Independent State of Croatia (1942)
Fighter – 16 Operated
Following the creation of the Nezavisna Država Hrvatska (Independent State of Croatia), its Air Force was plagued with many problems from the start, including a lack of modern aircraft. While generally heavily reliant on the Germans to provide them with better equipment, they were unwilling to secure any deliveries of aircraft. To resolve this issue the NDH’s Air Force officials managed to persuade Italy to sell them 10 Fiat G.50bis fighters, which remained in use up to 1945.
A Brief History of the NDH
Following the end of the First World War, Kraljevina Srba Hrvata i Slovenaca (The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes – SHS) was formed in December of 1918 with the aim of uniting all Southern Slavs. This new state was, at least in theory, based on the principles of equality for these three nationalities. In reality, this Kingdom was a politically and ethically divided country. During the 1920s, there were huge political disagreements between the major parties which brought about questions regarding the continued existence of the Kingdom of SHS. This division was especially noted between the Serbian and Croatian politicians, which ultimately culminated in the assassination of several Croatian Peasant Party members, including the leader, Stjepan Radić, by a Serbian Politician in 1928.
On 6th of January, 1929, King Aleksandar Karađorđević, in an attempt to avoid the incoming political crisis, led the country into a dictatorship by abolishing parliament. He also introduced a number of political changes, including changing the name of the country to Kraljevina Jugoslavija (Kingdom of Yugoslavia.) This essentially did not resolve any of the existing problems, as inter-ethnic tensions persisted. During the early 1930s, the first mentions of Croatian Ustaše (the precise meaning is unknown, but could be roughly translated as insurgent) ultranationalist revolutionary organizations began to appear in Yugoslavia. Their main aim was the liberation of the Croatian people from Yugoslavia, by all means necessary, even by force. One of the most prominent figures of this organization was Ante Pavelić.
The Ustaše organization participated in the assassination of the Yugoslav King, Alexander Karađorđević, in Marseille in 1934. This assassination backfired to some extent for the Ustaše organization. Not only did it not lead to the collapse of Yugoslavia, but relations with Italy also improved under the Regent Prince Pavle Karađorđević in the following years. This led the Italian authorities to effectively end their support for the Ustaše and even arrested some of its members, including Pavelić.
After years of inactivity, the Ustaše benefited when the Yugoslavian government, which supported the Axis, was overthrown by pro-Allied officers in a military coup at the end of March 1941. Adolf Hitler almost immediately issued an order that Yugoslavia should be occupied. The Italians, preparing to join the war against Yugoslavia, began to support the Croatian Ustaše movement once again. With the collapse of the later Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Axis invasion after the short April War of 1941, Croatia, with German aid, was finally able to declare independence, albeit becoming a fascist puppet state. Ante Pavelić was chosen as the leader of this puppet state. Officially, the NDH was announced on 10th April 1941. The new state received a significant territorial expansion by annexing most of western Yugoslavia, including Bosnia, parts of Serbia, and Montenegro. The Adriatic coast, while nominally part of the NDH, was actually controlled by the Italians until 1943.
Formation of the NDH Air Force
Following the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, NDH began organizing its newly-created armed forces. Its Air Force was created on the 19th of April, 1941. The leadership of the new Air Force was given to Colonel Vladimir Kren. Immediately, work began on creating adequate structural organization, acquiring manpower, and procuring equipment. Initially, plans for arming this Air Force were ambitious, including some 140 modern aircraft, such as the Ju 88 and Me 109. Its officials were quite disappointed as Germans were not willing to provide these. Instead, the NDH officials had to make do with the leftovers of the Former Royal Yugoslav Air Force, which was in German hands. NDH officials made a request that included over 50 aircraft. The Germans once again disappointed them and gave NDH only those aircraft that were mostly obsolete, while transferring the better aircraft, like the Hurricanes, to Romania instead. The only other way to acquire more capable aircraft was to ask the Italians. This is what the NDH Air Force officials did in early 1942.
The Fiat G.50 brief history
During the thirties, the Italian Ministry of Aviation (Ministero dell Aeronautica) was interested in adopting a new, all-metal monoplane fighter and ground-attack aircraft for the Italian Air Force. In April of 1935, engineer Giuseppe Gabrielli began working on a new low-wing, all-metal plane named G.50. On 28th September 1935, Gabrielli submitted his project to the Ministry of Aviation. Military officials were impressed by the design and asked him to proceed with its work. As Fiat’s production capacities were overburdened, work on this new project was instead moved to the CMASA works at Marina di Pisa, part of Fiat since 1931. Giuseppe Gabrielli was finishing his last drawings and the list of needed materials and equipment in June 1936.
The prototype was finally ready at the beginning of 1937 and was transported to the city of Turin for further testing. This prototype, under registration number MM 334, made its first test flight on 26th February 1937. Once accepted for service, the Fiat G.50 would become the first Italian all-metal fighter. Between 1938 to 1943 some 774 to 791 of all versions of the G. 50 would be built. These saw combat service starting from the Spanish Civil War, until 1943 when the few surviving aircraft were reassigned to secondary roles.
In Yugoslavia
The Fiat G. 50 participated during the short Invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Two fighter groups, the 24th, and 154th, which had 53 G.50 fighters in total were allocated for this operation. They mostly performed a few escort missions. Due to the rapid collapse of Yugoslavia’s Royal Army, these saw limited actual combat use, if any. Afterward, the Fiat G.50 was allocated to other fronts. During 1942 and 1943, limited numbers of these aircraft were used for ground attack operations against the Yugoslavian Partisans.
In NDH’s Hands
By 1942, most of the available aircraft in NDH Air Force were in poor condition, mostly due to a general lack of spare parts. NDH Army officials approached Italy with a request for 9 improved Fiat G.50 and one two-seater version. The Fiat G.50bis were slightly modified versions that had an increased fuel load, a redesigned rear fuselage and vertical stabilizer, better glazing of the cockpit, and other minor changes. But in essence, it did not offer many improvements compared to the basic version. The G.50 B bipost (two-seater) was a modified G.50 fighter version with a new cockpit and dual controls for a pilot and trainer. The front section of the cockpit was fully enclosed, in contrast with the rear which was open. The main armament was removed on the G.50 B. This version was very successful, as it was easy to build and offered almost the same flying performance as the single-seat version.
A group of six NDH pilots was sent to the Fiat company in Torino for training in January 1942. The entire acquisition process of new aircraft took several months to complete. The 9 Fiat G.50bis (serial number MM.6178 to 6186) were finally allocated to the NDH. These arrived in Croatia in April 1942. The Fiat G.50B two-seater took even more time to be delivered, arriving in late June 1942. These would be stationed on the Borongaj airfield near Zagreb. Initially, these were used for pilot training. Due to the poor condition of the airfield, two were lightly damaged during landing.
Combat Use
Almost from the start, the new NDH regime began the persecution of all non-Croatian citizens. The Serbian, Roma, and Jewish populations were especially targeted, with numerous atrocities and arrests. Croatians who did not agree with this regime were also persecuted. In response to the NDH’s actions against Yugoslavian civilians, resistance movements began to emerge on its territory. Their Air Force was used in various roles during this time, but due to generally obsolescence of equipment, their impact would be quite limited.
The acquisition of more aircraft like the Fiat G.50 offered a slight increase in its offensive capabilities. Once in service, these received new registration numbers ranging from 2501 to 2509. The single Fiat G.50B received the 3510 designations. In July, five would be allocated to the Rajlovac airfield near Sarajevo. In September three were moved to the Banja Luka to be part of the 16th squadron.
After April 1943 most were pulled back to Zagreb where they were attached to the 1st Squadron. When Italy capitulated to the Allies, all warring parties in Yugoslavia rushed in to take over the abandoned Italian weapons, armored vehicles, and a few remaining aircraft. At Zadar airfield, there were six Fiat G.50 aircraft. These would be captured by the NDH forces. Three of them received 5686, 5956, and 5186 designations. The newly acquired fighters were primarily positioned at Kurilovac and Velika Gorica airfields.
By 1944 it was becoming obvious that the Axis would lose the war, as a result many soldiers and pilots from the NDH Army and Air Force tried to escape to the Partisans. On the 2nd of September 1944, air force pilot Andrija Arapović with a Fiat G.50 (reg. Num. 3505) escaped to the island of Vis, under the control of the Yugoslav communist Partisans. Partisan forces put the captured G.50 to use during the war and it would remain in service up to 1946. An interesting fact about Andrija Arapović’s G.50 aircraft is that it still exists today and can be seen in the Belgrade Military Aviation museum near the Nikola Tesla Airport in Serbia. This is the only surviving example of a G.50 in the world. Another Fiat G.50 escaped joining the Allies in Italy.
By this point the Allies had achieved almost complete air supremacy over southern Eastern Europe, thus flying the slower Fiat G.50 became quite dangerous. In April 1944 several NDH aircraft, including two Fiat G.50, were destroyed in an Allied bombing run on Borongaj. Due to their obsolescence, even the NDH’s best fighters could do little against Allied bombers. In addition, the chronic lack of fuel led to a reduction in combat flights. By mid-September 1944, only 7 aircraft were listed as operational. In October most were allocated to the 2nd Squadron, which was also equipped with MS 406 fighters. When the Partisans liberated Zagreb, some 9 aircraft in various conditions would be captured. Some would be put to use after the war, but their use would be limited. These would be removed from service by the 1st of April 1946.
Technical Characteristics
In NDH service no known modifications were made on the Fiat G. 50. The G.50 was a single-seat, low-wing, all-metal fighter plane. The main fuselage was made from four angular-shaped longerons. The wing construction consisted of a center section which was made of a steel tube connected to the lower fuselage and two metal spars connected with ribs. The fuselage, wing, and tail were covered with duralumin sheets. The only fabric-covered parts were the movable control surfaces in the wings and the tail. It was powered by the 840 hp (626 kW) Fiat A 74 RC 38, a 14-cylinder radial piston engine. An all-metal three-blade propeller produced by Fiat was used.
The G.50 was equipped, like most modern aircraft of the time, with inward retracting landing gear, but the rear tail wheel was fixed. In later improved versions, the rear tail wheel was changed to a retractable type.
The main armament consisted of two forward-firing 12.7mm Breda-SAFAT heavy machine guns, with some 150 rounds of ammunition for each machine gun. The guns were placed behind the upper engine cowl and were synchronized in order not to damage the propeller.
Conclusion
The Fiat G.50 was one of few modern fighters available for NDH service. Their use would be greatly hampered by ever-increasing Allied Air supremacy, lack of fuel, and fear of their pilots defecting. Despite being acquired in relatively small numbers many of them would survive the war albeit in poor condition, while some would see a few more years of service by the newly created Yugoslav Air Force.
Fiat G.50 Specifications
Wingspan
10.9 m / 35 ft 11 in
Length
8 m / 26 ft 3 in
Height
3.28 m / 10 ft 7 in
Wing Area
18.25 m² / 196.5 ft²
Engine
One 840 hp (626 kW) Fiat A.74 RC.38, 14 cylinder radial piston
Empty Weight
1,975 kg / 4,350 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,415 kg / 5,324 lbs
Fuel Capacity
316 l
Maximum Speed
470 km/h / 292 mph
Range
445 km / 267 mi
Maximum Service Ceiling
10,700 m / 35,100 ft
Climb speed
Climb to 6,000 m (19,700 ft) in 7 minutes and 30 seconds
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 12.7 mm Breda-SAFAT heavy machine guns
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustrated by Haryo Panji
Sources:
D. Nešić (2008), Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Italija, Beograd.
G. Cattaneo, The Fiat G.50, Profile Publications number 188
P. Verganano (1997), Fiat G.50,, La Bancarella Aeronautica – Torino.
D. Monday (1984, 2006), The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft Of World War II, Aerospace Publishing Ltd.
V. V. Mikić, (2000) Zrakoplovstvo Nezavisne Države Hrvatske 1941-1945, Vojno istorijski institut Vojske Jugoslavije.
T. Likso and Danko Č. (1998) The Croatian Air Force In The Second World War, Nacionalna Sveučilišna Zagreb.
Germany (1937) Rocket Powered Aircraft – 1 Prototype Built
Prior to, and during the war, the German aviation industry developed a series of operational and prototype aircraft designs. Among the leading new technologies, rocket-powered aircraft were being developed. The concept was initially tested prior to the war on a smaller scale, including limited theoretical tests and prototyping. But further development would lead to the creation of the first rocket-powered aircraft known as the He 176. While it wasn’t accepted for service, it proved that such a concept was feasible and set the stage for the later Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft.
History of Rocket Engine Development in Germany
Following the end of the Great War, Germany was forbidden to have an Air Force. This also included the development of aircraft designs, though this did not stop the Germans from experimenting with new aviation technology. One such new technology was rocket propulsion. One of the first such flights using rocket propulsion occurred in June of 1928, when aviation enthusiast Fritz Stramer took to the sky his rocket-powered glider. Another pioneer in rocket-powered flight occurred at the end of September 1929. A pilot named Fritz von Opel managed to take to the sky in his rocket-powered glider, named Ente (Duck). Von Opel was assisted by another prominent aircraft designer Alexander Martin Lippisch. While technically speaking these were not real rocket-powered flights, given that these gliders did not take to the sky using purely the rocket engine but were towed to altitude. Nevertheless, these flights showed that flight using rocket engines was possible.
Over the following years, Lippisch became quite interested in rocket technology and would join the Deutsche Forschungsinstitut DFS, where he worked as an engineer. There, he developed a series of new glider designs, like the DFS 40. This work would eventually lead to the creation of the Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft. The Junkers Aircraft company also was interested in rocket development as they built and tested rocket take-off boosters. One such engine was ground tested in 1936.
Another stepping stone in rocketry research was the work of Wernher von Braun. In 1932 and 1934 von Braun managed to successfully launch two rockets using liquid-fuel rocket engines. In 1935 he managed to come into contact with Dr. Ernst Heinkel 1935. After von Braun presented his work, Dr. Ernst was highly impressed and promised to provide von Braun with any assistance in his work. For this, he appointed a young and energetic aircraft engineer named Walter Wenzelunzel to assist von Braun. In order to properly test the installation of rocket engines in aircraft designs, a special test center was established at Kummersdorf in 1936.
Dr. Ernst supplied this research team with a few He 112 airframes. The first He 112 was used for ground testing. For this reason, its fuselage was retained while its wings and the original engine were removed. The rocket engine, which ran on a combination of liquid oxygen and alcohol, would be placed in the rear of the fuselage, with the engine nozzle being placed just beneath the tail unit. Von Braun’s team installed the oxygen tanks in front of the cockpit, with the alcohol tank behind the pilot seat. The engine (the sources do not specify its precise designation) could provide a thrust of 1,000 kg (2,200 lb) with an endurance of 30 seconds. During the testing the engine exploded, destroying the aircraft in the process.
Despite this setback, the project went on. By this time, German Army Officials were becoming interested in the project. In order to maintain its secrecy, von Braun and his team were instructed to find a remote auxiliary airfield where these tests could continue to be conducted away from prying eyes. The team, wanting to be close to Berlin, chose a small field at Neuhardenberg, which was covered on most sides by dense forest. Temporary housing, cabins, and tents were quickly set up in 1937 and the work could finally go on.
In 1937 von Braun began close cooperation with another enthusiast of rocket engine development, Helmuth Walter. This cooperation was partly initiated by the German Air Ministry (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM) who intended to use the rocket engines for other proposals, like assistance during take-offs. Walter was a young scientist who was highly interested in rocket propulsion. He managed to obtain military funding, which greatly helped in his work. In 1936 he used a Heinkel He 72 to test this engine. In 1937, he even managed to get the attention of the RLM. The RLM formed a Special Propulsion System department (Sondertriebwerke) with the aim of experimenting with rocket engines in the aircraft industry. While this department was mainly focused on developing rocket engines for short take-off assistance, Walter wanted more than that. He intended to develop a strong rocket engine that could replace the standard piston engines of the day. Walter managed to develop such an engine, named Walter TP-1, which was fueled by the so-called ‘T-Stoff’ (hydrogen peroxide) and ‘Z-Stoff’ (water solution of either calcium or sodium permanganate).
Von Braun requested another aircraft which Henkel provided, this was the He 112 V8 (during these trials it received a slightly changed designation V8/U). The test pilot Erich Warsitz managed to take it to the sky using the aircraft’s original piston engine. Warsitz was a crucial pilot for the German early rocket and jet engine development, being heavily involved in testing and helping with the overall design of both the He 176 and He 178. At about 450 meters Warsitz activated the rocket engine, and during the 30 seconds of the engine burn phase, a speed of nearly 400 km/h (or 460 km/h (286 mph) depending on the source) was reached. Due to the dangerous leakage of the engine, the flight had to be aborted, but otherwise, the flight has deemed a success. This He 112 V8 would be returned to Heinkel, but two more aircraft (H7/U and A-03) would be donated to the rocket research program.
After this flight, all further tests were conducted using the Walter TP-1 rocket engine. In contrast to the von Braun engine which used alcohol and liquid oxygen as fuel, Walter’s own engine used hydrogen-peroxide and calcium permanganate as a catalyst. This engine was deemed safer too, which is somewhat ironic given the corrosive and volatile fuel. To avoid accidentally coming into contact with the Walter engine fuel, the pilot had to wear a highly protective suit. If exposed to the corrosive fuel, it caused disintegration without actually burning.
