungs-Jagdgruppe West and JG 105.

In service, the aircraft performed well. In particular, the pressurized canopy was well regarded, and performed well enough to see its inclusion in several succeeding models of the aircraft. Curiously enough, the aircraft were not reserved exclusively for high altitude use and was instead used much like the standard version of the fighter. Their use as high altitude interceptors was more typical of the European squadrons, which had the benefit of better access to GM-1. Even then, G-1’s were still sortied to engage targets at all altitudes. Among the earliest victories came on July 11,1942, when Unterofficier Herbert Biermann engaged and downed a low level Mosquito which had attacked rail traffic near the Danish town of Tonder, after a raid on the U-boat pens in Flensburg. The plane had been damaged during the raid, which undoubtedly helped the pursuing Messerschmitt.

The Up Swing

In spite of the debacle that was getting the DB 605A into service, improvements were slowly being made. Experiments with face hardened, chrome plated exhaust valves would give way to a workable solution to corrosion, and combined with added oil throwers and a new oil centrifuge, would eventually allow the plane to run at its highest power setting. The restrictions would finally be released by August 1943, over a year after the aircraft first entered service.

At the beginning of the year, the Bf 109G-3 had superseded its predecessor. The aircraft’s largest difference, apart from its engine improvements, were its larger tires. Small bulges were added to the top of the wing to accommodate the enlarged landing gear, and the larger tail wheel was now non-retractable, adding a not inconsiderable amount of drag. These changes were made to give the aircraft better ground handling and allow it to better operate out of rough airfields in the Eastern Front and the Mediterranean.

Unlike the previous model, the G-3 saw increasing use against USAAF daylight bombing raids. The raids had started small in late 1942, often against targets nearest England. By the Summer and Autumn of 1943, the raids had escalated continuously and were increasingly focused on targets within Germany. By then, the major focus was on the so called ‘panacea’ targets, which numerous war planners thought could bring an early end to the fighting. Ball bearing and aircraft assembly plants received particular attention.

Bf 109G-3s parked among non-pressurized models. (asisbiz)

The bombers of the 8th Air Force often flew at extreme heights, with B-24’s averaging about 22,000 ft, and the lighter loaded B-17 at or above 25,000. Despite being above the altitude where most Luftwaffe fighters could not sustain emergency power, this advantage, and the heavy defensive armament of these bombers, did not translate into a sufficient defense against fighters. While the high altitude Bf 109G-3’s did have the edge, it was largely unnecessary, as the Luftwaffe only made massed attacks against the formations until after the bombers had passed over the Low Countries, where their fighter cover could not follow them. Thereafter, they were harassed by all manner of fighters, from light single-engined types, to night fighters pressed into daylight use.

In the case of the Bf 109, they followed Generalmajor Adolf Galland’s recommendation. The method involved attacking bomber formations at frontal angles in massed attacks using formations no smaller than the four plane schwarm. These attacks were conducted to help cope with the somewhat inadequate armament of the Bf 109, and to reduce the likelihood of being hit by the defensive gunners of the bomber. During a frontal attack, a bomber’s pilots and engines are the most vulnerable, which is quite important considering the single 20 mm aboard the Bf 109 was regarded as inadequate for bringing down a heavy bomber and thus needed to be directed toward these critical areas. Underwing gunpods were somewhat commonly fitted, though their impact on flight performance was considerable. The real breakthrough in anti-bomber weaponry came with the 30 mm Mk 108 autocannon, though its late introduction meant supplies were tight until mid 1944. The frontal attack also ensured the highest possible closure rate with the formation, making the small fighter a much more difficult target for any defensive gunner, and allowed the fighter to strike at the bomber’s engines and cockpit.

Large scale anti-bomber tactics employed early warning radar to track bombers during their ingress into German held airspace, and after they had passed the range limitations of their escorts, the Luftwaffe tracked the formation using trailing Ju 88’s and other long range aircraft. Fighter units would be massed over radio beacons until they received the order to attack and were vectored on to the bomber formations, where they could meet them in numbers. The height of their success was seen in Autumn of 1943, when USAAF planners were hoping to accelerate their progress on Operation Pointblank, seeking to cripple the German aviation industry. On August the 17th, the 8th Air Force prepared for its largest raid yet, with 376 B-17’s dispatched to attack the ball bearing works at Schweinfurt and a Messerschmitt factory at Regensburg. Both of these facilities were located deep within Germany and most of the journey would see the B-17’s outside the area where they could be escorted. To compensate for this, the flight over Regensburg would continue over the Alps and into Allied controlled Tunisia. It was hoped that flight over the Alps would prove easy, and in the case of the Schweinfurt force, they believed that the German fighter squadrons would still be on the ground refueling after their first attacks while the bombers made their return. Both waves would be met with disaster, as the Luftwaffe would hit both forces after their escort fighters turned for home, and the Luftwaffe fighters had taken to the air again as the Schweinfurt raiders made the return trip.

Of the 376 bombers to leave England, 60 would be shot down, 176 were damaged, and 30 remained in North Africa, where they awaited repairs at the overburdened facilities in Tunisia. Losses in combat and written off airframes amounted to 31% of the dispatched force; in contrast, the Germans lost only 28 fighters. In effect, the Luftwaffe was able to effectively deny large portions of their airspace to the raiders. A stalemate in the air ensued in the following months, with new challengers further shifting the balance of power next spring.

Wilde Sau

In addition to the typical daylight squadrons, several Bf 109G-3’s and 5’s were passed on to the single engine night fighter unit JG 300, its sister squadrons 301 and 302, NJG 11, and the first staffel of the 10th Night Combat division. The new G-5 was much the same as the 3, save for its 7.92 mm guns being swapped for 13 mm ones. Originally formed as an experimental unit in the spring of 1943, JG 300 was meant to test the suitability of single engine fighters for night interception use. The initial premise of the unit was to engage RAF bombers over their targets, where the light of the fires and searchlights would make the planes more visible against the ground and cloud cover, and thus enable interception without the use of ground control and onboard radar systems. The squadron saw mixed success and was expanded upon after the bombing of Hamburg, when the RAF succeeded in spoofing the shared frequency of Wurzburg ground based and Fug 202 airborne radar systems with chaff. The Luftwaffe would recover in the span of several weeks, though the attack made the idea of radar-less night fighting alluring.

A Bf 109G-5 nightfighter of JG 300 under inspection. The reinforced canopy hood is easily discernible here, as are the window silica cartridges. (asisbiz).

The group was expanded upon with the 301st and 302nd squadrons being established. While the hope of transitioning daytime fighter squadrons to night use was deemed infeasible due to the amount of training required, the combined unit would continue its task, being joined by a staffel of the 10th Night Combat Division. The task of carrying out the interceptions over raided cities was an exceptionally dangerous one, as they shared the space with flak units, and by the end of the year, enemy night fighters.

There was also a transition away from the unguided wild boar tactics to ground directed interception in order to deal with high flying Mosquito pathfinders and bombers, which no Luftwaffe aircraft could effectively catch until the Me 262B provisional night fighter was introduced. In this role, the single engine night fighter would be directed into a fixed ‘Himmelbett’ intercept zone which covered either the approach, or departure path of the detected enemy aircraft. There, the target would be tracked by the Himmelbett zone’s dedicated radar and searchlight units while the fighter would be guided on to the target. This was an exceptionally difficult task owing to the speed of the Mosquito, and could prove exceptionally dangerous if the aircraft being chased turned out to be a night fighter. As RAF night fighters began to escalate their intruder missions, transiting to and from interception areas became much more dangerous. While the Mosquito night fighters were larger and less nimble than the Bf 109, their radar systems allowed them to catch the otherwise “blind” daylight fighter.

This matte pale gray paint scheme was intended to reduce visibility against clouds at night, it was also standard for heavier, twin engined nightfighters. (asisbiz)

The success of these units was mixed, though some extraordinarily capable pilots achieved some very impressive results. The best of them was Lt. Kurt Welter, who by the end of the war was in command of the only night fighter unit equipped with Me 262’s. On the night of August 30th, 1944, Lt. Welter flew a Bf 109 which had been vectored over the Stettin raid area. In the span of ten minutes, he attacked four Lancaster heavy bombers, two of which were later confirmed destroyed, these being 115 Squadron’s PB131 and 12 Squadrons’s PD 273, representing his 14 and 15th confirmed victories. Most pilots, however, achieved considerably less success owing to the extremely high level of flying and combat proficiency their missions demanded. Mosquito interception duties were the most difficult owing to the speed and altitude of the light bomber, which could often exceed 8 km. To aid these pilots, a number of rare Bf 109G-5’s with high altitude DB-605 AS engines were made available to these squadrons. Nonetheless, Mosquito interception remained a gamble depending on the distance at which the bomber was detected, whether a fighter could be launched fast enough to climb, and still have enough time to be vectored into its flight path.

Crowded Skies

By the end of 1943, the newest and last iteration of the high altitude series was in service. The new Bf 109G-5 now carried a pair of 13 mm MG 131’s in the place of its 7.92 mm MG 17s, this increase being installed after long standing complaints regarding the inadequacy of the machine guns in the upper cowling of the plane. The heavier guns and the enlarged cowling meant the aircraft was slower than the one it replaced. This proved fairly concerning, as no major improvements in engine output were expected for the foreseeable future. These aircraft were distributed to units on all fronts and used much like their standard, non-pressurized counterparts. Most were deployed in the strategic air defense of Germany, where they soon faced a new, and very dangerous opponent.