More tests were conducted at this location until the end of 1937, when the research was to be moved to Peenemunde. Due to some delays, the tests on the He 112 continued on from April 1938.
Heinkel’s First Rocket-Powered Aircraft
Following the series of tests on the He 112, some officials from the RLM began showing great interest in the prospect of using a rocket-powered aircraft interceptor. It was originally hoped that this aircraft would be capable of vertical, or nearly vertical take-off. When sufficient altitude was reached, the aircraft was then to make a swift dive on its target, firing a volley of its full weapon load. After this attack run, it was simply to glide away once it was out of fuel, to its base of operation.
The work on the project was conducted under a veil of secrecy and began in 1936 at the Heinkel Rostock-Marienehe work. The following year the first drawings of the He 176 V1 (derived from “Versuchsmuster 1” meaning “Experimental Model”) were completed by Hans Regner. Interestingly the designers set a huge task in front of them, by actually trying to reach a blistering speed of 1000 km/h (620 mp/h). An astonishing and difficult feat to achieve with such a novelty design. This set a number of challenges that had to be overcome. One of them was a proper wing design able to withstand the pressure of such high speed. For this reason, it had to be designed to be flat, at only 90 millimeters thick, with very sharp leading edges. This in turn caused further problems, as this design would cause the aircraft to stall at low speeds. In addition, the installation of wing fuel tanks would be difficult.
In order to make the whole design smaller and thus save weight, the pilot had to be placed in a rather unpleasant semi-recumbent position, with his legs stretched out in front and the pilot’s seat reclined. This was also done to help the pilot better cope with the extreme G-forces that he would be subjected to during the extremely high forward acceleration. The fuselage had a very small diameter of only 0.8 meters (2ft 7in) and was specially designed according to the height of the test pilot, Warsitz.
The construction of the first prototype was undertaken at the Heinkel’s aircraft works in Marienehe. Once the aircraft was completed, it was to be transported to Peenemunde. The aircraft’s testing was conducted under great secrecy and was transported there via military escort in June 1938. Just prior to the actual testing, Warsitz was informed by RLM officials that given the experimental nature of the design, and Warsitz’s valued status as an experienced test pilot, he was advised not to fly it. Warsitz, who was heavily involved in the He 176 design, protested to Air Minister (Reichsluftfahrtministerium) Ernst Udet, who gave him permission to undertake the first flight. After this was settled, there were some delays with the assembly and engine adjustment.
The initial tests were undertaken on the ground. Due to unsuitable terrain and lack of a proper towing vehicle, ground testing proved ineffective. So it was decided to use the aircraft’s own engine for these tests, which were conducted at the end of 1938. Using the He 178’s own engine on the ground presented a new problem, namely the rudder could not provide steering during take-off. As the aircraft had no propellers to generate airflow, steering the aircraft using the rudder on take-off was ineffective, thus the only way to maintain the aircraft’s heading was by using the left and right brakes on the main wheels. This was quite dangerous for the pilot and the aircraft, as an imbalanced braking force could potentially lead to an accident. The result of the initial testing showed that some changes to the overall structural design were needed. For this, the Heinkel crews spent the winter of 1939 modifying the He 178.
First Flights
During the Spring of 1939, a series of small test flights were conducted with the He 178. Somewhat unexpectedly, the Heinkel team was visited by an RLM delegation led by Udet himself. After observing the He 178 on the short flight they were quite impressed, but surprisingly for the Heinkel team, Udet forbade any more flights on it. Mostly due to fear for the pilot’s life. After some delays, Warsitz visited Udet in Berlin and filed a plea that the project should go on. Udet finally accepted this and gave a green light.
While the first official flight of the He 176 was to be conducted under the supervision of many RLM officials, feeling that something might go wrong, Erich Warsitz and Heinkel’s team (without the knowledge of Dr. Erns) decided to perform the flight in secrecy. The date for this was set on the 20th of June, 1939. After a rough take-off, the pilot managed to take the He 176 to the sky. Given the small fuel load, the flight lasted around a minute. Overall, the first test flight was deemed a success. The following day, Udet and his delegation visited the site and observed another test flight.
The Fuhrer Inspects the He 176
A couple of days later Warsitz and Heinkel’s team were informed that any further flights were forbidden. The reason was that Hitler himself became interested in the project and wanted to personally see the aircraft. The He 176 was to be transported to the Rechlin Secret Test Center and shown to many high-ranking members of the Luftwaffe. On the 3rd of July 1939, the aircraft was to be demonstrated to a large delegation including Hitler himself. First, a flight of a He 111 equipped with rocket-assisted take-off was shown to Hitler, which greatly impressed him. Another Heinkel innovative design, the He 178 jet-engine powered aircraft, was also present. While it was not yet capable of taking to the sky it was used for ground testing. Next in the line for inspection was the He 176, after a brief examination of its interior by the delegation, the stage was set for it to take to the sky. The flight initially went well, but the pilot miscalculated and shut down the engine too soon. While still at high speed, he began descending rather rapidly. After several attempts to restart the engine, he finally succeeded, just before hitting the ground. The plane took an almost vertical climb of some 50 meters before the pilot regained control and landed it safely. Hitler and his delegation were under the impression that the pilot performed this maneuver intentionally to demonstrate the aircraft’s potential. For his flight, the pilot was awarded 20,000 Reichsmarks.
The End of the Project
After this exhibit, Heinkel’s team tried to prepare the He 176 for reaching speeds up to 1,000 km/h. Structural analysis of the design, on the other hand, showed that this would not be possible. For this reason, preparation for the construction of a second prototype was underway. It was to be powered by a von Braun rocket engine, which suggested that the aircraft could be launched vertically. This was possible thanks to weight reduction efforts sufficient to enable vertical take-off.
Ultimately the whole project would be canceled. The order was given by Adolf Hilter, who insisted that designs that could not enter production in less than a year, be canceled. Despite Heinkel’s attempt to win over Udet’s support, it went nowhere and the project was officially terminated.
The He 176 V1 was disassembled and transported to the Aviation Museum in Berlin to be exhibited. Sadly it would be later on destroyed in one of many Allied bombing raids. The He 176 V2 was almost complete, but its parts were eventually scrapped. The V3 had also been under construction, but was ultimately abandoned in its early stages.
Technical Characteristics
The He 176 was designed as an all-metal, high-wing rocket-powered experimental reconnaissance aircraft. Its fuselage had a simple circular cross-section design. The wings had an asymmetrical profile and were quite thin. During take-off, there was a significant chance of the wingtips contacting the ground, due to the fuselage’s small diameter and extreme vibrations during take-off. To avoid damaging them, Heinkel engineers added a “U” shaped metal bar under each wingtip as a temporary solution. The wings were also initially to act as fuel tanks, but this feature had to be abandoned on the prototype, and fuel was instead stored behind the cockpit. The tail and rudder design was more or less conventional.
The rocket engine chosen for the He 176 was the Walter RI type. It provided thrust ranging between 45 kg to 500 kg (100 to 1,1100 lb) with an endurance of one minute. Due to the weight issues combined with a relatively weak propulsion unit, the desired speed of 1,000 km/h (620 mph) was never reached. The maximum speed reached by this aircraft differs greatly between sources. For example, D. Nešić mentioned that the maximum speed was only 345 kmh, while authors J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay quoted a figure of 700 kmh. Lastly, the test pilot himself in his own logbook mentioned that he managed to reach a speed of 800 kmh (500 mph).
The landing gear consisted of one front smaller wheel, two larger wheels 700 mm in diameter, and one more to the rear. While the front wheel was fixed the remaining three were completely retractable.
The cockpit provided the pilot with an excellent forward view and was made of plexiglass. Given the experimental nature of this aircraft, great attention was given to pilot safety. As in case of emergency, bailing out of the fast-moving and cramped aircraft was almost impossible. Heinkel engineers designed the entire cockpit section to be jettisonable. The cockpit assembly was connected to the fuselage by four locks which were equipped with small explosive charges. When the pilot was jettisoned from the fuselage his parachute would open automatically and allow him to land safely. This system was tested by using a wooden cockpit containing a dummy pilot. This trial cockpit was then taken to the sky by a He 111 and at sufficient height, it was released. The parachute opened without an issue and it landed on the ground intact. The results of the dummy pilot showed that this system was safe if the cockpit landed on soft ground.
The small size of the cockpit prevented the use of a standard instrument panel, as it would severely affect the pilot’s forward visibility. Instead, the instruments were placed to the left and the right of the pilot. Interestingly, while Heinkel did not intend to arm the aircraft, RLM officials insisted that two machine gun ports be placed beside the pilot. Due to the cramped cockpit interior, the two machine guns had to be placed where the pilots’ side controls were positioned. As this would cause delays and much-needed redesign work, the Heinkel engineers simply placed machine gun ports (without the actual machine guns equipped) and kept the original control units in place. The RLM officials, when visiting the work, were told that these were just temporary measures.
The Only Photograph
Given the secretive nature of the project, RLM officials effectively gathered all films and photos for themselves. All persons involved in the project were also forbidden from taking any pictures. At the war’s end, the Soviets either destroyed or captured these and their final fate is unknown. Sometime after the war, many artists attempted to produce sketches of how the He 176 may have looked. These greatly differed from the original design, but given the lack of information and general obscurity of the He 176, this is understandable.
Conclusion
The He 176 project arose as a collaboration of several different parties. It was heavily influenced by rocket engine testing and development done by von Braun and Walter. Heinkel Flugzeugwerke provided the necessary resources and production capabilities, while test pilot Erich Warsitz provided valuable feedback which guided necessary changes and improvements to the design.
It was a novel idea to use rockets to power aircraft, which offered numerous advantages, such as reaching high speed and altitude very quickly. Given that this project was more or less a Heinkel private venture in the development of new technologies it likewise did not find a place in German military service. It, however, did set the stage for future designs like the Me 163, which actually saw some combat during the war.
He 176 Specifications
Wingspans
4 m / 13 ft 1 in
Length
5 m / 16 ft 4 in
Height
1.4 m / 4 ft 7 in
Wing Area
8 m² / 53 ft²
Engine
Walter RI rocket engine
Empty Weight
1,570 kg / 3,455lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,000 kg / 4,400 lbs
Maximum Speed
700 km/h / 435 mph
Endurance flight Range
60 seconds
Crew
One Pilot
Armament
None
Gallery
Illustration by Godzilla
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustration by Godzilla
Sources
D. Nešić (2008), Naoružanje Drugog Svetskog Rata Nemačka Beograd
M. Griehl (2012) X-Planes German Luftwaffe Prototypes 1930-1945, Frontline Book
D. Mondey (2006). The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
D. Donald (1998) German Aircraft Of World War II, Blitz Publisher
J. R Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009), Aircraft Of The Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland & Company Inc
L. Warsitz (2008) The First Jet Pilot The Story of German Test Pilot Erich Warsitz Pen and Sword Aviation
Germany (1943) Experimental Circular Wing Aircraft – 1 Prototype Built
In the history of aviation there were many designers who had ambitious ideas and concepts for new designs, but never had the chance to bring their ideas to fruition. On the other hand, there were those who had radical or even completely impractical designs that did manage, at least to some extent, to be built. Germany had a fair share of such individuals, especially during the later stages of the Second World War. These designers may have proposed their projects out of desperation to save their country or in fear of being sent to the front. There were also those that were simply enthusiasts in aircraft development but lacked a better understanding of how aerodynamics actually work. One such person was Arthur Sack (1900-1964), who prior to the war came up with the idea of building a circular-wing aircraft known simply as the Sack AS-6.
History
Prior to the war, Germans were prohibited from developing and building military aircraft. The Germans simply bypassed this prohibition by instead focusing on gliders, but also on civilian aircraft which if needed would be quickly converted for military use and conducted secret experiments. They especially took great care in the development and investment of manned gliders, but also scale model-building competitions and organizations. While this may seem like a waste of time and money, it actually helped gain initial and valuable experience in aircraft development which proved vital for the later Luftwaffe.
One such model competition was the National Contest of Aero Models with combustion engines, held in late June 1939 at Leipzig-Mockau. Here, aviation enthusiast Arthur Sack presented his model of an unusually circular-wing-shaped aircraft named AS-1. It is sadly unclear why Sack pursued the design of such an unusual aircraft design. Due to engine problems, the AS-1 was unable to take off from the ground, so the small model had to be launched by hand instead. The Air Minister (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM) Ernst Udet, who was present at the event, seemed to be impressed with this design and advised Sack to continue its development.
Thanks to financial support from the RLM, Sack was able to proceed with the development and even the construction of a few scale models, a process that lasted some three years. In 1943 he submitted a fully operational model SA-5 to the RLM. The presentation went well for Sack and the RLM commission provided the necessary funds for the construction of a fully operational prototype. Interestingly, at some point Sack came into contact with another unusual aircraft designer Dr. Alexander Lippisch. While not completely clear, it appears that Sack received some design tips from Lippisch, to better improved his work.
With the order secured, Sack initiated the construction of a prototype. He named this aircraft the AS-6 V1 (Versuchs – version). As he had no proper workshop to build the aircraft himself, the glider manufacturer Mitteldeutsche Metallwerke was tasked with this instead. The initial work for the assembly of the aircraft began in the autumn of 1943. It took nearly half a year to complete the working prototype. Interestingly, due to the general shortage of materials, the AS-6 was constructed by utilizing a considerable amount of salvaged components from other damaged aircraft. For example, the cockpit canopy and parts of the interior were taken from a Bf 109B. Once the prototype was ready, it was allocated to the Luftwaffe for initial tests in early 1944.
Technical Characteristics
The AS-6 was designed as an experimental prototype to test the idea of using circular-wing design. Sadly, this aircraft is quite obscure and poorly documented so not much is known about its overall design. It was a single-seater aircraft that was mostly built out of wood. It did not have a classical fuselage, instead, the majority of the aircraft consisted of two large circular wings. The internal design is more or less conventional with a wooden construction frame being covered with canvas. Two large elevators were installed on the rear of the wings. The tail assembly is a conventional design as well, consisting of one vertical stabilizer and two horizontal stabilizers.
The AS-6 was powered by a 240 hp Argus As 10C-3 engine driving a two-blade wooden propeller. The engine was housed in a metal frame, which was then bolted to the AS-6 fuselage. The engine was salvaged from a Bf 108 aircraft.
The cockpit canopy and its interior, as already mentioned, were taken from a Bf 109B. The cockpit was slightly elevated above the fuselage and provided the pilot with an excellent all-around view. The landing gear was also salvaged from a Bf 109B, but in the case of the AS-6, it was fixed. Initially, a landing skid was used on the rear, which was later replaced with a landing wheel instead.
Testing the Prototype
Initial evaluation tests of the AS-6 prototype were conducted at the Luftwaffe Brandis Airbase. The flight tests were conducted by Rolf Baltabol Junkers test pilot. While several short take-offs were made, there were no attempts to actually take the aircraft to the sky. The test pilot noted that the aircraft had an overall poor design and was difficult to control. He urged that the control surfaces and rudder be completely redesigned. The engine was also deemed too weak. During the last short take-off, one of the two landing gear assemblies was damaged.
The AS-6, following its unsuccessful start, spent several weeks in repairs and received a number of modifications in an attempt to improve its performance. These included adding an additional 70 kg of weight to the rear, installation of brakes taken from a Ju 88, and repositioning the landing wheels to the rear by about 20 cm. Sack proposed moving the landing wheels further back, but the test pilot Rolf simply refused to fly it if this change was implemented. He argued that placing the landing gear to the rear would imbalance the aircraft potentially leading to tipping forward during a take-off. For this reason, the modification was not implemented. While the engine was underpowered, there were simply no alternatives available at that time.
The next test was scheduled for April 1944. During these tests, Rolf tried to take it to the sky, but failed again to do so. This time it was noted that the wings were simply too short. Further tests were canceled, the AS-6 was to await more modifications, and was to be tested in a wind tunnel; if possible with a completely new engine.
The fate of the AS-6
Following the unsuccessful testing, the AS-6 was stored at the Brandis airfield. In the summer of 1944, this airfield became the main operational base for the experimental Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft. The pilots of the I./JG 400 (charged with testing the Me 163) found the AS-6. One of its pilots, Franz Rossle, expressed a desire to attempt flying the unusual plane. But when the ground crew was preparing the aircraft for take-off, one of its landing gear units simply broke due to rough terrain, effectively preventing the test flight to be conducted. After this, it was once again stored at Brandis. It would remain there until early 1945 when it was lost in an Allied bombing raid.
The AS-7 project
While not clear when (possibly during early 1945), Sack approached Messerschmitt company with a proposal to use his circular-wing design on the Bf 109K-4 aircraft. The aircraft marked as SA-7 would be powered by a DB 605 2,000 hp engine. Fitted with circular wings it was theorized that it would be capable of carrying more armament inside the wings. It is believed (but not clear) that Messerschmitt was interested in this proposal and designated the project Me 600. Due to the war’s end, nothing really came from this project.
Conclusion
While certainly an unusual and interesting design, due to poor quality and salvaged materials used during its construction, the AS-6 performed poorly and never actually achieved flight. We will never know if the AS-6 circular-wing design offered any major advantage over more conventional wing designs. It appears that Arthur Sack did not continue with his idea after the war and passed away in the mid-1960’s. While his work was never implemented in mass production, his unusual design was often mistakenly taken as some advanced and secret German World War II project, which ironically, it never was.