The P-51B Mustang appeared to be the solution to bomber offensive’s ills, being a fast, maneuverable fighter with incredible range and high altitude performance. The danger of this new threat was quickly recognized by one Generalmajor Joseph Schmidtt, who began to advocate for the need for GM-1 equipped Bf 109s to act as top cover for the previously secure massed fighter formations. In this, the aircraft proved a mostly adequate stop gap, performing much better than other models, but it still lagged behind the American P-51B and the P-47D at altitude. In short, the Bf 109 was an old airframe, operating with an engine which had become fairly outdated after significant delays in getting it to reach its highest power ratings. Even worse, many of the airframe’s changes over the years had negatively impacted its performance, especially the addition of the non-retractable tail wheel, and the enlarged upper cowling to accommodate the larger machineguns.

A pair of Bf 109G-5’s depart. (asisbiz)

However, there were still some areas of improvement. In particular, the supercharger was swapped for an enlarged version which came from the DB 603 engine. Switching the engine entirely was completely unfeasible. The Luftwaffe’s research and development could be chaotic at the best of times, and 1944 certainly was not the ideal environment for such a big risk. The bombing raids too were making their mark as, while they had failed to curtail the German aviation industry entirely, they had forced a consolidation of existing designs. In effect, German bomber production plummeted in order to bolster production of a series of fighter designs which saw very slow modification rates. The vastly expanded use of slave labor in the following months also created no shortage of trouble, with quality slipping sharply as skilled workers were increasingly drafted into the Wehrmacht, and slaves increasingly sabotaged components.

The final models of the G-5 used the DB 605AS engine, with the much larger supercharger designed to improve high altitude performance. The effort was largely successful, though only a few Bf 109G-5’s would ever be equipped with the engine. As much as pilots enjoyed the comfort of the pressurized canopy, it was an expense that Messerschmitt and their directors at the Jagerstab were no longer willing to accept. The G-5 would be the last model to carry it. The Luftwaffe’s fortunes too declined sharply, as P-51 fighter sweeps periodically attacked airfields once considered safe, and the brutal war of attrition had eroded the number of remaining experienced pilots further. Attacks on Germany’s synthetic fuel production in the summer of 1944 introduced a final, and catastrophic crisis which largely left the Luftwaffe crippled for the remainder of the war.

G-5 production was phased out entirely in June of 1944, as Messerschmitt moved to consolidate Bf 109 production with the G-14. The supply chain would however remain disjointed, as they produced models using the standard DB605A, and the high altitude DB605AS. The G-14, with its standardized, low altitude MW50 boost system, did help reduce the performance disparity at low altitudes, with the aircraft possessing an excellent rate of climb and acceleration, but high altitude performance equivalent to the best Allied fighters would elude the Bf 109 for the rest of the war.

Handling and Flight Characteristics

With a service life beyond all other fighters of the Second World War, the Bf 109 didn’t age gracefully, but in many ways it was able to keep pace with newer models. (asisbiz)

The Gustav, as with nearly all Bf 109 models, was maneuverable, but its increased weight had made it somewhat more cumbersome than its predecessors. Initially developed to be as light as possible while carrying with it a powerful engine, the continued added weight with a comparatively little increase in horsepower resulted in control harmony compared to earlier models. Test pilots noted that while aileron and rudder forces were light, while the elevator was fairly heavy, an issue which was exacerbated at high speed. While the aircraft was exceptionally nimble at low speeds, which was well aided by the wing’s leading edge slats, heavy rudder forces and stiff elevator controls severely impacted handling at high speed. At lower altitudes, the rudder forces became excessive at around 500km/h IAS, at higher altitudes, upwards of 7 km, the controls remained lighter at higher speeds and permitted better control. Dive performance was respectable, though given that the controls were nearly seized in a high speed dive, it could prove very dangerous at lower altitudes. Maximum level speed was decidedly mediocre, though the aircraft boasted a high climb rate and good acceleration thanks to its high thrust to weight ratio.The plane was otherwise stable and, by most accounts, with good level flight performance.

This Bf 109G-6/R3 cockpit is largely identical to the pressurized model. The centerline cannon has been removed. (Smithsonian)

The cockpit was both cramped and provided exceptionally poor visibility. The deep set seat, with its heavy cockpit framing, greatly restricted the pilot’s view, especially towards the forward and rear aspects. A few late production Bf 109G-5s were equipped with the improved Erla canopy, as became standard on late war 109’s, and provided much better visibility to the sides and rear of the aircraft. The cockpit was among the smallest on any fighter during the time period. Pilots often felt it claustrophobic, which is understandable considering the centerline cannon for the aircraft rested between the pilot’s shins.

Operation of the Gustav was extremely straightforward, given the high level of automation the DB 605A possessed. The engine was controlled through a series of linkages between components which adjusted one another as the pilot adjusted the throttle lever. The supercharger, radiator, propeller RPM, and mixture were all managed automatically, though manual control was also possible. The core of these linkages was the propeller RPM, which was preset to an accompanying manifold pressure. The rest of the engine largely adjusted itself around this setting. In stark contrast to this truly modern feature, the plane still had manually operated flaps, which were retained through the end of the war. The aircraft lacked traditional trim tabs. Instead, the aircraft’s trim was set on the ground to match its cruise speed. The pilot could however correct for pitch by adjusting the angle of the horizontal stabilizer. Flying the aircraft was otherwise very convenient.

The takeoff run was fairly simple and the aircraft could easily be corrected for the torque produced by the engine. Visibility was poor on the initial run up, but given the relatively controllable nature of the aircraft, it was something pilots easily adjusted to. The same cannot be said of late war versions of the 109, which possessed engine outputs upwards of +1800 PS. Landings under ideal conditions were notably very easy, though were much more difficult in poor weather or when operating from hastily constructed frontline airfields. There was some improvement after the G-1, when the tire tread was increased, but landings and ground handling required a pilot to ensure solid directional control, as the narrow landing gear base could cause trouble.

Comparison with other single engine high altitude fighters, up to the Summer of 1944

Aircraft Speed at Sea level (km/h) Maximum speed at critical altitude, unboosted (km/h) Speed at 10 km (km/h) Maximum Output (hp)
Bf 109G-1 -Mid 1942- 506 630 at 6.6 km 640 (with GM-1) 1213
Bf 109G-5 -Late 1943- 510 620 at 6.5 km 635 (with GM-1) 1454
Bf 109G-6AS -Early 1944- 506 653 at 8.3 km 630 1415
Bf 109G-5AS w/GM-1 (estimated) -Mid 1944- 660* 1415
MiG-3 (AM 35) -Early 1941- 472 621 at 7.8 km <550 1350
Spitfire HF Mk IX -Late 1943- 529 668 at 8.5 km 651 1710
Spitfire Mk XIV -End of 1943- 583 717 at 7.6 km 706 2050
P 47D-10 -Late 1943- 535 700 at 9.4 km 692 2300
P-51B-15 w/wing pylons -Early 1944- 586 685 at 7.2 km 667 1720

*It should be noted that the Spitfire Mk XIV saw service in low numbers, and was a very rare sight until almost a year after its introduction at the end of 1943. The rest of these planes were otherwise quite common.

The MiG-3 was among the most advanced Soviet fighters, though the high altitude fighter performed poorly in a theater defined by its low altitude skirmishes. (WWII photos)

Along with the Bf 109E-7Z, Mikoyan Gurevich’s MiG-3 debuted as one of the earliest high altitude fighters of the Second World War. The MiG-3’s AM-35A engine had high compression ratios and possessed a single speed supercharger which had been geared for high altitude performance. This allowed the aircraft to achieve a respectable level of performance above 7 km. It did, however, come at the steep cost of having mediocre low altitude performance, and above 8 km, its top speed fell dramatically. The aircraft also earned a reputation of being challenging to fly, a chief issue being its minimum landing speed, which was considerably higher than other Soviet fighters. Due to the lack of action at high altitudes over the Eastern Front, the aircraft was subsequently re-equipped with the AM-38 engine, for low altitude use. Production ceased early in the war, and its assembly lines were turned over to produce IL-2s.

The British followed the Germans in developing high altitude fighters with specialized boost systems. They would go on to produce a series of pressurized, liquid oxygen boosted Spitfires, operating on a very similar set of principles as the GM-1 boosted 109s. These however, did not see as widespread a use, as they were not quite as versatile or reliable, though this is not to say they were unimpressive. The Spitfire Mk VII with a Merlin 71 and LO could reach a speed of 618 km/h at an altitude of 12 kilometers. However, owing to a lack of available information, it will not be discussed in depth here.

A spitfire Mk IX and a Spitfire Mk XIV prototype. The Spitfire’s career was nearly as long as the Bf 109’s and generally speaking, aged better, thanks to access to better engines. (wwiiphotos, asisbiz)

A more versatile high altitude Spitfire also existed in the form of the HF Mk IX, which was powered by the Rolls Royce Merlin 71. This aircraft featured an intercooled engine with a two stage two speed supercharger, which provided it phenomenal high altitude performance, along with its broad elliptical wings. The addition of the second stage allows for further compression once the first stage alone reached its limit, and the use of the intercooler increases the upper limit of compression by reducing the temperature of the air entering the manifold. This allowed the engine to be run at a higher boost and was able to maintain combat power at altitudes far higher than the previous single stage 40 and 50 series Merlin engines. In comparison to the Bf 109, the engine can be could at combat power at high altitudes without needing to worry about depleting the supply of nitrous, which at most could last 22 minutes. In comparison, the Bf 109’s DB 605A, which operated using a variable speed supercharger which, while less powerful than the intercooled two stage type, lacked the performance gaps that came with the fixed gearing of the Merlin’s supercharger. In the case of the GM-1 powered series, however, there would have been a similar gap between roughly 7 and 8 km, between the aircraft’s critical altitude and the minimum height for GM-1 use. The use of GM-1 on the later DB 605AS powered Bf 109’s would have likely allowed them to exceed these high altitude Spitfires in respect to linear speed at extreme altitude. The performance figures for the Spitfire Mk XIV, equipped with the significantly more powerful Rolls Royce Griffon, speak for themselves.