The LWF Model G was a multi-purpose two-man aircraft designed by LWF in 1918. While it was originally designed as a reconnaissance plane, it was redesigned to be equipped as a heavy fighter or bomber. Two aircraft were built for the United States Army Air Services for evaluation, where the craft reached 138 mph in its fighter loadout whilst carrying seven 7.62mm guns. Both prototypes would unfortunately crash, and with the First World War over, the Army Air Service no longer needed the aircraft. After the war, a third Model G was built as a mailplane.
History
The L.W.F. Engineering Company was an American aircraft manufacturer founded in 1915 by Edward Lowe Jr, Charles F. Willard, and Robert G. Fowler, with the company name being an acronym of their last names. The three had worked in the aviation industry before forming the company, with each using the experience they had learned to contribute to the company’s designs. In particular, the company was well known for its laminated wood, monocoque fuselages. Their first commercial product would be the LWF Model V, a two-seat reconnaissance/trainer aircraft for the United States Army Air Service. This would be their most popular aircraft, with over 100 being built before the end of the war. LWF would further experiment with the Model V, creating an improved prototype called the Model F. The Model F would replace the 135 hp (100 kW) Thomas-Morse engine of the Model V with a powerful 350 hp (261 kW) Liberty L-12 engine. This is claimed to be the first aircraft in the world to fly with a Liberty engine. The success of the Model F would inspire a successor design also using the Liberty engine, the Model G.
The LWF Model G was drawn up in late 1917 as a high-speed reconnaissance/training plane using the aforementioned Liberty engine. It would bear a strong resemblance to the Model F, only differing in length and a few minor details. The first Model G aircraft was built in early January of 1918. On January 16th, the aircraft would take flight for the first time. The flight would start smoothly after takeoff but with a strong wind the aircraft was forced into a loop and entered into a tailspin, crashing into the ground and being completely destroyed. A second prototype would be constructed not long after the destruction of the first. This new prototype would be known as the Model G-1. The G-1 improved greatly upon the standard G model, but had more than its original reconnaissance and training role in mind. Instead of being solely a reconnaissance plane, the G-1 was envisioned as a capable two-seat fighter and light bomber. Each of the different configurations differed in terms of what they carried, whether it be weapons, bombs or extra armor. The G-1 was completed and flying by the summer of 1918, and its performance was superb. Test flights were done numerous times in front of both military and government officials to demonstrate the engine and its performance. By this point the Liberty engine had been upgraded to have 435hp (324.3 kW). Thanks to its more powerful Liberty engine, it was able to achieve incredible feats. In its fighter configuration, it was to carry an impressive armament of seven 7.62 machine guns. During a test flight, the aircraft was able to achieve a speed of 128mph (206 km/h) while carrying all of its weapons, fuel, and crew. In its bomber configuration, it would carry the same amount of guns, as well as additional armor and bomb racks.
Testing of the Model G-1 continued into late summer, when it was reworked into the Model G-2. The G-2 had several modifications to increase performance and handling. The control surfaces were fixed to be more balanced, and the ribs of the wings were doubled to improve structural stability. The improved design is noted as performing significantly better than the G-1. During a fully loaded flight , the improved Model G-2 went 10mph faster than the G-1, clocking in at 138mph. In comparison, the French Spad XIII fighter, one of the most highest performing production aircraft of the war, had the exact same top speed of 138mph (222 km/h) as the Model G-2, and it was a considerably lighter aircraft with only two machine guns. Testing of the G-2 continued through 1918 and showed excellent results. The aircraft was trialed in all three configurations and performance was recorded for each. On November 11th, the First World War came to an end. Despite there being no need for a fighter like the Model G, the type was still tested. A week after the end of hostilities, November 18th, the Model G-2 took off again. The aircraft however had taken off in dense fog, making visibility difficult. Due to the fog, the G-2 would crash and be totally destroyed. With the war over and both military prototypes destroyed, the pursuit of the Model G as a combat aircraft was over and LWF instead focused on the now-growing civilian market. There is mention on a photograph of the Model G-2 that an order for 600 of the aircraft was put out by the Army Air Service, but there is no mention of this in other sources. No production aircraft were built outside of the two military prototypes.
In 1919, a 3rd Model G was built as a mailplane. Little is known regarding this aircraft outside of a single photo. In the photo, which is dated April of 1919, long after both of the previous aircraft had crashed, an unarmed Model G is depicted. What is interesting about this version is that it had a four-bladed wooden propeller, whereas the previous models only had a two blade. Converting the Model G from a combat aircraft to a mailplane was a logical evolution. The Liberty engine would allow it to make quicker deliveries than its contemporaries, and it was able to carry up to 1,200 Ib (544.3 Kg) of cargo. Despite this advantage, only a single example was built. The fate of the mailplane is unknown, but it was likely scrapped years later once service was done, hopefully not meeting the same fate as the previous two Model Gs. No more work was done on the aircraft after the mailplane was finished.
Design
The LWF Model G, and its upgrades, were a two-seat biplane multirole aircraft. The fuselage was constructed of laminated wood monocoque in a very aerodynamic cigar shape. It bore a resemblance to the sleek monocoque fighters of Germany, like the Pfalz D.III or Albatros D.V. In the nose, a Liberty L-12 engine was connected to a 2-bladed wooden propeller. At first the engine would be 350 hp (261 kW) but it was later upgraded to 435hp (324.3 kW) on the Model G-1 and onward. On the postwar mailplane, a four bladed propeller was used. The engine itself wasn’t fully covered, with about half protruding from the fuselage. On the nose were two radiators. Behind the engine sat the pilot. A windscreen protected the pilot from the wind and elements. Flight surfaces were controlled via two control sticks. The wings were two-bay and covered in fabric, with ailerons used on both pairs of wings. Beneath the fuselage was the landing gear. Two rubber lined wheels held the aircraft up on a basic landing gear frame. At the end of the fuselage was a landing skid. Behind the pilot sat the observer, who would handle observation duties in its basic configuration, and would serve as the gunner on the fighter and bomber configurations. His position was protected by a small windscreen as well. At the end of the tail were the vertical and horizontal stabilizers. The horizontal stabilizers were supported by two struts connected to the tailfin.
On the Model G and reconnaissance/training versions of the G-1 and G-2, no armament would be used. For armament on the fighter and bomber versions of the G-1 and G-2, a total of seven 7.62mm machine guns would be used; five Marlin and two Lewis guns. Two would be built into the fuselage, forward facing. Two more would also be forward facing but would be mounted on the engine itself. The remaining three would be operated by the gunner with two on a movable mount and the last protruding from the underside of the belly. The double mount was highly mobile and offered a great range of fire for the gunner to defend the aircraft. Four bomb racks capable of carrying up to 592 Ibs (268.5 Kg) of bombs were equipped for the bomber configuration. The bomber configuration also carried 66 Ib (30 Kg) of armor for protection of the crew/internals.
The aircraft was painted overall in two tones. From above it was painted a dark brown to blend in with the ground, while from below it was painted a sky blue. The tailfin was painted in the signature red-white-blue found on other American combat aircraft. Two Army Air Service roundels were painted on the upper and lower wings.
Conclusion
The LWF Model G was an impressive aircraft all around, being able to carry a large arsenal of weapons while maintaining a high speed for an aircraft of its stature. Unfortunately, despite being so successful, the aircraft wasn’t adopted for production and with the loss of both prototypes, the military was possibly wary of the aircraft despite its success. With the war over, a need for the type wasn’t necessary, as the aviation industry moved into a more civilian-oriented market.
In the time frame of its development, even if it had been selected for production, it was so late in the war it likely wouldn’t have seen combat. Had it however, the LWF Model G would have been a truly terrifying foe to enemy aircraft, thanks to its powerful armament and fast top speed. With its seven 7.62mm machine guns, it carried more guns than several bombers of the time period.
LWF would continue designing their own aircraft post-war, most of them mailplanes like the Model G, but they too would never catch on. LWF would also license build aircraft from other companies during the 1920s. This wouldn’t last long, however, as the company would file for bankruptcy and become defunct in 1924.
Variants
LWF Model G – Prototype, unarmed. Equipped with Liberty V-12 engine. Crashed on first flight. One built.
LWF Model G-1 – 2nd Prototype, multirole. Improved upon the Model G and could be configured to do reconnaissance, dogfighting or bombing. Carried an impressive seven 7.62mm machineguns. Increased engine performance.
LWF Model G-2 – Modified version of the G-1. Had changes made to the design to increase handling and performance.
LWF Model G Mailplane – Unarmed mailplane version of the G-2. 1 built after the war.
Operators
United States of America – The LWF Model G was designed for use by the Army Air Service. Despite its success, the end of the war made the aircraft no longer needed. The 3rd Model G served as a mailplane.
LWF Model G-2 Specifications
Wingspan
41 ft 7 in /12.5 m
Length
29 ft 1 in / 8.8 m
Height
9 ft 4 in / 2.7 m
Wing Area
515.54 ft² / 47.9 m²
Engine
1x 435 hp ( 324.3 kW ) Liberty V-12 inline engine
Propeller
1x 2-blade 9 ft 7 in / 2.7 m wooden propeller (1,800 RPM)
Fuel Capacity
90 US Gal / 340.6 L
Water Capacity
14 US Gal / 53 L
Oil Capacity
6 US Gal / 22.7 L
Weights
Empty
2,675 lb / 1213.3 kg
Fighter
4,023 lb / 1824.8 kg
Bomber
4,879.5 lb / 2213.3 kg
Climb Rate
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Standard)
7.28 minutes
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Fighter)
9.18 minutes
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Bomber)
14.15 minutes
Maximum Speed
130 mph / 209.2 km/h at 10,000 ft / 3048 m
138 mph /222 km/h at Sea Level
Landing Speed
50 mph / 80.5 km/h
Endurance
4 hours
Maximum Service Ceiling
24,000 ft / 7315.2 m (Model G)
Crew
1 Pilot
1 Observer/Gunner
Armament
5x 30 Caliber (7.62mm) Marlin machineguns
2x 30 Caliber (7.62mm) Lewis machineguns
4 bomb racks (carrying capacity 592 Ib / 268.5 Kg)
Jane, F. (1969). Jane’s all the world’s aircraft 1919. New York: Arco Pub.
Green, W. & Swanborough, G. (2002). The complete book of fighters : an illustrated encyclopedia of every fighter aircraft built and flown. London: Salamander.
Germany (1944) Rocket-Powered Interceptor Prototype – 1 Built
The Me 163 showed to have great potential as a fast rocket-powered interceptor, but its design had some shortcomings. These included a limited view from the cockpit, lacking of landing gear, increased fuel storage, etc. The German companies Messerschmitt and later Junkers tried to resolve this by implementing a number of improvements to its design leading to the Me 163D of which only a few prototypes were built given the late start of the program.
History
The Me 163 small size, while reducing the overall cost of the aircraft, enforced limitation of the fuel that could be stored inside which in turn led to a limited operational powered flight time of fewer than 8 minutes. In combat operations, this proved to be insufficient but no auxiliary tanks could be added to the Me 163 wings not inside of it. Another issue was the lack of proper landing gear. The Me 163 was instead forced to use a two-wheel dolly. Once the aircraft was in the air, the dolly was jettisoned. On occasion, there were accidents regarding this system when for example the dolly refused to be detached from the aircraft or even worse when it bounced off the ground and hit the aircraft from below. On the landing, the Me 163 were to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. After landing the aircraft was immobile and essentially an easy target for enemy crafts. For this reason, a normal retracting landing gear unit was desirable but once again due to Me 163 small size impossible to install.
To redress the previously mentioned issues engineers at Messerschmitt began working on an improved version named Me 163C. It incorporated a longer fuselage, extended cockpit, having an engine with two combustion chambers, and other modifications. The work on this version was rather slow and by war end not much was done on it besides a few incomplete airframes.
Parallel with the Me 163C development another project was carried out in early 1944 once again by Messerschmitt. This project was initially designated as Me 163D and was to have substantial numbers of improvements mostly regarding the overall shape of the aircraft, engine use, weaponry etc. For testing this new concept of substantially extending the aircraft fuselage if it was feasible at all. One or two (depending on the source) Me 163 (BV13 and BV18) was to be experimentally modified with an extended fuselage. In addition, experimental landing gear was also to be added. The testing of this rebuilt aircraft proved to be feasible and so the work on a fully built prototype began in earnest.
Name
The Me 163D project, due to Messerschmitt being simply overburdened with the Me 262 production, would instead be given to Junkers company. Once in their hands, the project was renamed Ju 248. The Me 163D obviously had an identity crisis as in late 1944 it was once again given back to Messerschmitt. Once back to its original designers, the project once again changed its name, this time to Me 263. As all three designations are basically correct for this aircraft, this article will use the original Me 163D designation for the sake of simplicity and to avoid any possible confusion.
First Prototype
Despite being originally designed by Messerschmitt, it was actually assembled in Junkers factories sometime during August 1944 or in early 1945 (the sources are not clear here). After that it would be returned to Messerschmitt where it was planned to examine and test its overall performance. While it was intended to have an increase in fuel capacity and an improved engine, the first prototype had actually no engine installed at that time. The Me 163D V1 (DV-PA) prototype was also provided with a new retractable tricycle landing gear which was to help with the mobility during the ground drive.
Given that no engine was fitted to the Me 163D, first flight testing was done as a glider, in late 1944. After these were conducted the prototype was in a series of wind-tunnel testings. The results of these two test trials (flight and wind tunnel) showed that the Me 163D was not capable of safely achieving dive speeds that were greater than its normal flight speed. In this regard, it was inferior to the original Me 163 aircraft which could achieve extensive dive speed but still managed to preserve good flight controls. The Messerschmitt engineers at this phase even considered redesigning the rear tail unit, but nothing came of it. The tricycle landing gear units did not offer good mobility on the ground, this was mainly due to it being too narrow. The Germans had plans to test using a parachute that was to be released during landing to help reduce the need for a long airfield. If this was tested or even installed on a Me 163D is unknown.
Technical characteristics
The Me 163D like its predecessor was designed as a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing tailless aircraft. Given its experimental nature and its late development into the war, not much is known about its precise technical characteristics. Its overall construction would probably be similar to the previous versions, with a fuselage being built of metal and wooden wings.
The semi-monocoque construction fuselage was longer and was now 7.88 m ( 25 ft 10 in) compared to the original 5.84 m (9 ft 2 in) length. It had a good overall aerodynamic shape. The wings were swept to the back at a 19° angle, compared to the Me 163B 23.3° angle.
The pilot cockpit received a new ‘bubble-shaped canopy. This provided the pilot with a much greater field of view. Given that it was intended to operate at great heights, the Me 163 D cockpit was to be pressurized and for this was bolted to the fuselage.
The Me 163D was to be powered by an improved Walter 109-509C rocket engine. It was provided by two combustion chambers. While the sources are not clear if this engine was ever installed in the Me 163D, the estimated maximum speed was noted to be 950 km/h (590 mph) or up to 1,000 km/h (620 mph) depending on the source. It should also provide more economical consumption of fuel providing an operational range of some 160-220 km (100-140 mile) once again depending on the source. The operational flight endurance was increased from 7 minutes and 30 seconds to 15 minutes.
To overcome the previous Me 163B version’s lack of proper landing gear, the Me 163D was provided with the retractable tricycle landing gear. It consisted of a forward smaller and two larger wheels in the rear, just below the wing roots. All three of these retracted to the rear into the fuselage.
The fuel load consisted of 1040 liters (229 gallons) of T-Stoff and 492 liters of C-Stoff. The Me 163 was notorious for having only a limited endurance flight ofOnce the fuel was spent the pilots were to simply glide the aircraft back to the base.
The armament consisted of two 30 mm (1.18 in) MK 108 cannons, which were placed in the wing roots. Depending on the source the ammunition storage for each cannon ranged between 40 to 75 rounds.
Production
It is often mentioned in the sources that one complete and one partially complete prototype were built, by the war’s end. According to M. Griehl (Jet Planes of the Third Reich) on the other hand, mentioned that at least three prototypes were built with less than 20 aircraft being in various states of construction when these were captured by the Allies in 1945.
Service
The limited operational test use of the Me 163D and the German plans for it is not clear. Once again depending on the sources, there are mostly two versions. It appears that despite some faults in its design the Germans were willing to proceed with its further development. Given the end of the war, it should not be surprising that this was ever achieved. In another version, the work on the Me163D after some testing flight in February 1945 was officially terminated by the Luftwaffe officials. Mostly due to the fact that production of its unique and dangerous fuel is no longer possible.
The fate of these aircraft is not clear, given either information that these were either destroyed or captured by the Soviets. The latter option seems more likely as some sources suggest that the Soviets based on the Me 163D after the war developed their own version of it, the I-270. The project led nowhere and it would be abandoned.
Me 163D V1 – Completed prototype
Me 163D V2 – Incomplete second prototype
Me 163D V3 – Possible third prototype being built with additional 18 airframes
Conclusion
Given its experimental nature and its late introduction, it is quite difficult to make the final decision on the general properties of this aircraft. While it introduced some improvements in comparison to the previous version it also had issues regarding its reaching speed during dive flights. Despite offering the Germans a relatively cheap aircraft the whole Me 163 project by 1945 was essentially over given the general impossibility of production of its unique fuel. Nevertheless despite its downsides, the Me 163 whole series was certainly an interesting concept that had some merits that unfortunately for the Germans were never completely implemented.