The P-47 series of fighters achieved their tremendous high altitude performance through a different method entirely, turbocharging. Much of the interior space below and aft of the cockpit was taken up by a turbo supercharging system which managed to prevent any significant loss in horsepower up to 25,000 ft. The exhaust driven turbine proved a phenomenal means of attaining high altitude performance. Like the variable speed supercharger on the DB605A, the turbo-supercharger was not dependent on mechanically geared stages and thus lacked the associated performance gaps. However, a clear drawback to the system was its complexity, as in addition to the throttle and RPM levers, there was also a turbine lever. While it was possible to link the supercharger and throttle levers together on all but the early models, this was advisable only at certain altitudes. Running the turbine at higher speeds than necessary resulted in some horsepower loss. Regardless of this, many US pilots considered the P-47 far and away the best fighter above 30,000 ft. At high altitudes, where drag was minimal, and with over 2000 hp driving it, the P-47 possessed a speed and maneuverability far greater than its size might suggest possible. Further refinements to the design saw the aircraft exceed 720 km/h above 32,000 ft (~10 km).

A P-47D and P-51B.  These were the USAAF’s premier fighters over Europe and boasted tremendous high altitude performance. (Wikimedia, National Archives)

The P-51B was driven by largely the same engine as the Spitfire Mk IX and it was eventually geared with usage at medium altitude in mind. In addition to its powerful Packard Merlin, which gave good high altitude performance, what set the P-51 above most was its extremely low drag airframe and wings. Having been designed later than most of the aircraft discussed here, it had the benefit of being able to incorporate the most recent breakthroughs in aerodynamics. Most notably, the use of laminar flow theories in its wing design, its drag eliminating radiator scoop, and its superbly streamlined fuselage, made it among the most exceptional fighters of the Second World War. Its high speed maneuverability too was largely unparalleled, as the laminar flow wing gave it an exceptionally high critical mach number, and its internally sealed control surfaces ensured effective control at very high speed. While its Packard V-1650-7 engine was geared for medium altitude use, it still outpaced both the standard high altitude models of the Bf 109 and Merlin powered Spitfire. When run on 150 octane fuel, as was more or less standard by mid-summer 1944, its performance largely matched that of the Spitfire Mk XIV, though the Griffon engine gave the Spitfire an incredible edge above 30,000 ft. Only the Bf 109G’s equipped with the DB 605AM high altitude engine could give comparable high altitude performance with the Mustang. They could both keep pace with one another above around 9km, though few of the pressurized high altitude model were built.

Production

Production of the Bf 109G began with centralizing supply chains around the Messerschmitt factory in Regensburg, and the subcontracted Erla machine factory. The escalating bombing campaign in 1943 forced a dispersion of the industry, and many components were built at dispersal sites before final assembly took place at either the Regensburg plant, the one at Erla, and later, the Wiener Neustadt aircraft factory. The Bf 109 was fairly well suited to this scheme, but nowhere near as suited as the Fw 190, which made use of much more convenient sub-assemblies. By the start of 1944, the Jagerstab was established to boost fighter production further, in order to compensate for potential losses incurred by bombing raids. They were very successful in this regard; production surged, and the average construction time of a Bf 109G declined from around 5000 hours to approximately 2500. The cost, however ,was substantial. Bomber production was cut to the bone, fighter designs were frozen over long periods, and the long standing use of slave labor skyrocketed. Bf 109G production became more complex as the war went on and the number of subtypes expanded. These would grow to G-1 through 6 and a separate high altitude series of Bf 109G-5/G6-AS aircraft. There was some consolidation between the disparate models with the G-14, though the still separate standard and high altitude models continued to complicate production and supply chains.

Messerschmitt was among the first to mass implement slave labor in late 1942, when they requested and received 2,299 inmates who were forced to work at the aircraft plant at Augsburg. They subsequently requested the construction of co-location camps for the rest of their factories. This marked a transition from skilled paid workers, who were of a dwindling number due to conscription, to a largely unskilled base of prisoners who sought opportunities for sabotage. Brutal retaliation from the SS, who managed security, and a severely declining standard of living saw rates of sabotage climb heavily as the war went on. By the Autumn of mid 1944, it was fairly common to see aircraft losses attributed specifically to sabotaged components. Other unsafe corner cutting practices became more common as well, and even saw the re-use of components scavenged from downed aircraft.

Bf 109G-1 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
10299-10318 (20) Erla May to June 1942
14004-14150 (147) Regensburg February to June 1942

Bf 109G-3 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
16251-16300 (50) Regensburg January to February 1943

Bf109G-5 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
15200-16000 ( with G-6) WNF March to August 1943
26000-26400 (mixed with G-6) Erla August to September 1943
27000-27200 (mixed with G-6) Erla September to October 1943
110001-110576 (dedicated production) Erla November 1943 to June 1944
*a total of 475 G-5s were built, at least 16 converted to G-5AS/R2 recon planes at the Erla plant in Antwerp

Construction

Much like its predecessors, the Bf 109G was a fairly conventional late 1930s fighter design, which sought to install the most powerful engine in a small, lightweight airframe.  At its fore was the engine section, mounted on a steel mount with rubber vibration isolation. The engine oil cooler was mounted to the lower engine cowling, in order to give better access to the Bosch PZ 12 fuel injectors, with the section otherwise containing all of the motor associated systems save for the coolant radiators and GM-1 boost system. Above the engine and on the port side was the compressor scoop for the cockpit pressure system, where it remained until the Bf 109G-5, whereafter it was moved to the starboard side and slightly ahead of the MG 131 fairing. The system consisted of the compressor equipped with a relief valve, an air filter, a three way cock, a pressurizing valve, a negative pressure relief valve, a compensating valve, a pressure line, and removable silica gel cartridges. These components were distributed around the engine and canopy. The system proved fairly robust and was a much welcomed addition to the aircraft. The rest of the fuselage followed a largely conventional semi-monocoque construction, aside from the landing gear, which was mounted to the fuselage and swung inward when deployed. On the G-3, the tires were increased by a width of roughly a centimeter, such that they possessed a tread of 16 cm and a diameter of 66 cm. The associated bumps on the wing tops are the only external feature that allow differentiation between it and G-1. The control surfaces at the rear of the fuselage were operated through a standard cable linkage and were fabric skinned. The incidence of the horizontal stabilizer was adjustable in flight to set the pitch of the aircraft.

Control surface and flap rigging on the Bf 109G. (Bf 109 G-2 (mit Motor DB 605) [Bedienungsvorschrift] (1942))
The cockpit was seated deep within the fuselage, in order to reduce the frontal windscreen area, though this choice drastically decreased the pilot’s visibility. The thick canopy framing made this issue worse, especially on the pressurized aircraft, which possessed reinforced beams and a non-removable armored seatback formed the rear of the pressurized canopy hood. The cockpit itself was noted as quite cramped by virtually all who flew it, offering little in the way of headspace and shoulder room, and made all the more claustrophobic by the lack of adjustable rudder pedals. At the front of the canopy was an integral 60 mm armor glass windscreen. As with the rest of the canopy frame, it contained silica to prevent condensation at low altitudes, which could then cause icing higher up. Several Bf 109G-5AS aircraft received higher visibility Erla canopies, though they lost their pressurized features. The layout of the instrumentation was clean if dense, though the pilot was aided by a high level of automation, which meant he could largely fly the plane through just the throttle lever. Raising or lowering the flaps and adjusting the stabilizer was done manually through a pair of wheels at the pilot’s left.

The plane’s elliptical wings were attached to the fuselage through a main, centerline bracket and possessed only a single mid wing spar. Connections for the hydraulic lines, which drove the flaps and landing gear, and radiator coolant lines, connected automatically when the wings were bolted to the fuselage. Each wing possessed a radiator located inboard, with airflow controlled by two outlet covers at the rear of the radiator matrix. These covers moved along with the outboard section of flaps when the plane was adjusted for takeoff and landing. The outermost rear section contained the fabric skinned ailerons. The leading edge of the wing had a slat which would extend during hard maneuvers and improve the turning abilities of the aircraft. These could prove troublesome on earlier models in regards to unwarranted deployment and jamming in place, but had been worked out by the G model.

The GM-1 system consisted of the nitrous bottles, compressed air, and the control system. On the Bf 109G, the system existed as part of a Rustzustand or Umbausatz kit which could be installed at a Luftwaffe field workshop or maintenance center, in the latter’s case. The pressurized models shared this with the standardized models, however, they differed in that the glass-wool insulated nitrous bottles were installed in the port wing, instead of in the fuselage, behind the pilot. Later models could have the tanks stored in either position. The GM-1 was kept in a chilled liquid state, which was found to provide a higher boost effect, providing +4 bhp per second per gram over the gaseous +3 bhp. The total volume of the bottles was 115 L, not counting the compressed air which was used to force the mixture through the system. The chilled nature of the nitrous did, however, bring a drawback in that it was released as it warmed and evaporated. An aircraft would need to have its tanks filled immediately before take off in order to have the longest duration. The boost could be maintained up to 22 minutes if the tanks were filled immediately before flight, falling to 19 minutes in the winter and 16 in the summer if the aircraft departed twelve hours later. In the summer, all of the GM-1 could be expended if the aircraft was left parked for two days. The weight of the entire system was considerable, at roughly 100 kg.