Me 163D V1 Specifications
Wingspans
31 ft 2 in / 9.5 m
Length
25 ft 10 in / 7.88m
Height
ft in / 3.17 m
Wing Area
192.6 ft² / 17.91 m²
Engine
HWL 509 rocket engine
Empty Weight
4,400 lbs / 2,000 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
11,660 lbs / 5.300 kg
Maximum Speed
590 mph / 950 km/h
Operational range
100 mil / 160 km
Engine endurance
15 minutes
Maximum Service Ceiling
52,480 ft / 16,000 m
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 30 mm MK108 cannons
Gallery
Artist Conception of the Me 263 – by Carpaticus
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustrated by Carpaticus
Source:
D. Nešić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemcaka. Beograd.
E. T. Maloney and U. Feist (1968) Messerschmitt Me 163, Fallbrook
M. Emmerling and J. Dressel (1992) Messerschmitt Me 163 “Komet” Vol.II, Schiffer Military History
J.R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German AIrcraft of the Second World War, Putham
The Aero Spacelines PG-2 was an oversize cargo aircraft with an extremely large cargo hold, designed to airlift the first and second stages of the Saturn V rocket from their factories to Cape Canaveral, Florida, for final assembly. To save on costs, the aircraft would use components from existing aircraft, and most interestingly would use several key components from the British Saunders Roe Princess flying boat, hence the nickname “Princess Guppy”. Unfortunately, due to opposition from Congress, and the deterioration of the Princess aircraft, none of the type would be built.
NASA and the Transportation Problem
The race to the moon in the 1960s between the United States and Soviet Union introduced a number of challenges upon the growing aerospace industry. The task at hand was one of the biggest endeavors in human history, requiring manpower, materials, logistics, training, and calculations never used before to achieve such a tremendous goal. In America, the Apollo program was well underway, composed of the Apollo spacecraft and the massive Saturn V rocket it would be launched from. The Saturn V (at this point called the Saturn C-5), was a multistage launch platform with 3 different stages. Logistically, there was a problem with its design. The Saturn V was meant to be assembled and launched from Cape Canaveral in Florida, but the first and second stages of the rocket were assembled in completely different states. The first stage, S-IC, was assembled in New Orleans by Boeing, while the second stage, S-II, was produced on the opposite end of the country in California by North American Aviation. This created a massive challenge regarding transportation. The two stages were massive in size, each having a diameter of 33 ft (10 m). The first stage had a length of 138 ft (42 m) while the second stage had a length of 83 ft (24.9 m). Transporting these two components was a major issue, as almost nothing could quickly move these to Cape Canaveral. This led to NASA deciding to use an aircraft to transport the 1st and 2nd stages. However, this brought on yet another problem. At the time, no aircraft then in service could carry such a large and ungainly cargo, leading several aircraft companies to propose concept aircrafts to complete such a task. Due to the nature of the challenge, the proposals often were unorthodox in their design to accommodate the large load. One company, however, was formed deliberately to fill NASA’s airlifting needs.
Aero Spacelines was formed in 1960 by Jack M. Conroy with NASA as their main customer in mind. Jack, being a former Air Force and commercial pilot, knew of their transportation issue regarding rocket components even before the Saturn V rocket, beginning with their previous multistage rocket designs. He proposed using modified Boeing 377 Stratocruiser airliners with large overhead cargo holds to carry these rocket components from their manufacturers to their assembly points. The first of his “Guppy” designs as they were called, the Pregnant Guppy, first flew in 1962 and was awarded contract work for NASA as an airlifter. The Pregnant Guppy was still too small, however, to carry the large 1st and 2nd stages of the Saturn V, and so a larger design began to be drawn up. An early study was done with an entirely new fuselage using B-36 wings and control surfaces to save on parts. This design would have a cargo hold with a diameter of 40 ft (12.2 m), allowing it to carry both boosters. Little is known of this design outside of this but it would be quickly changed on January 30th, 1964 when John M. Conroy announced Aero Spacelines would design a new oversized load airlifter based on the Saunders Roe Princess.
The Saunders Roe Princess: A Dead Dream Revived.
The Saunders Roe Princess was the biggest flying boat design built in Britain, and the biggest all metal flying boat ever built. Originally designed as an innovative transatlantic passenger liner, it would first fly in August of 1952. However the Princess encountered two major issues. The ten Proteus engines used were underpowered, causing performance to suffer. On a more pressing matter, the Princess found itself being quickly outdated as it was developed. With the arrival of the De Havilland Comet, the world’s first jet powered airliner, in the same year as the Princess, it was quickly shown that piston-engine airliners, let alone floatplanes, was a dying breed of travel. Jet aircraft could fly faster, smoother, and further than piston engine airliners, and the Princess couldn’t find buyers because of this change in the market. In addition, the amount of airfields left in Britain after the Second World War nullified the benefits of flying boats and their lack of need for airfields. A single Princess would be built and tested, with two more being completed, but not flown, when the program was ended. The three Princesses were put into storage, cocooned away in hopes that a buyer would eventually come and save them.
Over the years several interested parties would look at the Princesses but no deal ever came to fruition. The three airframes would sit in storage for a decade (1954-1964) when they came to the attention of Jack M. Conroy. Interestingly, this wouldn’t be the first time the US considered acquiring the three aircraft, as the Navy had once proposed to convert the three into flying nuclear-powered test beds, but this plan never progressed past a few models and drawings. At the time, Conroy was still working on his booster carrier concept using B-36 components, but the large design of the Princess gave him an idea. Instead of the B-36, Conroy had the idea of reusing the same parts from the Princess. The plans were quickly reworked and came to be known as the PG-2 Princess Guppy. The PG-2 would reuse the wings from the Princess but had several enhancements. Instead of using the ten Proteus engines, these would be swapped out for six Rolls-Royce Tyne turboprop engines. The Tyne engines were originally planned for the Princess during its development, but the engines weren’t ready and couldn’t be used by the time the Princess was built. Now a decade later, the engine was fully operational and ready. The wing length would also be stretched to 40 feet (16.2 m), and the cargo hold would have a 38 foot (11.6 m) minimum diameter and a length of 100 feet (30.5 m). This reduction in length would no longer allow the aircraft to carry the S-IC booster. Maximum cargo capacity would be up to 200,000Ib (104,600 Kg). The aircraft would be reworked once again later in 1964 as the PG-3. The PG-3 would be reduced in size to some degree. The Princess wings would no longer be lengthened to save on costs, and the Tyne engines would no longer be used on the PG-3, instead they’d be replaced by jet engines. A total of eight jet engines would be used on this design, with 4 pairs of engines being used on B-52H engine pods. Other than wing design, the rear of the aircraft was also changed, with the fuselage not angling upward and instead being more of a straight point.
Aero Spacelines had full intentions of seeing this project through, and eventually a representative of the company was sent to inspect the three Princesses at their storage facility. However, a terrible revelation was discovered upon inspection. At some point, maintenance on the three Princesses in storage was stopped, and so they were left to rot for nearly a decade. Being near the sea and exposed to the elements, the three aircraft had deteriorated to such an extent they would no longer be usable. With this discovery, Aero Spacelines had to unfortunately cancel the project and the three Princesses were scrapped. Work on a large carrier was halted for Aero Spacelines and they focused on their smaller Super Guppy aircraft instead, which carried the 3rd stage of the Saturn V.
Design
The Aero Spacelines PG-2 was a large oversized cargo aircraft designed to carry the first and second stages of the Saturn V rocket. To do so, it would have a very large fuselage to accommodate the rocket stages. The aircraft would have an all metal fuselage that was 200ft (61 m) in length. The lower section of the fuselage contained the huge cargo bay for the rocket stages. On the original plan this section had a diameter of 40 feet (16.2 m) but was shortened to 38 feet (11.6 m) on the PG-2. Cargo was loaded into the aircraft by means of a ramp. The cargo bay had a large clamshell door in front of the aircraft. Landing gear was divided into six pairs of wheels on the underside. Two pairs of wheels were closer to the front of the aircraft while the remaining four were towards the rear. The cockpit and crew section was located above the cargo bay in the aircraft. The cockpit itself bears a striking resemblance to the cockpit section of the Douglas C-133. A crew of 3 to 4 was expected for operations. Initially, the wings would be reused from the Convair B-36 bomber. The engines for this version were never specified. On the PG-2, it was decided at this point that the wings of the Saunders-Roe Princess would be used over for the B-36’s. The wings would be lengthened an additional 40 feet in total for stabilization. The Princess’ original ten Proteus engines would be replaced with six Rolls Royce Tyne engines to improve performance. The tail section of the PG-2 would also be reused from the Princess.
The PG-2 would be reworked into the PG-3 design. The overall proportions were diminished to save on labor. The specifications of this version are relatively unknown aside from one or two estimates based on promotional images. The cargo bay was to remain the same in length. The cockpit section and most of the fuselage remain unchanged aside from the rear. The rear of the fuselage no longer tapered upward and instead transitioned straight back into a cone shape. The tail section of the aircraft remained in the same location but was now supported by a large support to accommodate the height difference of the rear of the aircraft. The wings of the PG-3 remove the 40ft (16.2 m) extension off of the Princess wings and keep the original length. The six Tyne engines were removed in favor of eight jet engines. These engines would be paired together in four B-52 engine pods on the wings. The jet engine intended for use isn’t stated but it’s likely they were Pratt and Whitney TF33 engines. Promotional art also depicts the PG-3 having wingtip mounted fuel tanks.
Conclusion
With the cancellation of the Princess Guppy, Aero Spacelines moved on to other means to assist NASA regarding transportation, however they weren’t the only company to offer an aircraft design to carry the larger rocket stages. Several other companies had offered proposals to NASA for the same function, such as Convair and Fairchild. Many of these designs reused existing aircraft as their base or for parts to save on costs. None of these would come to fruition either. Despite reusing components from existing aircraft, many members of Congress found building a new aircraft for this role unnecessary for the amount of funding it needed. Instead it was decided that the 1st and 2nd stages would continue to be transported to Cape Canaveral via barge. For the 2nd stage, this was a very long journey that involved going through the Panama Canal to reach Florida. Despite being time consuming, this method was one Congress found cost effective. No oversized aircraft proposals would be built aside from Aero Spacelines’ own Super Guppy design, which was used to transport the 3rd stage of the rocket, and one of which is still in service to this day by NASA.
The Princess Guppy was a well researched design using prior knowledge of Aero Spacelines’ Pregnant Guppy. The design would have brought back to life a decade-old dream but unfortunately it was crushed due to negligence. Had it been built, it would be questionable if the aircraft would even be airworthy. The immense size of the fuselage and the small amount of engines in comparison to said size could have prevented the aircraft from even lifting off. Regardless, none of the types were built.
Variants
Early Design (PG-1?) – The first design of the booster carrying aircraft reused components of the Convair B-36 bomber. It would have a large cargo hold to carry the oversized load.
PG-2 – Second design of the booster carrier. The PG-2 Princess Guppy would use the modified wings and tail components of the Saunders-Roe Princess and would be powered by six Rolls Royce Tyne engines.
PG-3 – Reduced size version to lessen the work needed to build the aircraft. It was powered by 8 jet engines in B-52H engine pods. The Princess’ wing returns to its normal size for this version.
Operators
United States of America – The Princess Guppy was designed specifically to be used by NASA for the transport of the first and second stages of the Saturn V rocket. None were be built.
Aero-Spacelines PG-2 specifications
Wingspan
259.8 ft / 79.2 m
Length
200 ft / 61 m
Height
86 ft / 26.2 m
Wing Area
6328 ft² / 587.8 m²
Engine
6 x 4,616 hp (3,442 kW) Rolls Royce Tyne RTy.12 turboprop engines
Propeller
6 x De Havilland 4-blade propellers
Powerplant Ratings
Horsepower output
Altitude
Take Off
5730 hp
Sea Level
Weights
Useful
250,000 lb / 113398 kg
Minimum Flying Weight
180,000 lb / 81646.6 kg
Maximum Take Off
430,000 lb / 195044.7 kg
Maximum Landing
400,000 lb / 181436.9 kg
Crew
3 to 4
Gallery
Artist Concept of the PG-2 by Godzilla
Credits
Written by Medicman
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustrations by Godzilla
Sources
COX, G. (2019). AMERICAN SECRET PROJECTS 3 : u.s. airlifters since 1962. Place of publication not identified: CRECY PUB.
Keeshen, J. & Hess, A. (2013). Secret US proposals of the Cold War : radical concepts in military aircraft. Manchester North Branch, MN: Crécy Publishing Limited,Distributed in the USA by Specialty Press.
United Kingdom (1917)
Heavy Bomber Prototype – 1 Built / 1 Incomplete
The Kennedy Giant was a very large heavy bomber prototype developed by the United Kingdom, and designed by Chessborough J. H. Mackenzie-Kennedy during World War I. The type was meant to be similar to the Russian Ilya Muromets series of heavy bombers. Development was plagued with issues due to the large size of the aircraft, and after a failed attempt at a first flight, the prototype was left to rot. A smaller redesign was in the works, but the program would be canceled in 1920.
The Man
In 1904, at the age of 18, Chessborough J. H. Mackenzie-Kennedy would leave his home country of Britain and move to Russia. The allure of developing his own aircraft firm in a place where very few firms were located was his main reason to move to the country. Only a few years after moving, Kennedy was able to design and build his own aircraft in 1908, and a year later would establish his own aircraft company, the Kennedy Aeronautic Firm, in 1909. In 1911, Kennedy would become acquainted with Igor Sikorsky, the premier aircraft designer of the Russian Empire. Kennedy would assist Sikorsky on several occasions with the design of several aircraft, but none of these would be as important as Kennedy’s work on the Sikorsky Russky Vityaz. The Russky Vityaz would be the world’s first 4-engined airplane and was one of the biggest aircraft built at the time. The aircraft would first fly in 1913. Kennedy would continue to help Sikorsky work on other aircraft, among them the successor to the Vityaz, the Ilya Muromets, until 1914.
On July 28th, 1914, Europe would be plunged into the First World War, with Britain entering the war on August 4th. After Britain entered the conflict, Kennedy would return to his home country to help with their war effort. Using the knowledge he gained while in Russia working with Sikorsky, Kennedy was confident Britain could use his expertise in aircraft design. Kennedy wanted to create a large bomber, akin to the Muromets. Upon his return to England, he would establish a design office at 102 Cromwell Road, South Kensington in London.
The Machine
Kennedy would begin talks with the British War Council discerning the creation of a large four engine bomber aircraft, similar to projects he had worked on with Sikorsky. Interestingly enough, Igor Sikorsky would convert the Ilya Muromets civilian aircraft Kennedy was familiar with into Russia’s first 4-engine strategic bomber. Kennedy was able to convince the War Council of his idea, and he was given funding to create his heavy bomber. The aircraft would become known as the Kennedy Giant.
Construction of the Giant began soon afterwards at an unknown date. The manufacture of the components of the aircraft were undertaken by two companies, Gramophone Company Ltd and Fairey Aviation Co Ltd, both located in Hayes, Middlesex. When all of the components were finished, they were shipped to the Hendon Aerodrome for final construction of the massive aircraft. The sheer size of this aircraft would end up being the source of many problems during its development, and the first one would happen upon the arrival of the disassembled plane. Due to its large size, no hangar at the aerodrome was able to house the Giant, so the actual construction of the aircraft was done completely outdoors, on the airfield. The completed aircraft was impressive, possessing an 80ft (24.4m) fuselage and 142ft (43.3m) long wings. The Giant would heavily resemble the Russky Vityaz and Ilya Muromets that Kennedy had worked on in Russia. Due to the large size of the aircraft, the airplane was stored with its tail inside the hangar, whilst its wings and nose protruded outside. Moving the aircraft required two trucks and 70 men, and in one attempt, the fuselage was damaged from this action. The fuselage3 was redesigned to be 10ft (3m) shorter after this. Originally, Kennedy requested the aircraft to have 4 Sunbeam engines for power, but the engines requested were experiencing difficulties during testing, and wouldn’t be operational until after the war. Aside from testing, the War Council didn’t find the Giant important enough to warrant these new engines, and instead four Canton-Unne Salmson Z9 engines were given to the project instead. These engines would power two pusher and two puller propellers. With the engines finally in place, the completed Kennedy Giant was ready for its first flight.
The Giant’s first flight was in the later months of 1917. The aircraft would be set in the position for takeoff on the runway, with veteran test pilot Frank Courtney at the controls of the massive machine. The engines were set to full throttle, and as the aircraft gained speed, it only managed to make a short hop off the ground, being airborne for only a moment. It was found that the engines given to Kennedy were not able to take the Giant airborne. With the craft being so ungainly to move, and no desire to give the aircraft better engines, Kennedy’s giant aircraft was abandoned in the fields of the Hendon Aerodrome to rot, with a second attempt at a flight never materializing. Kennedy himself wasn’t discouraged by the failure of his aircraft and he began working on a smaller version that he hoped would achieve flight. Information on this version is sparse, but it was still in development after the war, and despite starting construction, the program was canceled in 1920. No photos or details on this smaller version are known. By 1920 the Giant project was going nowhere. With the war over, the War Council decided such a large aircraft was no longer a worthwhile investment.
In 1923, Kennedy would sue the War Council, now the Air Ministry, over a patent he had filed regarding the aircraft. During the war while he was working on the Giant, Kennedy would design a unique system for the tail gunner of the aircraft. The Air Ministry allegedly gave the design plans regarding the Giant to Handley Page in 1917, with the company applying for a patent on the tail gunner position on March 15th, 1918. Kennedy would file for the same patent for his Giant only a day later on the 16th. His case would be dismissed. The last time the Kennedy Giant would be mentioned regarding this case was in an aircraft magazine in 1923, which refers to the Giant still parked at the airfield at Hendon, most likely in poor condition from neglect. An some later date, the Giant was scrapped.
Design
The Kennedy Giant was a large four engine heavy bomber built using experience gained from the development of the Russian Russky Vityaz and Ilya Muromets. The fuselage of the Giant was of wood construction and was entirely rectangular. All along the sides of the fuselage were celluloid covered windows. The cockpit had several large rectangular windows with good visibility for the pilot. Controls consisted of two large wheels connected to yokes that directed its control surfaces. Located in the upward slope of the nose, there was a window that assisted with bomb aiming. The wings of the aircraft were two bay, meaning a forward and aft row of struts between the upper and lower wings which were covered in fabric, with a wingspan of 142 feet (42.3m). The wings all had the same chord, but the upper wings were longer than the lower. Only the upper wings had ailerons. At the rear of the aircraft were the tail and elevators. Both of these were covered in fabric. The tailfin itself was rather small for the size of the aircraft and most likely would have negatively affected performance had the aircraft achieved sustained flight. The aircraft was powered by four 200 hp ( 149.1 kW ) Canton-Unne Salmson Z9 nine-cylinder water-cooled radial engines powering four wooden propellers. Two of these engines were to be used in a pusher configuration, while the other two were positioned in a tractor configuration.
Despite never being armed, plans for armament of the Giant exist. The aircraft would be armed defensively with 4 machine guns of unknown type. One of these would be located in the nose, one would be located behind the wings on top of the fuselage, and the last two would be in the tail. The tail gunner would have a unique seat option for the gunner, where it could act as either a seat or a kneepad depending on how the gun was being fired. This seat design would be the cause of the lawsuit in 1923. An unknown number and type of bomb would have been used. The bombs would have been held nose down by two arms. A selector gear would control which bombs were dropped while indicating how many were left.
Conclusion
The Kennedy Giant was an earnest attempt to create a heavy bomber using experience gained by Kennedy in Russia, but due to inadequate engines would never be truly realized to its fullest potential. What is interesting to note is the specifications listed for the Giant would actually make it larger than the Zeppelin Staaken R.VI, which is considered the largest production airplane of the World War I. Had it even flown, the Giant would likely have experienced maneuverability issues as its vertical stabilizer height was rather inadequate for the size of the aircraft. After the failure of the Giant, Kennedy would file for bankruptcy, as the program had personally cost him quite a lot of money. He would eventually move to America in the 1930s.
Variants
Kennedy Giant – Large, four engine heavy bomber prototype. One built but did not achieve sustained flight.
Postwar Kennedy Giant – Very little is known of this variant aside from it being a smaller version of the Kennedy Giant. It was under construction when the program ended.
Operators
United Kingdom – The Kennedy Giant was built for the British War Council as a prototype heavy bomber.
Grey, C. G. Jane’s all the world’s aircraft, 1919 : a reprint of the 1919 edition of All the world’s aircraft. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1969. Print.
Mason, Francis K. The British bomber since 1914. London: Putnam, 1994. Print.
United States of America (1946) Weather Balloon – Around 2,000 Built
The United States Air Force Type 17 Weather Balloon was an experimental and highly secretive weather balloon that used a saucer shape balloon design and █████ technology to test the airworthiness of the “strange” shape. The design however, proved to be more unstable than anticipated, and with a flaw in the cable design, led many of these balloons to break free and travel some distance away. These “escaped” Type 17s can be considered responsible for the “UFO sighting craze” of the late 1940s and 1950s.
History
The immediate post Second World War aviation industry was an incredibly interesting time. Many new radical concepts were being tested, with jet engines, helicopters, and many other advanced designs coming to light. Although not extensively discussed, many different types of lighter-than-air aircraft designs were also tested, but many of these have been either lost or forgotten. One of the most peculiar designs that is known is the USAF Type 17 Weather Balloon.
The origins of the Type 17 start right at the beginning of 1946. With spherical weather balloons in use for quite some time, officials at the USAF began looking to see if some other balloon shape would be more efficient than the spherical design. It was thought that maybe a saucer shape could possibly offer better stability in the wind. Work began on creating the first prototype Type 17 on April 3rd, and a first test flight was scheduled for the 9th but had to be postponed for 2 days due to inclement weather. Balloon 1 went up on April 11th with no issues and achieved an altitude of around 30,000 ft (9.1km). The problem however, was that the location, where it was first tested, was extremely close to many residential areas, and although there wasn’t a report of a “flying saucer” in the area of the test flight, the USAF decided it would be best to move testing of the aircraft out to New Mexico, where other secret aircraft projects were being tested away from the eyes of the public. Thanks to the success of the first flight, a production order of around 1000 was made.
By June, construction of around two-thirds of the Type 17s was complete, and were now being introduced to the various bases in New Mexico, with a few also being sent to bases in Nevada, Texas, Arizona, and it is known that possibly one was sent to NORAD Headquarters in Colorado. Testing continued without issues until the first of many incidents occurred on December 29th. During a routine flight, balloon 134 was sent aloft, but the cable connecting the balloon suddenly broke, and 134 was thrown by the wind similar to a frisbee. The balloon was sent almost 30 miles east and crashed in the middle of the desert. It took the USAF almost 3 days to find the remains. It was then found that the cables designed for the Type 17 had a fatal flaw. Over time, the low quality synthetic material it was made out of would eventually disintegrate, leaving the balloon to be blown away in the wind. Sometimes, the balloon would be blown in such a way, due to its shape, that it could be described as performing maneuvers that “no manmade craft could do”. This flaw was largely ignored for the first few months upon discovery, but by March of 1947, more and more balloons were being lost, and soon, reports from civilians of alien spacecraft in the desert began to emerge more and more. In some cases, multiple Type 17s would break off at once, making it appear there were entire squadrons of flying saucers over the desert. It was decided that for a few months, all Type 17s would be grounded.
Operations continued in the summer, with many now having improved cables. Despite these newer cables, many air force bases still would use the older defective cables due to an error in communication. To curb the loss of the Type 17, they were ordered to operate at a lower altitude than before. This way if the balloon was lost, it wouldn’t be swept as far by the wind, but coming at the cost of being more visible. Also in the summer, the USAF introduced the Type 17A, a larger version over the base model. As more and more of the UFO craze of 1947 came to the public, the Type 17 was once again used less and less to draw attention away from the program. While the fleet of Type 17s were grounded, a further development on the design was made in early 1948 as the Type 17B. The B used the same larger body as the Type A, but had a larger cylinder-shaped top that allowed it to carry even more instruments.
While the fleet was grounded, more of the newer cables were finally distributed to stop the balloons from breaking off. In the summer of 1948, operations would continue a lot more smoothly than the previous years thanks to the stronger cables. The Type 17 and its variants would continue to be used over the years, it is unknown when they would stopped being used completely, but it is known that a handful of Type 17s would be used for mid-air target practice by the USAF. This was at one point observed by a civilian who was trespassing on USAF property, witnessed what he claimed to be a “USAF F-86 dogfighting with an alien spacecraft”.
At some point during its operations, a version of the Type 17 was made to be manned to test high altitude pressure suits for NASA’s budding space program. From what little is known of this project, during one of these manned flights on this Type 17C, the defective cable was used and broke. The pilot in the cupola of the balloon was carried for miles with the wind, landing in a field outside of a farmer’s house. The pilot was eventually picked up a few hours later, after being mistaken for a “spaceman,” he finally convinced the owner of the farm to borrow their landline phone. The Type 17C was taken back to base as well, even if it was damaged from the impact, and supposedly had a handful of holes that matched the entry of a .22 caliber bullet. This incident is cited by many to be an encounter with an “alien spaceman.” After this, safer ways of testing the suits were used instead, and the pilot who had to endure this incident and subsequent crash was reimbursed with a cache of beer and whiskey as a reward.
There is also mention of an unconfirmed Type 17D that would test an experimental ████████ ███████-████████ engine at ██████ ███, ██. This supposed variant could reach ████ mph (████ km/h) and is claimed to have █████ and ████ around it. Details on this design are extremely sparse and the only visual we have of it is based off a napkin drawing from former USAF aeronautics engineer, ████ ████.
The Roswell Incident
The most famous of the Type 17 incidents happened in early July of 1947 near Roswell, New Mexico. On July 1st, men at Walker Air Force Base, 3 miles from Roswell, sent balloon number 678 up for a few tests. Due to a strong wind that day, and the deterioration of the cable connecting the balloon, 678 broke free and traveled extremely close to Roswell before crashing nearby. The men at Walker AFB were quick to act and quietly recovered what they thought was most of the debris. However, upon impact, the balloon had been torn in half, with only a single half of the aircraft being recovered. The second was thrown even further away by the wind and wasn’t recovered until July 8th. By this point however, the people of Roswell had already caught glimpses of the vehicles used to collect it and a report was done in the local newspaper that day of a claimed alien spacecraft crash landing nearby. To at least alleviate this claim, once the remains of balloon 678 were taken to Fort Worth,Texas, a publicity photo was done to show that the craft was just a simple weather balloon, and not anything of alien or supernatural nature. This whole incident is widely popular in ufology, despite there being obvious evidence that it was a Type 17 balloon that crash landed.
Design
The Type 17 was a weather balloon designed for high-altitude flight. The balloon had a flat, saucer shaped body made of aluminum-infused rubber. On the underside of the craft was sometimes painted the USAF symbol and the production number of the balloon. At the top of the balloon was a rounded hump that carried most of the onboard instruments. This hump is often mistaken for some sort of “cockpit” by ufologists. At the very bottom was the connection point that had the radiosonde attached. The balloon was both tested with hydrogen and helium, but it would primarily use helium as its main gas source. On the underside is where the gas valve was filled from. The balloon was connected to the ground via a cable. Instead of a steel cable, a newer synthetic material was used at first, but it was found it corroded very fast and broke easily because of this. A stronger synthetic connection cable was created for the craft around the time of the Type 17A being created.
Several variants of the Type 17 exist. The first of these was the Type 17A, which had the same design but was much larger. The increase in size was done to stabilize the design more and around 100 of these were built. The second was the Type 17B. A derivative of the Type 17A, the B was the exact same size but the instrument “dome” was enlargened to a more cylindrical shape to carry more onboard instruments. The final design was the Type 17C. No photographs exist of this design and details are sparse, but it is known to have had either an A or B design for the balloon, but beneath it was an enclosed gondola that a man could sit in.
Conclusion
The Type 17 was at least known to have still been in use by the mid 1950s. Eventually it was decided that the Air Force should return back to more spherical shaped balloons. Balloons that would cause less of a panic than the saucer shaped 17. After the program was finished, all Type 17s and many of the documents relating to the program were destroyed by the USAF, some say it was out of embarrassment. The last reported use of the Type 17 was in 1957.
The Type 17 was an interesting attempt to create a new and improved weather balloon design, but was more of a flop that caused more panic than progress. Due to the poor cable integrity and strange shape, the amount of Type 17s lost is uncountable, and it can be assumed that hundreds of this type are most likely scattered across the deserts and lands of America.
If you ever happen to be out exploring near where the Type 17 operated, and come across material or remains you believe to be related to the Type 17, please contact the United States Department of ████████ at 1-███ ███ ████. Thank you for your cooperation.
Variants
Type 17– Base model of the Type 17
Type 17A – A second design that was slightly larger than the base design. Only around 100 of these type were made.
Type 17B – Variant of the Type 17A that had a larger instrument dome that was more cylindrical in shape to carry more instruments. It is known only around 10 of these were built. 1 was confirmed lost.
Type 17C – A mysterious 3rd design. Details are sparse on this but supposedly this was an attempted manned version to test high-altitude pressure suits. Beneath the balloon was an enclosed gondola for the test pilot.
Type 17D – An unconfirmed 4th design that supposedly tested ██████ ████████ at ████████ ████████, ██████. It could supposedly achieve speeds of ████ mph (████ km/h).
Operators
United States of America – The Type 17 was operated by the United States Air Force for weather research and performance testing. It operated from 1946 to at least 1957.
Type 17 Weather Balloon Specifications
Diameter
65 ft / 20 m
Height
17 ft / 5.1 m
Maximum Service Ceiling
Around 35,000ft / 10668 m
Gas Type
Hydrogen or Helium
Material
Aluminum-infused Synthetic Rubber
Maximum Speed (Type 17D)
████ mph / ████ km/h
Equipment
Type 17 Radiosonde
Mk33 Radar Antenna
Various other meteorological tools
Gallery
Sources
Joe Rogan Experience #1315 – Bob Lazar & Jeremy Corbell
Joe Rogan Experience #1510 – George Knapp & Jeremy Corbell
Johnsmith, Joe (1988), The Truth Behind the 1947 Saucer Craze: How a Balloon Tricked America. MIB-Books
Lovejoy, Erik (2022), How Balloons Ruined My Life and How They’ll Ruin Yours!, MM-PUB.
Nermal, Abbey (2003), USAF Aircraft in Detail: The Type 17 Weather Balloon, Greasy PUB.
The Dewoitine D.520 was the most advanced French fighter aircraft of the World War II period to have been employed in large numbers during the Battle of France. It was superior to the Morane-Saulnier MS.406 and Bloch MB.152. Often considered the only French fighter able to challenge the dominance of the Luftwaffe’s Bf 109E, the D.520 garnered a strong reputation and popularity among the general public in France. Though this aspect of its history is typically overlooked, the Dewoitine would also see extensive service after the Battle of France, particularly in the air force of the Vichy Regime, but also with Germany’s Italian and Bulgarian allies.
Dewoitine: French Pioneer of Interwar Metal Monoplanes
The Constructions Aéronautiques Emile Dewoitine (Emile Dewoitine Aeronautical Manufacturing) society was founded in 1920 under the lead of the eponymous engineer. Dewoitine had previously been employed by Latecoere during the First World War, which gave him experience on the subject of military aviation.
Dewoitine’s company was located in South-Western France, in Toulouse – an ideal location for strategic industry, as it was about as far as one could be in France from what was still viewed as a potential future adversary in 1920, namely Germany.
Dewoitine’s main products quickly became monoplane fighters. Though other types of planes were also developed, it was with parasol wing monoplanes that Dewoitine met its initial success. While the company failed to procure major domestic orders, Dewoitine fighters such as the D.1, D.9, or D.25 were export successes, seeing service in a number of countries such as Switzerland, Czechoslovakia, Turkey, Italy or Argentina. Dewoitine’s fighters were occasionally quite innovative – for example, the Dewoitine D.9 was an entirely metal parasol wing fighter, which was quite remarkable for a plane which first flew in 1924. While rejected by France, it was licence-produced by Italy as the Ansaldo AC.3, with 150 being manufactured for the Regia Aeronautica. Dewoitine also manufactured small numbers of D.9s for Belgium, Switzerland, Yugoslavia and Hungary.
In large part due to none of its planes being adopted by France’s military, Dewoitine faced considerable woes in the late 1920s, being liquidated in January of 1927, before being re-founded the next year. The 1930s would prove more fruitful for Dewoitine. Most notably, the company won some sizeable contracts in the mid 1930s for its Dewoitine D.500, D.501 and D.510, which were low wing, or cantilever-wing, monoplanes, the latter two featuring, a 20 mm autocannon firing through the propeller hub. With more than 300 aircraft ordered for French service, and some limited export contacts, the Dewoitine cantilever wing monoplanes powered the company through the 1930s, and formed the bulk of France’s fighter force all the way up to 1938-1939.
Dewoitine first experimented with a cantilever-wing monoplane fighter with a retractable landing gear in the form of the D.513 fighter which first flew in January of 1936. It generally proved quite disappointing, suffering from instability, and was unable to reach the speed that was expected of it, while also suffering from cooling and landing gear problems, leading to the fighter quickly being discontinued.
The Birth of the “520”
In the French Air Force’s nomenclature, the role of single-seat fighters was classified “C1” (C for chasseur, the French equivalent of fighter, and 1 for single-seat). The air force department in charge of equipment procurement, the Service Technique Aéronautique (STAé – ENG : Aeronautical technical service), would regularly publish calls for aircraft manufacturers to design fighters to fill this role along with a series of required specifications. By late 1936, the last design request had been formulated more than two years prior, in March of 1934. The aircraft from this program, which was being considered for adoption, Morane-Saulnier’s MS.405 (which would become the MS.406), was still in the prototype phase, and had yet to receive orders for production.The MS.405 was already a fairly modern fighter, being a cantilever wing monoplane with a retractable landing gear. But Dewoitine believed that more advanced fighters using the same features could be developed. Anticipating a new design request for the C1 role, Dewoitine began development of a single-seat fighter in late 1936. It was not long before the STAé issued a new request. On the 12th of January 1937, aircraft manufacturers were asked to design a fighter able to reach a maximum speed of 520 km/h, climb to 8,000 meters in less than 15 minutes, land on a runway of 400 meters, and featuring a centerline Hispano-Suiza 20 mm HS.9 autocannon and two 7.5 mm MAC 34 machine-guns, equivalent to the armaments on the D.520 and MS. 405/406.