Use of GM-1 on the DB605A was prohibited below 8 km, where it provided little benefit, and below which the system was mostly dead weight. With the larger supercharger on the DB 605 AS, this height increased to 10 km. In the cockpit, the pilot possessed a pressure gauge and an on and off switch to control the system. Once activated, it took up to five minutes to have the greatest effect, whereafter the pilot could turn the system on or off as they pleased. At the initial activation height, the mixture could boost the top speed of an equipped Bf 109 by approximately 30 km/h and recover as much as 300 PS at high altitude.

A DB 605A mounted in a preserved Bf 109G-6. (wikimedia)

The Bf 109G-3 through G-5 carried either the DB 605A or high altitude DB 605AS, both being an inverted, 35.7 liter, V-12. The reason for it being inverted was to ensure the propeller shaft was as low as possible. This would enable the low mounted, centerline cannon to fire through the eye of the engine without its recoil seriously jeopardizing the aircraft’s stability. This was achieved through the use of direct fuel injection, which was fairly common practice in German aviation by the start of the war, though rare elsewhere. The engine also possessed a high level of automation, which let the pilot manage the engine and most of its associated systems just through the throttle lever. These were essentially a series of linkages between components that adjusted one another as the pilot increased or decreased engine power. It did not possess a true engine control unit, as was used in the BMW 801. Additionally, the engine used a single stage, variable speed, centrifugal supercharger which was mechanically driven by the engine and used a hydraulic coupling for variable transmission. The fluid coupling supercharger automatically adjusted itself via barometric control and was easily the most impressive feature of the engine, allowing it to smoothly adjust its boost as it climbed or descended. This allowed the aircraft to avoid the performance gaps otherwise encountered with engines using fixed speed settings. The engine used B4, which was originally 87 octane, as most of the C3 high performance stocks were dedicated to squadrons flying Fw 190s.

In spite of these innovative features, the engine’s performance was fairly modest for its day. It produced up to 1475 PS, though this was only possible after several major modifications which saw the replacement of the original exhaust valves for chrome plated sets, among other major modifications. The system also had its oil system improved through the use of additional oil throwers to improve flow, and an oil centrifuge to address issues with foaming. Between 1942 and late ‘43, the high power settings on almost all of these engines were disabled in order to keep failure rates manageable. The supercharger too would eventually lag behind its contemporaries, as despite its smoothness, its volume became a bottleneck. This was most apparent in any comparison to the two-stage, intercooled models of the Merlin engine. Some later models would mount an enlarged supercharger with 30% greater volume, derived from the larger DB 603. Nearly all would be equipped with an anti-knock boost system in the form of MW50 by the summer of 1944, which would boost output up to 1800 PS, though the corrosive mixture of methanol and water decreased the engine’s lifespan. Engines with the larger supercharger were designated DB 605AS, those with the boost system 605M, and those with both were 605ASMs. Several Bf 109G-5’s were fitted with the high altitude engine, though none received the low altitude boost system, for obvious reasons.

The engine measured 101.1 × 71.9 × 174 cm, had a bore and stroke of 154 mm (6.1 in.) x 160 mm (6.3 in.), and weighed 745 kg (1,642 lb). Two coolant header tanks were set to either side of the engine, while the oil tank was placed at the front. Compression ratios were 7.5/7.3:1 (left and right blocks) with B4 aviation gasoline, ratios were different using C3 fuel, though this was not used aboard this series of fighters.

Armament profile for the Bf 109G-5. Unlike the standard Bf 109G-6, it could not mount a 30 mm Mk108 cannon. (Bf 109 G-5,6 D(Luft)T 2109 G-5,6 Wa, Bedienvorschrift Wa(1943))

Early models were equipped with a pair of MG17 7.92 mm machine guns and a single, centerline MG151/20 autocannon. On the G-5, the MG17s were swapped for 13 mm MG131 heavy machine guns, which both provided a heavier armor piercing bullet, and a round with a small explosive core. While the standard G-6 could carry a centerline 30 mm autocannon, the modification was not available for any of the high altitude fighters. This was likely due to the necessary changes in the canopy required for mounting the larger weapon, which may have been incompatible with the pressurized model. As a firing platform, the 109G was excellent, especially in that all its weapons were placed at the center of the aircraft and thus required minimal adjustments for weapon convergence. However, the aircraft was very lightly armed, especially on the MG17 equipped models. Many pilots considered the armament inadequate, and the addition of supplementary underwing guns severely hampered the aircraft’s performance. These sentiments went as high as the General of Fighters, Lt. General Adolf Galland.

Conclusion

A surviving Bf 109G-1 at the Norwegian Air Museum at Sola. The other remaining aircraft is a G-5 at the Dutch Air Museum at Steppe. (Flyhistorisk Museum Sola)

The pressurized models of the Bf 109G proved to be an expedient means of boosting the performance of high altitude squadrons. The pressurized canopy, while later seen as an expensive luxury, was well appreciated by pilots who often flew at great heights on interception and photorecononniance missions. As with their standard counterparts, the series was handicapped considerably by the limitations and troublesome DB 605A. While the aircraft offered good performance for 1943, without any substantive increase in power, the pressurized Gustav series fighters began to lag considerably behind their Allied opponents the following year.

Bf 109G-1 configuration (shared with G-2) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-1/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-1/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-1/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-1/R 4 Rüstsatz SD-2 cluster munition dispenser rack, 24 SD-2 submunitions
Bf 109G-1/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-1/R2 Rüstzustand GM-1 high altitude boost system, fuselage racks for camera fitting
Bf 109G-3 Configuration (shared with G-4) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-3/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-3/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-3/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-3/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-3/R1 Rüstzustand Two wing mounts for 300 liter drop tanks and an ETC 500 rack
Bf 109G-3/R2 Rüstzustand GM 1 high altitude boost system, fuselage racks for camera fitting
Bf 109G-3/R3 Rüstzustand Reconnaissance aircraft conversion: Two drop tank pylons, machine guns removed, fuselage camera being either Rb 75/30 or Rb 50/30.
Bf 109G-3/U2 Umbausatz Alternate GM-1 fitting, no camera provisions
Bf 109G-5 configuration (shared with G-6) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-5/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-5/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-5/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-5/R 4 Rüstsatz SD-2 cluster munition dispenser rack, 24 SD-2 submunitions
Bf 109G-5/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-5/R 7 Rüstsatz PR 16 radio direction finding gear, designation not usually applied
Bf 109G-5/U2 Umbausatz GM-1 boost system
Bf 109G-5/R2 Rüstzustand Rb 50/30 camera fitted

*Rüstsatz kits are removable on a mission basis, Rüstzustand are installed at workshops, Umbausatz are kits that are built into an aircraft at the factory or a maintenance and recovery center.

Aircraft with FuG 16y radio sets, for command aircraft, received a -y suffix. For example, Bf 109G-5y/U2/R 3 would be a fighter equipped with a radio set for ground control, GM-1, and an external fuel rack.

Bf 109G-1 Specification
Engine DB 605A
Output 1475 PS
Gross Weight 3050 kg
empty weight
Combat Range (internal fuel only) 668 km
Maximum speed (prior to downrating) 660 km/h at 7 km
Armament 2x 7.92 mm MG 17, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew Pilot
Length m 8.84
Height (without propeller) m 2.6
Wingspan m 9.924
Wing Area m2 21.6
Bf 109G-5 Specification
Engine DB 605A, DB 605 AS
Output (DB 605 AS) 1475 PS (1415 PS)
Gross Weight 3350 kg
Empty weight 2543 kg
Combat Range (internal fuel only) 625 km
Maximum speed (DB 605 AS) 630 km/h at 6.5 km (650 km/h at 8.5 km)
Armament 2x 13 mm MG 131, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew Pilot
Length m 8.84
Height (without propeller) m 2.6
Wingspan m 9.924
Wing Area m2 21.6
Plane In use with
Bf 109G-1 I/JG2, 11./JG2, 11./JG26, II./JG51, JG 53,
Bf 109G-3 11./JG 2, 11./JG26, I./JG1 (later II./JG11)
Bf 109G-5 III./JG 1, II./JG 2, I.& II./JG3, II./JG11, III./JG 26, II./JG27, I./JG300, I.&II./JG302, II./JG 11, II.&III./EJG 1, NAG 2, NAG 12, NAG 13, (F)/123

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by  Henry H. and Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Hansclaw

Illustration:

Bf 109G-1 of JG2 flown by Julius Meimberg, WNr-14063 Poix, France November 1942.  The G-1 was beset with serious teething issues, but even with engine restrictions, its high altitude performance was exceptional for its day. The G-3 saw these limitations removed, though its tail wheel was non-retractable. It should be noted that the tail wheel on this G-1 was semi-retractable.
Bf 109G-5, 1944. The G-5 was better armed than its predecessors with its 13mm machineguns, but this came at the cost of added weight and drag.
Bf 109G-5, JG 300, 1944. A number of G-5’s were turned over to night fighter squadrons using both Wilde Sau free roaming tactics, and Himmelbett directed interception against high altitude Mosquitos. The non-reflective, gray camouflage was also standard on twin engine night fighters.
Bf 109G-5AS of JG 5, flown by Hauptmann Theodore Weissenberger, June, 1944.  The Bf 109G-5AS incorporated a larger supercharger that required an enlarged engine cowling. Further modifications included the much improved Erla factory canopy, and a larger horizontal stabilizer and rudder. These were very rare aircraft and used mostly for reconnaissance and high altitude Mosquito interception.

Sources:

Primary:

Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand Juni 1942).Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November 1942.

Bf 109G-4 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. September 1943.

Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. October 1943.

Flugzeug Flugleistungen Me 109G-Baureihen. Messerschmitt AG Augsburg. August 1943.

Daimler-Benz DB 605 Inverted V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum Collection. Inventory number: A19670086000.

Flugzeugmuster Bf 109 G-1 mit Motor DB 605A. Rechlin E`Stelle Erprobungsnummer 1586. 1943.

Memorandum Report on P-47D-10 Airplane, AAF No. 43-75035. Army Air Forces Material Command. Wright Field Dayton, Ohio. 11, October 1943.

The performance of Spitfire IX aircraft fitted with high and low altitude versions of the intercooled Merlin engine. Aircraft and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 4 March 1943

Leistungszusammenstellung Me 109G. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 1 January, 1944.

Leistungen Me 109G mit DB 605 AS. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 22, January 1944.

Leistungsmessung Me 109 G mit GM 1 – Zusatzeinspritzung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21, September 1943.

Me 109 G-1. Ausführung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21 May, 1942.

Speed vs Altitude P-51B-15 43-24777. Flight Test Engineering Branch Memo Report No. Eng-47-1749-A. 20 May 1944.

Kurz-Betriebsanleitung für Flugzeugführer und Bodenpersonal für GM 1-Anlagen in Bf 109 G. E-Stelle Rechlin R 3 a 1.

Me 109 G DIMENSIONS, WEIGHTS AND PERFORMANCE. A.I.2(g) Report No. 2142. 31, December 1942.

Spitfire F. Mk. VIII(Conv) (Prototype Mk.XIV) JF.319 (Griffon RG5SM). Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 27 October 1943.

Power Boosting By Liquid Oxygen and Nitrous Oxide Injection On Spitfire & Mosquito Aircraft Respectively. Engineering Report. Eng. 8723.

Secondary:

Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.

THE EFFECTS OF POOR QUALITY ASSURANCE DURING GERMAN AVIATION MANUFACTURING ON THE LUFTWAFFE DURING WORLD WAR II. MICHAEL J. GALLANT, MAJOR, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS

B.A Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida, 2006.

Radinger, W. & Otto W. Messerschmitt Bf 109F-K Development Testing Production. Schiffer Publishing. 1999.

Prien J. & Rodeike P. Messerschmitt Bf 109 F,G, &K Series An Illustrated Study. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1997.

Mosquito Fates, based on AirBritain files. Donated files, Mossie.org.

Messerschmitt Bf 109A & B

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1935)
Fighter Aircraft– 20 to 22 Bf 109A and 341 Bf 109B Built

When the Nazis came to power in Germany during the early 1930’s they sought to modernize their armed forces with more modern military equipment. The founding of a new air force, the Luftwaffe as it was known in Germany, was one of the main priorities of the new regime. Massive resources were channeled into the construction of a great number of airfields and other forms of infrastructure necessary for the air force. In addition, many new and thoroughly developed military aircraft designs were requested. Among these new designs was the Bf 109, which would go on to later become the most widely produced fighter aircraft in the world.

The Bf 109B (R. Jackson Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series)

Rise of the Luftwaffe

After the collapse of the German Empire following their defeat in the First World War, the Allies prohibited the development of many new military technologies, including aircraft. The Germans bypassed this prohibition by focusing on developing gliders which provided necessary initial work in aircraft development and crew training. Another solution was to develop civil aircraft that could be relatively quickly rebuilt and modified for military use. The efforts to hide these developments were finally discarded when the Nazis came to power in 1933.  One of the first steps that they undertook was to openly reject the terms of the Treaty of Versailles that prohibited the Germans to expand their army and develop new military technologies.

The founding of the Luftwaffe was seen as a huge military priority among Nazi officials. The Luftwaffe would then begin a massive reorganization and expansion project that would see it expand into a formidable fighting force. Much of the Luftwaffe’s attention and energy during this period was focused on developing a new fighter aircraft to replace the then obsolescent Ar 68 and He 51 biplanes. For this reason, in 1934 the Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM (German Air Ministry) issued a competition for a new and modern fighter plane that could reach speeds of 400 km/h. For this competition, four companies were initially contacted including Arado, Focke-Wulf, and Heinkel. Besides them was a rather small and less-known manufacturer, Bayerische Flugzeugwerke BFW (Bavarian Aircraft Works,) which was under the leadership of Willy Messerschmitt. Despite lacking the experience of their contemporaries in military aviation designs, this small company despite its inexperience would go on to win the contract and build what would become Germany’s then-most modern combat aircraft

The man behind the design

Wilhelm Emil ‘Willy’ Messerschmitt was from his early years interested in aviation. When he was 13, he met Friedrich Harth who was an enthusiast and a pioneering glider designer. He would become a mentor and help Messerschmitt develop his passion for building gliders,  together designing and building several gliders. When the First World War broke out in 1914, Harth was drafted into the Army, and in 1917 Messerschmitt would follow. Fortunately for both of them, however, they were stationed at the same flight training school near Munich and were thus able to continue their work. Both of them survived the war and went back to doing what they both loved: designing and building gliders. As gliding was something that became highly popular in Germany after the war, Messerschmitt undertook further education by enrolling in Munich Technical College. With this knowledge, Messerschmitt managed to design and build his first glider in 1921, which he designated simply as S9. After gathering sufficient financial resources, Messerschmitt and Harth together opened a flying school in 1922. This did not last long, however, and the following year disagreements between Messerschmitt and Harth arose.

Messerschmitt then decided to work on his own and opened a small aviation company which he named Flugzeugbau Messerschmitt. His first proper aircraft design was the M17. It was a small all-wood, high-wing, sport aircraft powered by a British Bristol 29 hp engine. This aircraft was quite successful and even managed a 14-hour flight from Bamberg to Rome in 1926. The pilot was a World War One veteran Theodor Croneiss. A little-known fact, this was actually the first flight of such a small aircraft over the Alps ever attempted successfully. The M17 would later be lost in an accident when Messerschmitt himself was learning how to fly an aircraft. He crashed, losing the aircraft but surviving the hard landing, after which Messerschmitt spent some time in hospital. This did not greatly affect Messerschmitt’s new company as his next design M18 also proved to have good overall performance. Now in partnership with Croneiss, they managed to make a deal with Lufthansa, a German civil airline, to use the M18 for passenger transport.

The high wing, sport aircraft M17, was the first Messerschmitt aircraft design. (www.histaviation.com)

Messerschmitt’s company received a number of production orders for their M18 aircraft. However, Messerschmitt lacked the money, resources, and production capabilities to actually deliver these aircraft. At some point, he came in contact with the Bavarian government in hope of finding a solution to his problem. He got an answer, that the Bavarian government was willing to help with one condition, Messerschmitt would have to merge his own company with the Bayerische Flugzeugwerke BFW. This company itself was in the midst of a huge financial crisis but possessed a great number of skilled workers and equipment that could greatly help Messerschmitt in his future work. While both companies would be technically independent, Messerschmitt was to give first production rights for any of his new designs to BFW. BFW on the other hand would provide the necessary manpower and equipment. Messerschmitt agreed to this condition and was positioned as chief designer of both companies. Representation of the company was relocated from Bamberg to Ausburg.

In 1928 Messerschmitt focused his work on a civil design intended for transporting passengers. His next design was the 10-passenger transport aircraft designated M20. During a flight test, part of the wing fabric cover peeled away, and pilot Hans Hackman possibly in a panic decided to bail out at a height of 76 m. His parachute failed to open properly and he died. This led to the cancellation of production orders for the M20 by Lufthansa. Messerschmitt developed an improved second M20 prototype which was presented to, and tested by Lufthansa officials.  After an evaluation, the aircraft was deemed safe and a production order for 12 improved M20. However, tragedy would strike in two serious accidents involving the M20 aircraft, in which 10 people were killed. The first accident happened near Dresden in October 1930, where two pilots and six crew members were killed. The second occurred in April of the next year, with the death of both pilots. To make matters even worse, German Army officers were among the casualties. This affected Messerschmitt’s further work, who despite developing more aircraft designs failed to gain many production orders for them. While his own company did not suffer much, BFW was not so lucky and was forced into bankruptcy in 1931. In the next few years, Messerschmitt’s work was relatively stable as he saw some success selling his aircraft aboard. With better financing, he managed to acquire sufficient funds to reinstate BFW in May of 1933. The name was changed to BFW AG, a publicly-traded company. Unfortunately for Messerschmitt, a newly appointed Secretary of State for Air, Erhard Milch, opposed the idea of BFW operating under Messerschmitt. Erhard Milch’s hatred for Messerschmitt was personal, as the test pilot who flew on the doomed M20 prototype was his friend. He never forgave Messerschmitt who he deemed responsible for the accident. He forced  BFW AG to accept production orders for Heinkel aircraft designs. This was also partly done to provide adequate financial resources so that the company could operate successfully.

Despite this distrust by Nazi officials, Messerschmitt was contacted in the summer of 1933 by the RLM to design a sports aircraft to represent Germany on the Challenge de Tourisme Internationale. Seeing a new opportunity Messerschmitt took great care in fulfilling this order. His ultimate design would be the highly successful Bf 108 (initially designated M37.) This aircraft would be crucial in the later stages of Bf 109 development. With the success of the Bf 108, Messerschmitt managed to gain support from some top Luftwaffe officials. One of these was the newly appointed Hermann Goring who replaced Erhard Milch in the position of commander-in-chief of the Luftwaffe. While there were still some who wanted the Bf 108 to be canceled, with the support of Hermann Goring they could do little about it.

The highly successful Bf 108. (www.luftwaffephotos.com)

A new fighter

In March of 1933 RLM issued a document (designated L.A. 1432/33) that laid the foundations for the development of the future German fighter aircraft. In it a shortlist of general characteristics that this aircraft should meet was given. It was to be designed as a single-seat fighter that must be able to reach speeds of at least 400 km/h at a height of 6 km. In addition, that height had to be reached in no more than 17 minutes. The maximum service ceiling was set at 10 km. Armament was to consist of either two machine guns each supplied with 1,000 rounds of ammunition or one cannon with 100 rounds of ammunition.