As the Dewoitine fighter project was still very early in development when the specifications were issued, its design took them into account. The requested maximum speed, 520 km/h, ended up being the project’s number designation.
Another major event happened in March of 1937, when Dewoitine’s Constructions aéronautiques Emile Dewoitine was nationalized by the French state. This was part of a massive nationalization plan that concerned all aspects of France’s defense industry, which was being run by the socialist-leaning popular front government in power since May 1936. Though this meant Dewoitine’s company was now state property, Emile Dewoitine was not displaced in his function as main engineer and leader of the company. The company, however, took a new name – Société Nationale des Constructions Aéronautiques du Midi (SNCAM – ENG: National Society of Aeronautical Constructions of the Midi -‘Midi being the area allotted to the company near Toulouse).
Though Dewoitine was still in full control of his company, all of the reorganization that took place in 1937 meant that work on the D.520 was mostly postponed or paused, resuming only in 1938. On the 3rd of April 1938, SNCAM obtained a contract for the construction of a prototype. Production of the first D.520 began and the prototype, D.520-01, would take off for the first time on the 2nd of October 1938.
Design of the Dewoitine fighter
The fighter aircraft designed by Dewoitine and his team was a low, cantilever-wing monoplane fighter that used an Hispano-Suiza 12Y in-line engine. The plane used riveted duralumin construction, both in structure and skinning.
The D.520’s wings used a one-piece, reinforced single-spar structure. Two MAC 34 7.5 mm machine-guns with gun cameras were installed towards the front, closer to the fuselage, while further inboard in the wings, a 120 liter fuel tank was located. To the rear were the flaps, which were also the only part of the aircraft covered with fabric instead of duralumin. Without the flaps, the wings had a surface of 13 square meters. The flaps had a surface area of 1 square meter, and each wing had a surface area of 14 square meters in total. When counting the wing root, where the fuselage and wings meet, the surface area was 16 square meters. On the first prototype, there was no radiator in the fuselage, and instead a radiator was installed under each wing.
The D.520-01 prototype used a Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 V12 890 hp engine, without the cannon installed, though later prototypes, followed by production models would use more powerful versions of the Hispano-Suiza 12Y engine with provision for a 20 mm gun firing through the propeller hub. Between the engine and pilot, a 396 liter fuel tank was located (though typically it would only be filled for ferrying, and not combat operations). With a total fuel capacity of 636 litres, the D.520 had high endurance, with a ferrying range of up to 1,500 km in good weather.
The landing gear of the D.520 opened outwards. The definitive production model of the D.520 had a length of 8.6 meters, a wingspan of 10.2 meters, and a height of 3.435 meters.
Prototype Testing
The first prototype, D.520-01, was in some ways more of a demonstrator than a true prototype. From the start, the prototype had a number of differences from the standard models. The model of Hispano-Suiza 12Y that was used, the 12Y-21, did not have a provision for a propeller-hub-firing cannon, and with 890 hp, was less powerful than what was later installed. The wing machine-guns were not mounted either. During its first flight, the prototype failed to reach the desired speed of 520 km/h, not exceeding 480, and several issues were found. The two wing radiators caused too much drag, and a fuselage-mounted radiator was chosen instead. The tail’s control surfaces were found to be too small, and were enlarged. New exhaust pipes were also installed. The 12Y-21 engine was replaced by a 12Y-29, which produced 910 hp. Lastly, a variable pitch propeller was also installed.
The first D.520 prototype undertook a second flight on the 11th of January 1939. This second attempt was much more successful, and showed great promise. It possessed good dive capabilities, with the prototype reaching more than 800 km/h in a dive, and reached 525 km/h in level flight, exceeding the 520 km/h required of the specifications.
The second prototype of the D.520, D.520-02, had its first flight on the 28th of January, 1939. This prototype was much closer to the production model. It was fully armed, including the 20 mm propeller mounted autocannon, and had incorporated all the changes the D.520-01 had undertaken, as well as some new ones: a new landing gear and larger empennage. On the 5th of May, the third prototype, D.520-03, took to the air for the first time. This example featured the 12Y-31 engine, with full armament.
With successful trials of the second prototype, a production order for the D.520 was first placed on the 7th of April 1939, with 200 fighters ordered. The successful trials of the third prototype led to an additional order, initially for 600 aircraft, though reduced to 510 in June. In September, France entered into conflict with Germany, which saw widespread industrial mobilization and orders for new equipment. The total number of D.520s on order rose to 1,280 and through most of 1939, production was being set up at SNCAM’s facilities at Toulouse. Orders continued to accumulate, with 2,250 aircraft on order in April of 1940, including 120 for the navy.
In the meantime, testing continued on the D.520 prototypes. On the 11th of January 1940, D.520-02 was flown by pilot Leopold Galy in diving trials. During a dive from an altitude of 8,000 meters, the aircraft reached a speed of over 900 km/h – Leopard Galy indicated that the instruments showed the speed that the aircraft reached as 920 km/h.
Production Model: Features and Performance
The first D.520s from the production run took to the air in November of 1939. A number of additional features had been added to Dewoitine’s fighter. The newer Hispano-Suiza 12Y-45 engine was chosen, as this model produced 935 hp and featured a much improved Szydlowski-Planiol supercharger, providing the Dewoitine with better high-altitude performance.
The armament of the production model consisted of a Hispano-Suiza HS.404 20 mm autocannon firing through the propeller hub (the prototypes used the earlier HS.9). The HS-404 had a rate of fire of 700 rpm, with a drum magazine holding only 60 rounds, the D.520 could expend its 20 mm ammunition in 9 seconds of continuous fire. The MAC 34 machine-guns were provided with more ammunition. Chambered for the 7.5×54 mm French cartridge adopted in 1929, the MAC 34 machine-guns had 675 rounds each. With a rate of fire of 1,200 rounds per minute, the MAC 34 would expend their ammunition in a little over half a minute. These machine-guns were electrically heated to avoid ice jamming the gun action at high altitudes.
Empty, the D.520 had a weight of 2,050 kg. The aircraft had a structural weight of 892 kg, the engine block empty 517 kg, additional engine accessories 373 kg, empty fuel tanks 56.4 kg, and additional equipment 252 kg. 650 kg would be added on average to get the plane into operation: 337 kg of fuel (the aircraft’s fuel tanks had a capacity of 636 litres), 226 kg including the guns and their ammunition, and an average of 87 kg for the pilot and his equipment. The weight of the plane in operation would therefore be 2,740 kg. With a wing surface of 16 square meters, this meant the D.520 had a quite high wing load of 195 kg/cm2. The D.520 used a three-bladed Ratier variable pitch propeller, with a diameter of 3 meters.
The plane had an automatic fire extinguishing system controlled from the cockpit. As for fuel capacity, the plane featured a 396 liter self-sealing fuel tank located between the cockpit and the engine. Each wing featured a 120 liter fuel tank. The D.520’s fuel capacity of 636 liters was fairly considerable by 1940, and would give it a better range than most one-engined fighters used in Western Europe, with a ferry range of about 1,500 km.
The D.520 could reach a maximum speed of about 535 km/h at the altitude of peak engine performance, which was 6,750 m, and with the engine running at 2,400 rpm. Cruising speed at the same altitude was of 400 km/h with the engine running at 2,000 rpm. The stall speed was 125 km/h.
The rate of climb was 12 meters per second for the first 1,000 meters of flight. 4,000 meters could be reached in a little under 6 minutes, and thanks to its supercharger, the D.520 retained a good climb rate at high altitude. It reached 6,000 meters in 9 minutes and 8,000 meters in a little under 14 minutes. The D.520 would typically be capable of reaching those altitudes before the Bf 109E. The ceiling of the Dewoitine fighter was 11,000 meters.
Though the first examples of the D.520 were completed in November of 1939, some changes were still made, notably, the engine block was lengthened by 16 cm, meaning the first examples produced had to be retrofitted. The D.520 would only commence delivery to the air force in January of 1940, and by May, only a single fighter group had been equipped, though several would receive the new type as production was hastened during the Battle of France.
The aircraft were painted in the standard French air force camouflage scheme of brown, green, and gray color during their manufacturing process. The rudder section was painted in the colors of the French flag. The type of the aircraft (Dewoitine D.520) as well as the aircraft’s production number were indicated in black letters over this French flag-colored tail. French roundels were featured on the wings and on the central fuselage. The underside was typically painted in the same metallic gray color as parts of the fuselage and wings. The propeller hubs and propeller were painted in black.
Future Production Models as Planned in 1940
Improved versions of the D.520 were quickly scheduled for production, and it was planned that these improved models would quickly be introduced to the production lines in the summer of 1940, if everything went well.
The D.521 was an experimental aircraft which mated the D.520 fuselage with the British Merlin III engine. Only one prototype was built, and it was not meant for serial production. The D.522, 523, 524 and 525, however, were D.520s powered by more powerful versions of the Hispano-Suiza 12Y engine.
The D.522 actually went back to the old Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31 860 hp engine block, which was significantly less powerful than the 12Y-45 on paper. It would, however, be fitted with a new Hispano-Suiza supercharger, larger in size than the Szydlowski-Planiol and providing better high-altitude performance. The planned production run for the D.522 was of 75 aircraft, from the 526th to the 600th Dewoitine fuselages, which would likely have meant the production run would have commenced in July of 1940. The D.522 would then have been succeeded by the D.523.
The D.523 used the 12Y-51 model of the 12Y engine, but retained the Szydlowski-Planiol supercharger. This new model of the 12Y produced up to 1,000 hp at optimal altitude. One D.523 prototype was produced (using the 45th D.520 fuselage), and underwent trials from the 9th to the 14th of May 1940. It was able to reach a maximum speed of 570 km/h at the optimal altitude, and climbed faster than the D.520 by a significant margin. This would have made this model a powerful rival to German Bf 109E and F fighters.
Though the D.525 was nominally the last, it was to be produced between the 523 and 524, and was more closely related to the 523 than the 524 was. The D.525 merely combined the 12Y-51 engine from the D.523 and the Hispano-Suiza supercharger from the D.522. Just 30 were to be produced, fuselages 751 to 780.
Finally, the D.524 was to be the last direct derivative of the D.520 scheduled for production by 1940. Its main improvement over previous models was to be the Hispano-Suiza 12Z engine – the most refined model of Hispano-Suiza’s 12Y engine yet, it was to produce 1,300 hp. While very promising in concept, the D.524 was yet to reach the prototype stage by the Invasion of France. While D.520 variants using the 12Z would come to be built at prototype stage later, the D.524 was canceled with the fall of France. It was expected to reach a maximum speed of around 616 km/h at 7,000 m, and climb to 8,000 m in 8’20’’.
By the armistice of June 1940, which put a temporary end to the D.520’s production run, about 440 aircraft had been manufactured, of which closer to 350 had been accepted by the French Air Force. This meant that no further D.520-derived models would see production, and plans to produce them were indefinitely shelved and never revisited.
A floatplane fighter version of the D.520, the HD 780, had also been designed, with one prototype being produced. It incorporated many differences, such as folding, gull-shaped wings, a larger engine block, and two large floats. The prototype was completed in March of 1940, but remained inside its factory and would never take flight.
Into GC I/3
While the first serial-production D.520 had been delivered in November of 1939, these aircraft would later have to be revised and were by no means ready for service.
The D.520 would start effectively entering service during the first months of 1940, with the first squadron, GC I/3, being entirely outfitted with the type in the months of April and early May 1940. There, the D.520 replaced the Morane-Saulnier MS.406. Although another monoplane fighter with a retractable landing gear, the Morane was a plane which had noticeably lower performance in comparison to the Hawker Hurricane or Bloch MB.152, let alone the “triad” of modern fighters available by 1940, which would consist of the Spitfire Mk.I, the Bf 109E and the D.520.
As such, by the start of the campaign, the French Air Force had one squadron fully outfitted with the new fighter type. This fact, however, was tempered to a considerable extent. As mentioned previously, the fighters had only just been delivered to the squadron by the time fighting began in May of 1940. In other words, there had been little to no time for the pilots to accommodate with the newer fighter and become properly accustomed to it – which would prove a larger issue than anticipated, as the D.520 would prove a quite complicated and technical plane to pilot. Many of the pilots which flew the D.520 into combat during the Battle of France – perhaps even more so in the squadrons which would receive the plane during the campaign, would engage in combat during some of their first ten or even five flights of the D.520. Under these circumstances, one could hardly expect good performance with the pilots under such duress.
As hostilities began on the 12th of May, GC I/3 quickly moved into position at the airfield at Wez-Thuisy, in the Marne region of North-East France. From this point, the squadron would be engaged for the rest of the campaign all the way until the 17th of June, when it would retreat to the other side of the Mediterranean to avoid the capture of its planes.
The typical missions of the squadron were defensive, as simply put, the French Armée de l’Air struggled to impose any form of threat against the Luftwaffe. A large number of reasons for this can be attributed to this defensive role of the French air force. One could easily identify the comparative lack of modern fighters in comparison to a Luftwaffe that now universally operated the Bf 109E, a lack of coordination between the French air and ground forces, and many other limiting factors. As such, the D.520 would typically be used to try and intercept flights of German bombers, typically Heinkel He 111s or Dornier Do 17s, as these harassed French logistical centers and cities. In this role, the D.520 would enjoy some successes. It was faster at straight and level flight, and a better climber than previous French fighters, which was quite significant as the German bombers were moderately fast aircraft. The Morane Saulnier MS.406, notably, always struggled to catch the fast German bombers, while the D.520 could do so with relative ease.
The D.520 was credited with its four first victories on the 13th of May, when planes from GC I/3 shot down an He 111 bomber from KG 55 as well as three Henschel Hs 126 reconnaissance planes. The next two days, 14th and 15th, would see very heavy engagements for the squadron. On the morning of the 14th, the squadron would be engaged against a strike force of Dornier Do 17 and He 111 bombers under escort by Bf 109Es. The D.520 of GC I/3 would claim six confirmed kills in the morning, two on He 111s, two on Dornier Do 17s and two on Bf 109s, plus a claimed but unconfirmed kill on another Bf 109. In the late afternoon, D.520s of the squadron would engage in combat against a flight of Bf 110 heavy fighters from ZG 26. As often when the Bf 110 was faced with single-engine fighters without backup from Bf 109s, this ended up fairly bloody for the German squadron which lost four planes, with an additional probable Bf 110 killed claimed by the French.
On the 15th, defence against German raids in the morning would see the squadron claim three confirmed and a probable Dornier Do 17 kills, as well as a confirmed Bf 110 and He 111. In the early hours of the afternoon, D.520s would claim one confirmed and two probable Bf 109s.
The squadron’s actions would wind down in the following days, as it retreated from its first airfield to a new one in Meaux-Esbly, closer to Paris. With German pressure now concentrating against the encircled French and British forces in the North, action would be more sporadic. Between the 15th of May and the 3rd of June, the squadron would claim confirmed kills on an He 111, a Bf 109 and a Do 17, as well as further probable kills for another He 111 and another Dornier 17.
From early June onward, with the Dunkirk pocket liquidated by German advance, attention would shift towards the south once again as Germany progressed further into France, while the French organized a fairly desperate defense on the so-called “Weygang Line.” On the 3rd of June 1940, the squadron claimed its first Ju 88 kill, as well as claiming another Bf 109, and probable shoot downs on three Dornier Do 17s and a Heinkel 111. The 5th and 6th of June were particularly intense in terms of combat with German fighters, with the D.520 claiming four Bf 109s and an Hs 126 on the 5th, and a further two confirmed and two probable 109s as well as a confirmed Do 17 on the 6th. The 7th saw the squadron claim a confirmed Do 17 and Bf 109, and two further probable Do 17s.
The 9th of June 1940 saw the D.520 make the most claims of the Battle of France. The squadron was engaged against a raid of Dornier Do 17s escorted by Bf 109s around noon, claiming four fighters and a bomber. In the late afternoon, the squadron was engaged again against Dornier Do 17s and Junkers Ju 87s once again escorted by Bf 109s, seeing the French fighters down a confirmed Do 17 and Bf 109 as well as two Ju 87s, with a further two probable Do 17 and Bf 109.
The 9th of June 1940 would also begin to see the squadron retiring from its airfield near Paris to go further south, to avoid the now very threatening German advance on the ground. Though a further few engagements were fought fromt the 14 to 16th, most of the action was now behind the squadron. From the 17th to the 21st of June, the squadron would jump from airfield to airfield, from Southern France, to Algeria, finally settling in Kaala-Djerda and later Tunis-El Aouina in French Tunisia.
GC I/3 had claimed a considerable number of victories during the campaign, showing the qualities of the aircraft despite the general lack of training that was to be found in a squadron only recently introduced to its fighter. In total, the squadron claimed 55 confirmed and 19 probable victories. This was at the cost of 32 D.520s lost – of which 21 were lost in aerial combat, the rest being victims of either bombing runs or accidents. This was a rather decent success for a unit which had just received the new fighter type.
Other Squadrons
A number of other squadrons did receive the Dewoitine D.520 during the campaign and used it against German and later Italian forces.
The first squadron to receive D.520s after GC I/3 was GC II/3, which transitioned to the D.520 in 10 days from the 10th to the 20th of May. This was a very short transition for the new fighter, which many would imagine to be fairly worrying for the performance of the squadron. Nonetheless, GC II/3 would perform quite admirably during the campaign. Engaged heavily from the 20th of May onward, it would claim a single victory, an He 111, on its first day of combat, five confirmed and two probable victories on Dornier Do 17s, He 111s and Me 110s on the 21st, and ten confirmed victories (eight Ju 87s and two Hs 126s) on the 22nd. During the entire duration of the campaign, GC II/3 would claim 31 confirmed and 15 probable victories at the cost of 20 D.520s, though only three pilots were killed. The squadron notably counted on Czechoslovak pilot Cukr Vaclav, who would claim two confirmed kills and six shared kills, as well as French Capitaine Raymond Clausse, with three confirmed, and two probable kills on his own, as well as two confirmed, and two probable shared kills.
Other squadrons received their D.520s later in the campaign and would see the fewer kills , among other factors, due to the D.520 being received later in the campaign, at which point German air superiority had more or less been established, and sometimes having to work in mixed squadrons that still incorporated slower Morane-Saulnier MS.406s. GC II/7 was one such mixed squadron, receiving their first D.520s around the 25th of May, while at the same time retaining Moranes until at least the 1st of June. The D.520s of the squadron would still claim more than a dozen victories at the cost of nine of their own aircraft.
GC III/3 fought the most intense parts of its campaign with MS.406s, but was refitted with the D.520 in late May, seemingly not engaged from the 20th of May to the 5th of June, during the transitional period. Going back into action with the Dewoitine, pilots of the squadron would go on to claim eight confirmed, and one probable victory in June, with three confirmed Bf 109s shot down, and another probable, one each of the He 111, Me 110, Dornier Do 17, and two Hs 126s.
GC III/6 is one of the most well known of the D.520 squadrons despite receiving the aircraft late into the campaign. By mid-June 1940, the squadron was in the process of converting from the MS.406 to the D.520, when the entry of Italy into the war forced it to be put into action against Italian aircraft. Under these conditions, French pilot Capitaine Pierre le Gloan would first shoot down two Fiat BR.20 bombers on the 13th of June. On the 15th, Le Gloan took off on a routine patrol around 11:45 pm, originally comprised of three Dewoitines, but soon reduced to two due to technical issues of one aircraft forcing it to return to base. The two remaining fighters, operating near Saint-Tropez on the Mediterranean coast, encountered a force of twelve Fiat CR.42 biplanes of the Italian squadron 23e Gruppo CT. The two D.520s engaged the biplanes. Le Gloan damaged two, one that caught fire and was later written off, and the other pilot ejected, before the faster French fighters broke off. Le Gloan’s wingman’s guns jammed, forcing him back to base as well. Not content with merely two CR.42 shot down though, Le Gloan encountered a further patrol of CR.42s from 18e Gruppo, shooting one down before evading the others in a dive using the largely superior speed of the 520. Le Gloan then returned to Luc airfield, where GC III/6 was stationed, shooting down a CR.42 attempting strafing runs. Lastly, he would down a BR.20 attempting photo reconnaissance of the airfield, attempting to identify the effects of Italian strafing. The Dewoitine was out of cannon ammunition by this point and the BR.20 had to be shot down by machine-gun fire, requiring a total of five passes. This action would have been sufficient to make Le Gloan an ace not just in a day, but in a single sortie, though he had already scored two victories previously. While it was performed using the higher speed of the D.520 against slower biplanes, which would not effectively pursue the French fighter, it remains an impressive feat and likely the most famous action of the D.520 during the campaign of France. Le Gloan’s victories also appear to be the only confirmed ones scored by GC III/6 with the D.520.
Two other French army squadrons, GC II/6 and III/7, began transitioning to the D.520 in June but could not be made operational on the aircraft in time to meaningfully take part in the Battle of France. This was also largely the case for two ground-based squadrons of the French navy’s Flottile F1C, AC 1 and AC 2, which received a few D.520s in the later stages of the Battle of France.
The Tricolor Cockade and the Balkenkreuz: Dewoitine versus Messerschmitt
A topic which inevitably comes up when discussing the D.520 is its comparison with the mainstay German fighter at the time, the Bf 109E. This comparison has been a considerable subject of debates, particularly in France, where a significant amount of pride has often been instilled in the D.520 as the only modern indigenous French fighter that saw intense action and was able to challenge the German fighter.
In practice, the duel between the two aircraft was a rather complicated matter – which was known to the French air force, as a Bf 109E captured during the Phoney War was quite extensively tested in comparison to the D.520 in April of 1940.
The Bf 109 had a clear climb rate advantage over the D.520, which was particularly felt at low altitude, due to being better engined than the French fighter, which was sometimes found to be lacking in horsepower. German engine cooling was also found to be superior, which allowed the aircraft to run for longer at full throttle, while French pilots would often have to temporarily limit running the engine at full throttle to avoid overheating. This would usually allow the German fighter to dictate the terms of engagement, but considering the mostly defensive use of the D.520s, the Bf 109s were forced to provide cover to German bombers, and were often operating in escort, and not air superiority sweeps.
Where the D.520 is often said to have had an advantage is in maneuverability. The D.520 had the advantage of more subtle and less abrupt controls in comparison to the Bf 109E, which would typically give an advantage to the French fighter in a prolonged dogfight. The Dewoitine also enjoyed good engine torque, and in comparison to the BF 109E the cockpit of the D.520 offered far greater visibility which would prove an advantage in such a situation. This was not, however, a massive advantage, and the comparative trials held in April of 1940 saw a duel typically last for several minutes before one of the two aircraft could mount an advantage over the other. In turning fights, the D.520 had a known issue where it was vulnerable to stalling and temporary loss of control during some turns. This was an issue if the enemy fighter was in a favorable position at the moment, though in some engagements it was found that the stalling could be used as an evasive maneuver if the enemy fighter was at a considerable speed advantage. In general, the D.520 was found to still be more comfortable to pilot than the 109 in prolonged dogfights. In turnfights, the D.520 would typically win when the turns were towards the right, but the Bf 109 could be expected to win those towards the left.
In general, while French patriotism would encourage many French authors to claim the D.520 as equal or sometimes even superior to the Bf 109, in practice, the German fighter could arguably be claimed to usually have a slight edge – its ability to dictate the terms of engagement was not entirely compensated for by the maneuverability of the French fighter. This, however, does not paint the full picture. While one may ponder at length over whether the D.520 could be considered equal or slightly inferior to the Bf 109E, it remains clear that it was highly superior to the pre-existing fighters in the French air force, such as the Curtiss H75, Bloch MB.152, and particularly the Morane-Saulnier MS.406, when it came to intercepting fast German bombers such as the He 111, and particularly the Do 17 and Ju 88. The MS.406, notably, would often struggle to catch up with German bombers, while the D.520 could do so relatively easily – giving the French air force a far better tool against enemy bombers, though obviously one which arrived way too late. As such, the D.520 represented a major improvement in the capability of the French air force – which would have been further reinforced by additional new fighter types entering service in June of 1940, the Bloch MB.155 and Arsenal VG.33, with the later managing even better performance than the D.520, with a less powerful engine of the same type, and likely offering a serious competitor to the Bf 109 and Spitfire had the war not abruptly interrupted for the French Third Republic.
An Arrow through the Cockade: Vichy’s Workhorse
Absolutely defeated on the ground by a better equipped, led, and coordinated German army, France was forced into an armistice with Germany, negotiated on the 22nd of June 1940 and going into effect on the 25th of June 1940. In this Compiègne Armistice, the Third Reich inflicted on its French archenemy what was, in many ways, a revenge and repeat of Versaille, with the French as the victim, seriously limiting the size of the French army and its ability to produce new equipment.
However, strategic requirements are a more important matter than symbolism. The French government was in control of many colonial areas around Africa and Asia which Great-Britain was now interested in seizing to further their situation and, with the sinking of the French fleet of Mers-El Kébir on the 2nd of July 1940, this set a major precedent of hostility between the new French regime and the British. Under these conditions, allowing the new Vichy French government to retain a military that could offer resistance to British and Free French attempts to seize colonial territories and naval assets was a useful prospect for Germany. As such, France was allowed to keep a number of squadrons and military units operational – most notably in French North Africa and the French Levant, but also Metropolitan France to an extent.The air force was allowed more strength than the army, which could not operate any armored vehicles outside of Panhard 178s downgraded to a machine-gun armament in mainland France.
As such, authorization was given for the Vichy regime to maintain squadrons I/3, II/3, III/6, II/7 and AC1 operating the D.520. All would be stationed first in French North Africa, with all being located in Algeria outside of II/7 operating in Tunisia. The motive behind putting Vichy’s best fighters in French North Africa was that this location was now the most valuable colony still in the hands of the regime, and was much more vulnerable than the French mainland to potential attack attempts by the Allies. At the same time, while the D.520’s range could allow it to comfortably ferry over the Mediterranean and generally operate in a theater where longer ranges could be desirable, Vichy did retain a number of squadrons operating the shorter-ranged Bloch MB.152 in Metropolitan France. With the Bloch fighter unable to reasonably make the crossing, and ill-equipped to reasonably protect French North Africa, the D.520 was pretty much the only possible choice outside of a now incredibly outdated MS.406 that was on its way out of Vichy’s air force.
During their service life, Vichy aircraft were given a number of recognition markings to differentiate them from British or Free French aircraft and avoid friendly fire incidents from German or Italian planes. At first, this manifested in the form of a white line going through the rear and center of the fuselage, with the cockade superimposed on top and an arrowhead in the direction of the front of the plane. This was put on from the late summer of 1940 onward. From early 1941 onward, these were judged insufficient to reasonably identify Vichy’s aircraft, and they saw their tail sections and propeller hubs painted yellow to further ease identification; it is with these identification markings that the Vichy D.520 would fight during the Levant campaign in May of 1941. In the summer of 1941, the recognition markings were pushed even further, with orange stripes included within the yellow sections, and in many cases, parts of the engine cover painted in the same yellow and orange scheme as the tail.
In April of 1941, with German approval, production of the D.520 resumed to fulfill an order for 550 new planes for Vichy’s air force. The goal was now to make the D.520 the standard fighter of the French air force to the greatest extent possible, first replacing the MS.406 in the squadrons then operating it, and in the further future the MB.152 and MB.155 operated by the fighter groups in Metropolitan France. Two new fighter groups operating the D.520 were created, GC I/2 in Châteauroux, Metropolitan France, and GC II/6 intended for French Occidental Africa, while four squadrons operating other types were re-equipped with the D.520 in Metropolitan France, these being GC I/1, GC III/9 and GC II/1. The last squadron, GC II/5, located in Casablanca, Morocco, was in the process of switching during the Allied invasion of French North Africa, Operation Torch, in November of 1942.
In a fairly cruel twist of irony, what was once the only fighter able to offer resistance to Germany’s Luftwaffe, by 1940 now flew for the Vichy Regime, and only truly became the most common French fighter under this collaboration government. The D.520 would see considerable action in defending Vichy’s colonial territories against British, Free French and American intervention, now fighting a whole different set of aircraft. However, this would once again be under lackluster conditions; pilot training under Vichy was not as extensive and long as under the pre-armistice conditions, partly due to lack of fuel restricting the flight hours which would be performed. While the pilots who fought under Vichy during the Levant campaign and Operation Torch had had more time to accustom themselves to the D.520 than those flying during the Battle of France, these were often the same men from the same squadrons which had now made the switch to the D.520 during the Battle of France. They flew fewer hours per year overall, and as such had their skills not as “well maintained” as their Allied counterparts that were regularly flying combat missions against the Regia Aeronautica and Luftwaffe over North Africa and the Mediterranean.
Under the Vichy regime, studies were also performed in outfitting the D.520 with more powerful engines in order to make the Dewoitine a viable fighter for later in the war. This resulted in the D.520Z, fitted with a Hispano-Suiza 12Z 1,600 hp engine. This project would result in work on a prototype, completed in February of 1943 with German approval, but would only fly in 1947. A project modernizing the D.520 further, the M.520T, would never even reach prototype stage. Vichy had hoped the D.520Z would be serially produced, and postwar trials indeed indicated the fighter had respectable performance even by mid-war standards, being able to reach 659 km/h at 9,150 meters, and could climb to 4,000 meters in 4 minutes 10 seconds, to 8,000 meters in 8 minutes 22 seconds, and to 11,000 m in 14 minutes 19 seconds. This was a very significant improvement in comparison to the D.520, though it came at the cost of the 12Z being a sometimes unreliable engine that would require a lot of maintenance. The occupation of the Vichy regime would prevent any further development, despite a production of up to 230 having been hoped for in the middle of 1942.
Dewoitines Against Hurricanes: The Levant Fiasco
On the 1st of April 1941, a coup in previously British-influenced Iraq brought to power a pro-Axis government, the Golden Square, which would result in the Anglo-Iraqi War lasting for much of the month of May. Germany and Italy, eager to use this opportunity to open another front against the British Empire in the Middle-East, pushed Vichy France to allow Axis planes to use the French colonies of Syria and Lebanon as a base to get to Iraq and support their troops against British Commonwealth forces.
After the end of this campaign, this breach of Vichy’s non-belligerence in favor of Axis support would lead to British, Australian, Indian, and Free French troops invading the Vichy colonies of the Levant. The Vichy regime attempted to put up a defensive effort, which, in the air, relied on Dewoitine fighters.
Prior to May of 1941, only the older MS.406 were located in Levant. With the rise of tensions as the colony now hosted Axis planes, GC III/6 was relocated from Algeria to Rayack in Lebanon on the 27th-28th of May 1941. This airfield would be used until late June, when the squadron would move to Alep. During the Levant campaign, GC III/6 would be joined by GC II/3, which moved into the Levant, transiting through Axis-occupied Greece and would operate from Homs and later Alep during the campaign. The French Navy’s AC 1 squadron would be deployed to the Levant as well.
The opposition the French would face consisted of Hawker Hurricane and Curtiss Tomahawks (P-40), as well as occasionally older Gloster Gladiators, escorting bomber formations typically composed of Blenheim bombers.
The French squadrons put up considerable opposition in the air, with the D.520 still being a decent adversary for the fighter aircraft they were facing. GC II/3’s scoreboard was fairly moderate, with two Blenheims and a Tomahawk shot down on the 2nd of July, with one confirmed and one probable Tomahawk on the 11th of July. GC III/6, present in the operations for longer, would feature a much more accomplished score-board during the campaign. They claimed 16 confirmed and 2 probable Hurricanes, a Fulmar, a Maryland, a Tomahawk, and three Gladiators. Pierre le Gloan, still flying with GC III/6, claimed seven victories: six Hurricanes and a Gladiator. As for the Navy’s AC 1 squadron, it would claim seven confirmed and one probable kill.
Though these were some considerable victories, the D.520 suffered some significant losses during the campaign, with about 40 planes lost, though only eight pilots were killed. Most of these were not shot down in flight. The issue the French faced in Levant were limited aviation facilities that featured little to no anti-aircraft defenses. Against a considerably numerically superior adversary, this resulted in the French being unable to defend their airfields against strafing runs, which decimated the fleet of Dewoitine aircraft. As British forces were progressing through the region swiftly, the three D.520 squadrons were redeployed to Algeria transiting through Greece in early July, so that the remaining fighters, and most importantly their pilots, could participate in the defense of French North Africa, now that the French Levant was irredeemably lost.
It should be noted that two D.520s left behind by Vichy’s air force in the Levant would be captured by the Free French and re-used for a short while in order to train the pilots of Free French GC 3 “Normandie.” This squadron would, from late 1942 onward, be deployed to the Soviet Union, operating with great success using Soviet Yak fighters for the remainder of the war, and gaining great fame as the only Western Allied fighting unit on the Eastern Front, and a highly successful squadron by both Free French and Soviet standards. Previously, the Free French had operated three D.520s that had defected from France to England in June of 1940. Two were conscripted into the force which attempted to seize Dakar in September of 1940, and following the failure of this attempt, they were unloaded in French Equatorial Africa, a colony which joined the Free French. One was lost in an accident, and the other left at its airfield when Free French pilots moved to Egypt to be equipped with Hawker Hurricanes.
French Droplets on the Torch
In November of 1942, with the war in the desert in Libya clearly going to the advantage of the Allies, French North Africa appeared as an increasingly appealing territory to seize to further the position of the Allies in North Africa. The large colony, comprising Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia, was however fairly well defended, with the heaviest military forces still in the hands of the Vichy Regime located there. In terms of squadrons using the Dewoitine, these being GC I/3, II/3, III/3, III/6, II/7 and AC 1.
The Anglo-American landings were performed on the 8th of November. For air cover, they relied on large numbers of Grumman F4F Wildcat/Martlet and some Hawker Sea Hurricanes, which were still fighters the D.520 could hope to challenge – and the French squadrons did put up some considerable opposition to Operation Torch.
GC I/3, operating near Oran, racked up a considerable score on the 8th of November, shooting down six Fairey Albacore light naval bombers, five Douglas C47 transport planes, five Hurricanes or Sea Hurricanes, and even a Spitfire. GC III/3, operating near Oran, appears to have claimed nine victories for seven D.520s lost. GC II/3, III/6 and II/7 were not located in areas as hot as the major Algerian harbour of Oran, and appear not to have claimed any victories during the battle. The French Navy’s AC 1 operating in Morocco claimed two F4F Wildcats for no aerial losses.