In February 1934 this document was given to three aircraft manufacturers, with these being Arado Heinkel and BFW AG. The last to enter the competition was Focke-Wulf who received this document in September of 1934. While not completely clear as some sources suggest, Messerschmitt and the BFW AG were not initially contacted but were later included in this competition. Realizing this competition as a great opportunity, Messerschmitt gathered the best team he could find. Some of these included the former Arado fighter designer Walther Rethal, who became Messerschmitt’s deputy. Another prominent figure was Robert Lusser who took a great part in the Bf 108 development. He would also later play a great part in the future Bf 110 aircraft design.

According to RLM conditions, all interested companies were to provide a working prototype that was to be tested before a final decision was to be made. Arado and Focke-Wulf completed their prototypes, the Ar 80 and Fw 159, by the end of 1934. Heinkel and Messerschmitt’s prototypes took a bit longer to complete. Messerschmitt and his team set a simple but ambitious plan. Their aircraft would be simple, cheap, and possess lightweight overall construction. It was to be powered by the strongest engine they could get their hands on. Work on this new fighter began in March 1934, at this early stage, the project was designated as P.1034 (while sometimes in the sources it is also mentioned as Bf 109a). A simple airframe mock-up was completed shortly in May the same year, but the work on a more complex and detailed mock-up took some time. By January 1935 it was finally ready. The engine chosen for it was the Jumo 210A. As this engine was not yet available, the license-built 583 hp Rolls-Royce Kestrel engine was used temporarily instead. Ironically this engine was available thanks to the good business relationship between Heinkel and the British Rolls Royce motor company. Thanks to this cooperation the Germans managed to purchase a number of these engines.

The first prototype named Bf 109 V1 (registered as D-IABI) was flight tested by Hans Dietrich Knoetzsch at the end of May 1935. The first flight was successful as no problems were identified with the design. While later prototypes would be tested with a weapon installation, the V1 was not outfitted with any armament.

The Bf 109 V1 (registered as D-IABI). (www.asisbiz.com)

Messerschmitt designation

Before we continue, it is important to clarify the precise designation of this aircraft. Sometimes it is referred to as Me 109 (or as Me-109). While technically speaking this is not completely incorrect given that it was designed by Messerschmitt and his team. The Bf stands for Bayerische Flugzeugwerke, the company which constructed the aircraft. While the 109 has no specific meaning, it was just next in the line after the 108 design.

In 1938 this company would be renamed Messerschmitt AG and all future designs from this point on would receive the prefix ‘Me’. The older designs including the 108 and 109 would retain the Bf prefix during the war. It is worth pointing out that both the Bf and Me designation was used in Messerschmitt’s own archives. In German service prior to and during the war, it was not uncommon to see both designations being used. So using either of these two designations would be historically accurate, this article would use the Bf 109 designation for sake of simplicity but also due to the fact that in most sources this designation was used.

The Bf 109 trials

As no major issue was noted in its design, the Bf 109 V1 was to be transported to the test centers located at Rechlin and Travemunde starting in October 1935. Here, together with all competitor designs, they would be subjected to a series of evaluations and tests. The Ar 80 and Fw 159 proved inadequate almost from the start after many mechanical breakdowns and even crashes, which ultimately led to both being rejected. The He 112 and Bf 109 on the other hand proved to be more promising designs. The Bf 109 had a somewhat bumpy start as the Rechlin airfield was unfinished and had a rough runway. During a landing, one of the Bf 109’s landing gear collapsed. Despite what appeared at first glance to be catastrophic damage, turned out to be only minor.

The He 112 V1, was used for the trials held at Rechlin and Travemunde. (www.luftwaffephotos.com)
The Bf 109V1 was damaged during a failed landing. (R. Jackson Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series)

The second prototype was completed and tested by the end of 1935. The V2 (D-IILU or D-IUDE according to some sources) was powered by a domestically developed 680 hp Jumo 210A engine. It was moved to Travemunde for evaluation and testing in February 1936. The V2 was put into a series of test flights where it showed superb flying performance, in contrast to the other competitors. Unfortunately, during one test flight undertaken in April, part of the pilot’s canopy peeled away, forcing the pilot to make an emergency landing. A decision was made to not repair this prototype but instead to use its fuselage for ground testing and experimentation.

That same month that the V2 was damaged, the V3 (D-IQQY) was flight tested. This prototype served as the test aircraft for the installation of offensive armament. There is a disagreement between sources, as J. R. Beaman and J. L. Campbell mentioned that the armament was actually tested on the V2 aircraft. Regardless of which prototype was first armed, it possessed two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns. These were placed above the engine, close to the cockpit. The engine was once again changed, this time with the installation of the even more powerful 700 hp Jumo 210C. Another experimental feature was the installation of a FuG 7 radio unit. This necessitated adding a triple wire antenna, which was connected to the top of the fin, and the edges of the stabilizers to the cockpit. This aircraft would be extensively used for testing, and would later serve as the basis for the first production version. Later prototypes were used to test various additional equipment and weapon installations.  For example, prototypes V4 to V7 were used to test various different armament arrangements. The V5 was used to test the installation of an automatic reload and firing system, among other features.

The V3 in a flight. (en.topwar.ru)

During the initial evaluation flights carried out on both the Bf 109 and He 112, the latter was favored by many test pilots. Heinkel at that time was among the largest and most well-known German aviation manufacturers. It supplied the new Luftwaffe with a series of aircraft, and thus was well connected to RLM top officials. Further examination of the Bf 109 showed that the aircraft had several persistent issues. The most serious problems were the Bf 109’s tendency to widely swing to the left during landing and take-off. Another major issue was the design of landing gear, which was too narrow and generally weak. This in turn would often lead to crash landings. In retrospect, these two problems would never be fully resolved, but with sufficient training and experience, these problems could be overcome by the pilots. Other complaints included the limited visibility due to the canopy’s small design. The cockpit interior was also regarded as too cramped. The Bf 109 was also notorious for its high wing loading, which was pointed out by the test pilots.

Most of these complaints do not necessarily indicate a flawed design.  We must take into account that the test pilots were mostly experienced in older biplanes. This new single-wing fighter concept was completely strange to them. For example, the biplanes had a simple and open cockpit, so complaints regarding the Bf 109 cockpit design represented a refusal to adapt to newer technologies rather than a bad design.

During the series of test flights, the performance of the two competitors was quite similar, with some minor advantages between them. In the case of the Bf 109, it was slightly faster, while the He 112 had lower wing loading. In addition, the He 112 had a better-designed and safer landing gear assembly. As the He 112 had to be constantly modified in order to keep pace with the Bf 109, the RLM commission was getting somewhat frustrated. Despite Heinkel’s connections and experience in designing aircraft, the Bf 109 was simply more appealing to the RLM commission, given that it was simpler, faster, and could be put into production relatively quickly. At that time the Germans were informed by the Abwehr intelligence service that the British were developing and preparing for the production of the new Spitfire. RLM officials were simply not willing to risk taking a chance on an aircraft design that could not quickly be put into production. Thus the Bf 109 was seen as the better choice under the circumstances.

Technical characteristics

The Bf 109 was a low-wing, all-metal construction, single-seat fighter. In order to keep the production of this aircraft as simple as possible, Messerschmitt engineers decided to develop a monocoque fuselage that was divided into two halves. These halves would be placed together and connected using simple flush rivets, thus creating a simple base on which remaining components, like the engine, wings, and instruments would be installed.

The central part of the fuselage was designed to be especially robust and strong. Thanks to this, it offered the aircraft exceptional structural integrity. It also provided additional protection during emergency crash landings. The fuselage itself and the remainder of the aircraft were covered with standard duralumin skin.

Its wings also had an unusual overall design. In order to provide room for the retracting landing gear, Messerschmitt intentionally used only a single wing spar which was positioned quite to the rear of the wing. This spar had to be sufficiently strong to withstand the load forces that acted on the wings during flight. The wings were connected to the fuselage by four strong bolts. This design enables the wings to have a rather simple overall construction with the added benefit of being cheap to produce. During the Bf 109 later service life, the damaged wings could be simply replaced with others on hand. The wings were also very thin, which provided the aircraft with better overall control at lower speeds but also reduced drag which in turn increased the overall maximum speed. At the wing’s leading edge were slats that automatically opened to provide better handling during maneuvers at lower speeds. This had a secondary purpose to greatly help the pilot during landing. The tail unit of the Bf 109 was a conventional design and was also built using metal components. It consists of a fin with a rudder, and two vertical stabilizers each equipped with an elevator.

The cockpit was placed in the center of the fuselage. It was a fully enclosed compartment that was riveted to the fuselage. The Bf 109 cockpit itself was quite cramped. Most of the available space was allocated to the control stick. Left and right of the pilot were two smaller control panels with the main instrumental panel being placed in front of him. While the side control panels were a bit small, their overall design was more or less the standard arrangement used on other aircraft. The front instrumental panel contained various equipment such as the compass, and an artificial horizon indicator. Messerschmitt engineers also added an ammunition counter, which was somewhat unusual on German fighters. Another innovative feature was the installation of a FuG 7 radio unit. In front of the cockpit, a firewall was positioned to shield the pilot in case of an engine fire.

The overall framework for the canopy was fairly small, but despite this provided decent all-around visibility for the pilot. Its main drawback was limited forward visibility during take-off. The canopy opened outwards to the right. This was a major issue as it could not be open during the flight. To overcome this, it was designed to be relatively easily jettisoned. In case of emergency, the pilot would actuate a lever positioned in the rear. It was connected to two high-tension springs. When activated, the lever would release the two springs, which in turn released the canopy, which would then simply fly away due to airflow.

The Bf 109 canopy opens outwards to the right, this causes problems as it was unable to be open during the ground drive or in flight. (R. Jackson Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series)

When designing the Bf 109 great care was taken for it to have a simple design. This is especially true for the engine compartment. The engine was easily accessible by simply removing a series of panels. The engine was mounted on two long ‘Y’ shaped metal bars and held in place by two quick-release screws. The necessary electrical wires were connected to a junction box which was placed to the rear of the engine. All parts inside the engine compartment were easily accessible and thus could be replaced in a short period of time.  The Bf 109 “L” shaped fuel tank was located aft of the pilot’s seat and slightly underneath it. It too had easy access by simply removing a cover located inside the center of the wing. The total fuel capacity was 250 liters.

Once the Bf 109 was accepted for service, a small production run of the Bf 109B-0 was completed. It was powered by a 610 hp Jumo 210B, and served mainly to finalize the later production version. The Bf 109B-1 was powered by a 635 hp Jumo 210D engine and had a fixed-pitch two-blade wooden propeller. Later during the production, it would be replaced with a new all-metal two-bladed variable pitch propeller. This engine was equipped with a two-stage supercharger. The maximum speed achieved with this engine at the height of 3,350 meters (11,000 ft) was 450 km/h (280 mph). The engine oil cooler, which was initially placed close to the radiator assembly, would be repositioned under the right wing.

The Bf 109 had a simple engine housing that could be easily removed if the engine needed to be removed. (R. Cross, G. Scarborough, and H. J. Ebert (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Versions B-E)

The Bf 109 possessed quite an unusual landing gear arrangement. The landing gear was mainly connected to the lower center base of the fuselage, which meant that the majority of the weight of the aircraft would be centered at this point. The two landing gear struts retracted outward towards the wings. The negative side of this design was that the Bf 109, due to its rather narrow wheel track, could be quite difficult to control during taxiing. Messerschmitt engineers tried to resolve this issue by increasing the span of the two wheels. This actually complicated the matter as it necessitated that the two wheels be put at an angle. In turn, this created a weak point where the wheels were connected to the gear strut, which could easily break during a harsh landing.  This also caused problems with the Bf 109 tendency to swing to the side prior to take-off. When the pilot was making corrections to keep the aircraft headed straight, excessive force could be applied to the pivot point of the landing gear leg, which sometimes cracked.

The Bf 109 possessed a quite unusual landing gear that retracted outward towards the wings. (www.worldwarphotos.info)

The first series of the Bf 109 were only lightly armed, with two 7.92 mm electrically primed MG 17 machine guns. While this may seem like underpowered armament, we must not forget that in the period between the wars, mounting larger caliber guns in fighters was rare. Larger calibers at this time used were usually 12.7 mm. The two machine guns were placed in the upper fuselage, just forward of the cockpit. The port-side machine gun was slightly more forward than the starboard. This was done to provide more space for ammunition magazines. These were fully synchronized to be able to fire through the propellers without damaging them. In the early stages, the ammunition load consisted of 500 rounds for each machine gun, but this was later increased to 1,000 rounds.

The MG 17 was used as the main armament of the early Bf 109’s. (airpages.ru)

However, the double MG 17 layout was eventually deemed somewhat weak, so Messerschmitt was instructed to increase the offensive firepower. As Messerschmitt initially did not want to add any armament in the wings, another solution was needed. The installation of a third machine gun inside the centerline of the engine block was tested. While this would be initially adopted, this installation proved to be problematic mostly due to overheating and jamming problems. So this machine gun was often not installed and removed on those aircraft that had it. A possible installation of a 20 mm cannon in its place was also tested. This was the 20 mm MG FF cannon, which was in fact a license-built version of the Swiss Oerlikon cannon. While it was tested on a few prototypes, it too proved unusable due to excessive vibration. On the other hand, the installation of two non-synchronized machine guns in the wings proved to be more promising, and this was implemented and installed on the later Bf 109E.  For the reflector gunsight, a Revi C/12C type was used.

Main armament side view. (Bf 109B LDv.228-1 Document)
The left machine gun was slightly moved forward in order to avoid problems with ammunition supply. (Bf 109B LDv.228-1 Document)

The Bf 109A and B versions

The Bf 109 A version is somewhat of a mystery in the sources. Usually this version, besides a few mentions, is rarely described in the sources. According to Messerschmitt’s own documents, a small series of 20 to at least 22 aircraft of this version were built. It appears that in every aspect, it was the same as the later B version. The only major difference between these two versions was that the A was solely equipped with the two machine guns in the upper engine cowling.

This is probably why most sources barely mentioned the A version, likely lumping them in with the B version. To further complicate matters author D. Nesić mentioned that while version A was planned to enter production, it was abandoned due to its weak armament.

Once the Bf 109 was accepted for service, a small pre-production run of 10 Bf 109B-0 was completed. It was powered by a 610 hp Jumo 210B, and served mainly to finalize the later production version. The Bf 109B-1 was powered by a 635hp Jumo 210D engine. This engine was fitted with a fixed-pitch two-blade wooden propeller. It was armed with three machine guns, with two placed above the engine compartment, and the third fired through the centerline of the engine and propeller hub. During the production run of the B-1, some minor changes were introduced. The three-wire radio antennas were replaced with a single one. To provide better cooling of the machine guns, several vent ports were added. The Bf 109B-1 was then replaced with the Bf 109B-2. The 109B-2 was initially powered by a 640 hp Jumo 210E but was replaced with a stronger 670 hp Jumo 210G. The wooden propeller was upgraded to a new completely metal, variable-pitch, two-bladed propeller.

During early production, three-wire radio antennas were used. These would be replaced with a single one. (www.luftwaffephotos.com)

While at first glance, the infamous Bf 109 seems to be a well-documented aircraft, this is not quite the case. Namely, there are significant differences in the sources regarding the precise designation of the B series. For example sources like R. Jackson (Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series) and J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (German Aircraft of the WW2) divided the B series into three sub-series: the B-0, B-1, and B-2.

On the other hand sources like  R. Cross, G. Scarborough and  H. J. Ebert (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Versions B-E) mentioned that in the Messerschmitt archives, no evidence for the existence of a B-2 series was found. In addition, while the Jumo 210G may have been tested on the Bf 109B series, there is also little evidence that it was actually installed in them. This is also supported by sources like Lynn R. (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype). This particular source indicated that all alleged modifications to the B-2 were actually implemented on the B-1 aircraft.

Early Bf 109 operational use

The Bf 109 was shown to the general public for the first time during the 1936 Olympic Games held in Germany. The following year several Bf 109’s (including the V10, V13, two B-1, and one B-2) participated in the international flying competition held in Zurich, Switzerland, easily winning several awards including fastest dive, climbing, and flew a circuit of the Alps, etc. The event was not without incident, as the Bf 109 V10 had an engine problem, and its pilot Ernst Udet, was forced to crash land it.

In Spain

When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936, Francisco Franco, who was the leader of the Nationalists, sent a plea to Adolf Hitler for German aid in providing military equipment including aircraft. At the early stages of the war, nearly all of Spain’s mostly outdated aircraft were in the hands of the Republicans. To make matters worse for Franco nearly all forces loyal to him were stationed in Africa. As the Republicans controlled the Spanish navy, Franco could not move his troops back to Spain safely. Franco was therefore forced to seek foreign aid. Hitler, seeing Spain as a potential ally, was keen on helping Franco and agreed to provide assistance. At the end of July 1936, some 86 aircrew personnel, together with 6 He 51 and 20 Ju 57 were secretly transported to Spain. This air unit would serve as the basis of the so-called German Condor Legion which operated in Spain during the war. The Ju 52 transport aircraft proved instrumental in transporting the Francoist forces to Spain. The operation was a success, but the enemy was quite busy with their own preparations.

On the other side, the Republicans were greatly supported by the Soviets, providing them with some 30 I-15 fighters in late 1936. Additionally, the Republicans operated a number of Soviet SB-2 bombers. The few He 51 fighters of the Condor Legion were outdated and outnumbered by the enemy air force, so a request was made to send additional and more modern aircraft. Seeing an opportunity to test the performance of the Bf 109 in real combat situations, it was agreed to send a few to Spain. One of the first Bf 109 V4 to be sent to Spain was unfortunately damaged in an accident. Several delays later on the 14th of December, the Bf 109 V3 arrived in Spain. These arriving aircraft were initially used for a few weeks for testing and training. Initial evaluation of these early aircraft proved to be more than satisfactory, and additional aircraft of this type was requested. Besides the V3 and V4, the V6 was also sent to Spain. The fate of the V5 is not clear; some sources mentioned (like R. Jackson) that it was also used in the Spanish Theater. Lynn R. (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype) on the other hand informs us that the V5 was used during 1937 for weapon trials and thus not sent to Spain.

In early 1937 the first of the Bf 109s began to arrive. It is unclear which exact version was first issued for service, these were either version A or B. Author  Lynn R. ( Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype) mentioned that the first aircraft used were of the A version. He indicated that this was the case for several reasons, one of which was the use of only two machine guns. In addition, these were not equipped with the later-developed automatic cycling gun mechanism, which alleviated ammunition jam and misfeed issues.  In total, at least 16 aircraft of the early Bf 109 would be sent in this shipment. Sources like R. Jackson (Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series) mentioned that only the B version was used in Spain.

During the Spanish Civil war, initially only smaller quantities of Bf 109A and B were available for service. (me109.airwar1946.nl)

In March 1937, with the arrival of the first group of the new Bf 109, two fighter groups were formed. These were the I and II/Jagdgruppe J.88 under the command of Lieutenant Günther Lützow. Interestingly, these aircraft were initially to be given to JG 132 stationed at Döberitz-Elsgrund. Due to the urgent need to reinforce the Condor Legion, JG 132 pilots with the Bf 109 were transported to Spain instead. Besides markings, they also received numerical designations beginning with 6-1, 6-2, and so on. The precise method which was used to determine the numbering designation is not clear. For example, the V3, which arrived second, received the 6-2, and later 6-1 designation. The Bf 109 that served with the Condor Legion received a large black circle on the fuselage for identification. Two additional black circles with a large white “X” were painted on the wings. An additional black X was painted on the rear tail.

The Bf 109 that saw service during the Spanish Civil War could be easily distinguished by their unique markings. Those received a large black circle marking on the fuselage. Two additional black circles with a large white “X” were painted on the wings. An additional black X was painted on the rear tail. ( www.luftwaffephotos.com)

Initially, it was planned that the Germans would act as instructors for their Spanish allies. As the Spanish had problems piloting the newly supplied aircraft, many German instructors would themselves see extensive combat action during the war.

Lützow was also the one who achieved the first kill of the Bf 109B that was used in Spain. He managed to shoot down a Republican I-15 on the 6th of April 1937. Three more victories were achieved during that month. At the end of April, the II.J/88 provided protection for bombers that raided the small town of Guernica. Initially, the few Bf 109 that were available did not have much effect on the war efforts of the Nationalists. The Republicans had nearly 150 modern Soviet fighters and thus had a clear advantage. During the heavy fighting at Madrid in July 1937, the Bf 109 engaged the enemy I-16’s for the first time in the conflict.

In July of 1937, a Bf 109 from the II.J/88, managed to shoot down three SB-2 bombers, one Aero A.101 light bomber, and three I-16. But the J.88 also suffered its first casualty of the war, a Bf 109B which was piloted by Guido Honess was shot down by an I-16 on the 12th of July. On the 17th, another Bf 109 was shot down but the pilot Gotthard Handrick managed to survive. The next day, another Bf 109 was lost but the pilot was only lightly wounded.

In August 1937, the Nationalists launched an offensive toward Republican-held positions around Santander. The heavy fighting that lasted up to October saw extensive use of air forces on both sides. The Nationalists were reinforced with the I.J/88 under the command of Harro Harder. By late October this commander managed to bring down 7 enemy aircraft. At the end of 1937, an incident of note occurred where a Bf 109A piloted by Otto Polenz was forced to land on Republican-held territory. His aircraft was captured almost intact and shipped to the Soviet Union for examination. During the German Invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, this particular aircraft would be recaptured.

The captured Bf 109A was shipped to the Soviet Union for examination. Ironically it would be recaptured by the Germans in 1941. (Lynn R. (1980) Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype to ‘E’ Variants, SAM Publication)

On the 16th of December, the Republicans launched an offensive toward the city of Teruel. Given the severe winter, the J.88 was unable to provide air support and the city fell to the Republicans.  From late January and early February on, thanks to better weather, the German Bf 109s were once again active. On the 7th of February 1938, Wilhelm Balthasar managed to alone shoot down four SB-2 bombers alone during one flight. He too was forced to a harsh landing having received numerous hits by the bomber’s defensive fire, but Balthasar survived the landing.

By April 1938 the Nationalists realized that a direct attack on Madrid would be almost impossible without heavy casualties, and decided on another approach. They instead focused on the southern parts of Spain. The J.88 too was repositioned there and took on the enemy aircraft. Several Bf 109s were lost during this time, but most of these were either to mechanical breakdowns or pilot errors. For example, on one occasion two Bf 109s collided in midair on the 4th of April. While one pilot was killed, the second managed to escape by using a parachute. The following month saw extensive fighting on the ground and in the air. The Bf 109 pilots, thanks to their better machines and experience, achieved a series of victories over their opponents. On one occasion in late July 1938, three squadrons of Bf 109 took on a group of 40 I-15 and I-16. After a long engagement, the enemy lost six planes, while the Nationalists lost none. The Germans pilots were achieving so many victories that they had to invent excuses in order to not be sent back to Germany. According to official regulations, once a pilot had achieved 5 kills, he was to be replaced by another pilot. This regulation was clearly ignored as pilots like Werner Molders achieved some 14 victories. Other pilots were also very successful, Otto Bertram achieved four victories during August. While Werner Molders scored 8 victories through this period. During 1938, an additional 26 Bf 109B-1 with coded numbers, ranging from 6-19 to 6-45 arrived in Spain.

By early 1939, the Nationalists managed to gain almost complete air supremacy, thus air to air combat became a rare event.  The J.88 aircraft were from this point on mostly used for ground attack operations. The last J.88 air victory of the war was achieved on the 5th of March when an I-15 was shot down. Out of some 130 Bf 109s that saw service in Spain, between 20 to 40 aircraft were lost (depending on the source). Not all were lost in air combat, most were lost due to mechanical breakdowns, pilot errors, or hard landings.

While the Republicans would fly in loose formations with any proper tactics, the Germans would employ a so-called Schwarm (swarm) tactic. This basically consisted of using a group of four aircraft, which would fly in a reverse ‘V’ shaped formation, with some 200 meters separating each aircraft. When attacking, these would be divided into two groups of two aircraft. Which were intended to provide each other with cover in the event enemy fighters gave chase.

In German Service

While the Bf 109 was initially used for various tests and participated in sporting events, these aircraft were soon allocated to Luftwaffe units. The first such unit to receive the Bf 109 B-1 was the Jagdgeschwader (fighter squadron) JG 132 in February of 1937, being supplied with 25 aircraft. Due to some delays in production, the second unit equipped with the Bf 109, II./JG 234, was formed nearly nine months later. In early 1938, the production of the Bf 109 was greatly increased which provided a sufficient number of aircraft to equip additional units.

The early Bf 109s were prepared to see potential action during the political crisis regarding the German relationship with Austria and later Czechoslovakia. Even by the end of 1937, the pressure on Austrian politicians was great as the Germans wanted to install a more friendly government. All these political machinations ended in March 1938 when German troops entered Austria without any resistance.

The German request for territories belonging to Czechoslovakia was initially met with fierce resistance from the Western Allies, France, and the United Kingdom. These tensions could have easily cascaded into open war. This particularly caused huge concern in the RLM, as the German Air Force was not yet ready for a war. The situation was so desperate that even some He 112 were accepted for service. In the end, the Western Allies backed down, not willing to go to war, and allowed the Germans to take disputed Czechoslovakian territory.

As the new and improved models of the C and D versions began to be available, the Bf 109B were slowly being allocated to secondary roles, such as training. In this role, some would survive up to 1943. By the time of the invasion of Poland in September, the majority of Bf 109 in use were the D version, with ever-increasing numbers of the new E version. While some Bf 109B were still present in frontline units, their fighting days were over.

Production

For the upcoming Bf 109 production, initially BFW AG was responsible. As it lacked production capabilities given that it was already under contract (made earlier with RLM) to build several other aircraft types, another solution was needed. When BFW AG completed all previously ordered aircraft, it was to focus its production capabilities on the Bf 109.

To increase overall Bf 109 production, other manufacturers were also contracted. Some 175 were built at Erla Maschinenwerk from Leipzig, with 90 more by Fieseler, and only 76 aircraft by BFW. The production run of the Bf 109A lasted from December 1936 to February 1937.  In 1937 some 341 Bf 109B would be built.

Production Versions

  • Bf 109 V –  Prototypes series aircraft
  • Bf 109 A –  Proposed production version built in small numbers
  • Bf 109 B-0 – A small pre-production series
    • Bf 109 B-1 –  Production version
    • Bf 109 B-2 –  Slightly improved B-1 version incorporating a new propeller. Note that the existence of this particular version is disputed in sources.

Surviving Aircraft

Today only one Bf 109B-0 V-10 is known to have survived. Given its rather low production numbers, this is not surprising. It is in a private collection of the “Bayerische Flugzeug Historiker” Oberschleissheim in Munich, Germany.

Conclusion

Despite focusing mainly on civilian aircraft, Messerchmitt and his team of engineers managed to design a fighter that bested all the other well-established manufacturers for Luftwaffe’s new fighter program. The Bf 109 was inexpensive to build and possessed good overall flight capabilities. While a good design, there was plenty of room for improvement, mainly regarding its armament and engine, which would be greatly improved in subsequent iterations.

Me 109B-1 Specifications

Wingspans 9.9 m / 32  ft 4  in
Length 8.7 m / 28  ft 6 in
Height 2.45 m / 8 ft
Wing Area 16.4 m² /  174 ft²
Engine Jumo 210D
Empty Weight 1,580 kg / 3,483 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight 1,955 kg / 4,310 lbs
Maximum Speed 450 km/h / 280 mph
Cruising speed 350 km/h / 220 mph
Range 690 km / 430 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling 8,200 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Initially three 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns, later changed to four same type machine guns

Illustrations

Credits

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by Stan L. Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Hansclaw

Source

  • D. Nesić  (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
  • R. Jackson (2015) Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series, Osprey Publishing
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putham
  • R. Cross, G. Scarborough and  H. J. Ebert (1972) Messerschmitt Bf 109 Versions B-E Airfix Products LTD.
  • J. R. Beaman and J. L. Campbell (1980) Messerschmitt Bf 109 in action Part-1, Squadron publication
  • Lynn R. (1980) Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype to ‘E’ Variants, SAM Publication
  • http://www.warbirdsresourcegroup.org/LRG/luftwaffe_messerschmitt_bf109.html