However, while the French Dewoitines could still put up quite a fight against an F4F in the air, the numerical superiority of Allied fighters, and lack of French airfield defences would once again come back to haunt the French air force, with the AC 1 losing 19 of its 27 D.520s against strafing and bombing runs during the three-days of fighting during Operating Torch.
Luckily for the French, the colonial authorities of North Africa swiftly decided not to continue a vain opposition to Allied advances, and instead sided with the Allies against the Axis. With this, the Vichy squadrons, comprising a little over 130 D.520s, were now fighting against Axis troops. One was repainted in American colors and tested by the US Army Air Corps.
However, the end of the service of the D.520 in North Africa would be fairly swift, with the squadrons soon refitted with fighters such as Hurricanes and Spitfires for further operations, the D.520 no longer being seen as an up-to-date fighter and they lacked the facilities in France likely necessary for the manufacture of spare parts. The Dewoitine was relegated to a training role, in which it was still used in early 1944.
Case Anton: The Dewoitine Under the Balkenkreuz
Days after French North Africa was invaded by the Allies, attention would now turn to the unoccupied part of France under the jurisdiction of the Vichy Regime. On the 11th of November 1942, Germany launched Case Anton, the Wehrmacht rushing to take control of Southern France, facing no resistance from Vichy troops that had been ordered to stay in their barracks and not oppose the Germans invaders. With this swift move, Germany captured around 250 Dewoitine D.520 fighters as well as the facilities which were in the process of producing more.
The French production facilities would continue to work during German occupation, albeit at a reduced rate, seeing as the D.520 was a very low priority by late 1942. About 60 further fighters would be completed under German occupation.
Within the Luftwaffe, the D.520 was put to use as a trainer aircraft. Though now obsolete as a frontline fighter, it could still provide a decent introduction to modern, metal monoplanes with retractable landing gear. For this purpose, JG 101 was outfitted with the D.520 and operated in occupied France, mostly from Pau, in the South, where it would be free from sweeps and raids performed from the British Isles. JG 103, operating during the remainder of the war in the Netherlands or Austria, also used the D.520, as did JG 105, operating near Paris and Chartres, and JG 107 in Nancy. In German service, the D.520s were painted in a light gray color with darker gray spots on much of the aircraft, something typically found on many late-war German aircraft. The underside of the aircraft, and in some cases the nose and tail sections, were painted in a garish yellow color, likely for identification purposes as a training aircraft. The planes received a Balkenkreuz marking on the central fuselage and a swastika on the tail.
The D.520 was noted to not always be a very easy plane to pilot, as it had some unforgiving flight characteristics and suffered from some mechanical issues, such as landing gear which at times failed to retract completely. However, in comparison to German fighters of the time, it offered much smoother and lighter controls for the pilot in comparison to the now quite heavy Bf 109G which were being operated by this point. There would nonetheless be several accidents, with at least three German pilots killed and two wounded on the Dewoitine. A number were also destroyed by Allied bombings of French airfields used by the Luftwaffe.
Outside of a training aircraft, there was another use the Germans could find to the D.520 by the second half of the war. It offered a convenient ‘hand-me-down’ aircraft to outfit the air forces of Axis states which requested fighters from Germany, without diverting any frontline German fighters being manufactured by this point. Two German allies would be outfitted with considerable numbers of D.520 in this fashion, Italy and Bulgaria, though it is sometimes claimed some outfitted Romania as well.
The French Fighter of the Regia Aeronautica
The Regio Esercito (Italian Army) captured 30 Dewoitines during the Battle of France, with many more being transferred to Italy after German capture in France.
The D.520s were assigned to various Regia Aeronautica (Italian Air Force) fighter groups, tasked with intercepting American bombers in the defense of various major cities, an endeavor which was met with mixed results. As Italy began to fall, some Dewoitines were destroyed by retreating Italians, or recaptured by the Germans.
It is of note that the Italians regarded the D.520 largely inferior for various reasons, but did praise the aircraft’s armament, making mention of the formidable 20mm cannon.
The Shield of Bulgaria
The other Axis air force which received a large number of D.520s was the Bulgarian Air Force. Though a member of the Axis powers, Bulgaria had chosen to remain out of Operation Barbarossa, and to not declare war on the Soviet Union, with its contribution to the war effort mostly consisting of its occupation of parts of Greece and Yugoslavia as well as economic cooperation with the Reich. As such, providing fighters for the Bulgarian Air Force may have seemed to be a lower priority for Germany in comparison to other allies, such as Hungary and Romania, which were actively fighting on the Eastern Front. However, Bulgaria was nonetheless at war with the Western Allies and, from 1943 onward, the subject of air raids increasing in frequency and intensity.
The D.520 seemed to be an appropriate hand-me-down for this lower priority but not insignificant part of the Axis, especially as the aircraft, while obsolete against modern fighters by 1943, could still be used against bombers and Bulgaria was still mostly out of reach of Allied single-engined fighters. Up to 150 D.520s appear to have been offered to Bulgaria, of which 120 would be ordered and 96 effectively delivered, the first 48 in August of 1943.
A major advantage of the D.520 for Bulgaria was that the old Czechcoslovak fighters already in use by the Bulgarian air force, the Avia B-71 and B-135, already used engines of the Hispano-Suiza 12Y family, albeit older models. This meant that Bulgarian mechanics would already have some experience with engines similar to those found on the Dewoitines, and that some amount of parts commonality could be expected, easing the logistical burdens Bulgaria would suffer in comparison to obtaining a fighter with an unrelated engine.
The Bulgarian Dewoitines were painted in schemes generally similar to the German ones, with a light gray base, dark upper, along with mottled spots in between. They, however, made more use of brown and green colors as well. The cross of the Bulgarian air force was painted on the aft fuselage, with the individual fighter number behind it. A yellow or white band was sometimes featured in front of the cross, behind the cockpit. The tips of the wings and sometimes the propeller hub were also painted in yellow.
The Bulgarian Dewoitines were delivered to the 6th IP (Fighter Regiment), where they formed the core of the 1st and 2nd groups. They would be operated in intercept missions, fighting along with Bf 109G-2 fighters also operated by the Bulgarians. American raids at this time typically consisted of B-24 bombers escorted by P-38 twin-engine fighters. While these escorts were significantly faster and better armed than the Dewoitines, the Bulgarian fighters could still count on their superior maneuverability to avoid being shot down. It appears the first victories by Bulgarian Dewoitines were scored on the 24th of November 1943, when three to four American planes were shot down by a Bulgarian fighter force composed of 24 D.520s and 16 Bf 109s. The first loss in combat appears to have been on the 10th of December, when one of 22 D.520s flying to intercept a flight of 60 B-24s and 60 P-38s was shot down. Ten days later, on the 20th, D.520s would score two victories, including an escorting P-38. On the 10th of January, Bulgarian pilots, flying 23 D.520s and 16 Bf 109s, in cooperation with 30 German Bf 109s, would claim four B-17s and four P-38s for the loss of a D.520.
The 30th of March 1944 saw the largest air raid of the war on Bulgaria, with more than 360 B-17s and B-24s attacking Sofia. The Bulgarian air force scrambled all aircraft it could muster, including some Avia B-135s from training schools in addition to 28 D.520s from the first group of 6th Fighter Regiment (I/6) and 6 from the 2nd group (II/6). The Dewoitine-equipped groups claimed a B-17 for I/6, and two bombers and a P-38 for II/6. By this point however, losses were starting to increase for Bulgarian fighters, with 4 to 5 D.520s lost against P-38s and defensive fire from the bombers. By the spring of 1944, American air raids now included P-51 and P-47 escorts in addition to the P-38, further complicating the task of Bulgarian pilots. The D.520s appear to have been falling out of favor in comparison to Bf 109s for interception purposes by this point. While 44 Dewoitines were still available to the Bulgarian air force on the 1st of May 1944, they would claim their last victory on 5th of May with a B-17 shot down. Losses started to mount at this point, mostly due to bombing runs against Bulgarian airfields as well as lack of spare parts to support continued operation. By the 1st of September 1944, only 32 D.520s were still in Bulgarian hands, with only about half in flying condition. Overall, the D.520s appear to have claimed 5 B-17s, 2 B-24s and 4 P-38s, attacking in intercept missions against the USAAF, at the loss of seven D.520 in combat. Eight to ten were actually lost in accidents, and overall, eight Bulgarian pilots were killed flying the Dewoitine.
As Soviet forces reached Bulgaria, a communist coup took over on the 9th of September 1944 and Bulgaria joined the war on the side of the Soviet Union. Remaining Bulgarian D.520s would operate against German forces from September to November, with a further two planes being lost, before the type was sent away from the frontlines in November of 1944. D.520s would remain in use by Bulgarian flight schools until 1947, when the type was finally retired from the service of the Bulgarian air force, and surviving aircraft were scrapped.
The Dewoitine into Liberation
By the 6th of June 1944, the D.520 was no longer used as a frontline fighter by any air force in the West. The Luftwaffe and Free French air force both operated the type as a trainer, with many of the Luftwaffe’s fleet of Dewoitines based in France.
While in the first two months following Operation Overlord, Allied progress would remain fairly slow and confined to Normandy, the breakthrough of Operation Cobra in late July saw a lightning-fast liberation of France by a combination of Allied mobile troops, and uprisings by the Forces Françaises de l’Intérieur (French Forces of the Inside or FFI) the leading organized French resistance. This would result in many D.520s being left behind on overrun airfields.
A first use of the D.520 by the FFI would be by a group of resistance fighters taking over the German occupied airfield at Châteauroux on the 20th of August 1944, where they found several damaged aircraft. Cannibalizing parts from different planes, the FFI managed to repair a single Dewoitine. Repainted in French colors, with a Cross of Lorraine on the tail, a French flag on the empennage, and “FFI” painted on the central fuselage, the Dewoitine was flown by a pilot that had not flown since the Battle of France, but ended up belly-landing. Two days later, German troops fleeing Southern France temporarily occupied Chateauroux again, with the FFI camouflaging their plane, and going into hiding until German forces finally left on the 10th of September.
A more organized and professional use of the Dewoitine by the Free French, or French Forces of the Interior (FFI) would be accomplished by the Marcel Doret fighter group. Following the Allied Landings in Provence on the 15th of August 1944, much of Southern France was liberated by Allied troops and FFI uprisings in the following days, including at German airfields in Southern France, the facilities of the Morane-Saulnier, the SNCASE-Dewoitine factories in Toulouse, and the surrounding area. This resulted in a considerable number of Dewoitines falling into the hands of the FFI, which would very swiftly put them to use. Under the command of Marcel Doret, the most prolific French test pilot in the pre-war era, a fighter group was established, operating two squadrons of D.520s, one in Toulouse and one in Tarbes, both in Southern France. This group was grown as the “1er Groupe de Chasse FFI” (1st FFI fighter group), or more colloquially as the “Doret group”. It appeared to have had a strength of 18 D.520s.
The Doret group was officially dissolved on the 1st of December 1944 – in practice, it was integrated into the formal structure of the French army as GC 2/18 “Saintonge.” The group was deployed to the Western French coast and used in recon missions as well as escorting Douglas A-24 Banshee bombers over the remaining German “pockets”, areas on the coast which remained under German control due to the presence of highly fortified U-Boat bases the Allies preferred to blockade, rather than attempt a costly take-over. In February of 1945, the D.520s were transferred to GC I/18 Vendée, continuing to see use in similar operations. This fighter group, the last operating the D.520 as a frontline fighter, was dissolved in October of 1945.
The camouflages used by the FFI were based on the German camouflages the D.520 were found with when captured, meaning a lighter gray base with darker gray spots. In some cases, the same brown as present on the D.520 previously in the service of the French air force was reintroduced on parts of the plane. Green could sometimes also be found. The FFI repainted the plane’s tail control surface with the French flag, as found on French air force aircraft prior to the armistice and the capture of the French fighters. A red cross of Lorraine was often found in the white stripe of this tail making. In the first months of operation, the D.520s also received the black and white invasion stripes in order to avoid any form of friendly fire incidents. In some cases, “FFI” appears to have been written in black letters in the white parts of the invasion stripes on the central fuselage. The D.520s also received French roundels on their wings, and later had their invasion stripes removed, with the space left on the central fuselage used for another roundel. A number in a circle was also present on the tail of many aircraft for identification purposes.
A number of FFI D.520s were also exhibited during an aviation exhibition in Paris in the spring of 1945.
The Undying Trainer
One would expect the conclusion of the war to finally have buried the old D.520, by this point completely obsolete against modern prop fighters, let alone jets. Nonetheless, the plane saw continued use in the training role it had often been relegated in the later phases of the war.
This trainer role saw a final variant of the D.520 be designed and produced, the D.520 DC, double commande (dual control.) As the name suggests, this was a D.520 with an extended cockpit to the rear, intended for two men, a cadet and an instructor. The plane would receive dual controls allowing the instructor to take over control of the plane.
The modification had been devised by a French air force adjutant, with a first D.520, n°243, converted in the autumn of 1945. This was a very much makeshift conversion, using pedals from an Fw 190, a control stick from a no longer flyable D.520, and seemingly a seat from an A-24 Banshee for the instructor. Nonetheless, after a first flight in October of 1945, impressions were positive, and after a few modifications were performed, a dozen of D.520s were converted to the DC standards in early 1946. These planes would be used to train a number of French air force cadets, including the first few women to obtain military pilot licenses in the French air force.
The training service of both DC and single-seat D.520s would continue in the following year, though the type was progressively retired as more modern aircraft, including jets, were introduced. The last flight of a D.520 in the French air force was performed on the 30th of September 1953.
Surviving Aircraft
A D.520 is present on static display at France’s Musée de l’Air et de l’Espace du Bourget (ENG: Museum of Air and Space of the Bourget) near Paris. It is painted as a fighter of GC III/6, the squadron of the type’s most successful pilot, Pierre le Gloan.
A D.520 in flyable condition is currently in the hands of the Conservatoire de l’Air et de l’Espace d’Aquitaine (Air and Space Conservatory of Aquitaine). It was restored to airworthiness from 2005 onward, after having been in storage for decades. A third D.520 is present in a hangar of the French navy, awaiting restoration alongside a number of other aircraft.
A fourth D.520, n°408, was part of the Musée de l’air et de l’espace as soon as it was phased out of service in 1957. Surviving as a warbird, it tragically crashed in July 1986, killing the pilot.
Variants
D.520-01 – The first prototype, utilizing a Hispano-Suiza 12Y-21 generating 890hp. No armament fitted. Numerous modifications included changes to the radiators, tail, exhaust, a 12Y-29 engine, and propeller.
D.520-02 – A fully armed prototype. Implemented all prior modifications, along with improved landing gear, and a larger empennage.
D.520-03 – Prototype with upgraded 12Y-31 Engine
D.520 – Main Production Version, fitted with the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-45 engine. Around 900 produced.
D.521 – Prototype utilizing the British Merlin III Engine.
D.522 – Version fitted with the slightly older Hispano-Suiza 12Y-31, fitted with a new Hispano-Suiza supercharger, providing better high-altitude performance. Production was scheduled to start in July 1940, but never occurred due to the German invasion of France.
D.523 – Fitted with the improved Hispano-Suiza 12Y-51 mated to a Sydlowski-Planiol supercharger, producing up to 1,000 hp at altitude. Also offered significant speed and climb advantages over the original D.520. Only one prototype produced.
D.524 – Scheduled for 1940 production, would have used the Hispano-Suiza 12Z engine, a refined version of the 12Y engine, expected to have produced 1,300 hp. None built.
HD 780 – Prototype floatplane naval version of the D.520 featuring foldable, angled, gull wings, increased engine size, and two floats. Was completed in March 1940 but never flown.
D.525 – Combined the Hispano-Suiza 12Y-51 engine with the Hispano-Suiza supercharger used on the D.522. Only 30 produced.
D.520Z – Produced under the Vichy Regime in 1943 with German approval, this prototype installed the Hispano-Suiza 12Z engine, making 1,600 hp, a considerable boost in power. First flight didn’t take place until 1947.
M.520T – Project to further modernize the D.520, never reached the prototype stage.
D.520DC – A two seat trainer version developed immediately post-war. DC roughly indicates ‘dual control.’
Operators
French Armée de l’Air (French Air Force) – The French Air Force hastily produced and deployed to active squadrons mere months before hostilities broke out between Germany and France. After the conclusion of the Battle of France, and subsequent armistice, the aircraft would continue to serve under the air force the Vichy Regime.
Forces Françaises de l’Intérieur (FFI / Free French Forces) – Organized FFI forces operating in recaptured areas of France after Allied breakthroughs in 1944 assembled a few small squadrons and began flying reclaimed D.520s, most notably the “Doret Group,” before being reabsorbed into the formal structure of the revitalized French Army.
Regia Aeronautica (Italian Air Force [Axis]) – The Italians managed to acquire several dozen D.520s throughout the course of the war, and pressed them into domestic service defending and intercepting allied bombers over the Italian mainland.
Luftwaffe (Nazi Germany) – During Germany’s various incursions into France, several hundred D.520s came under their control, in addition to continuing serial production under German occupation. The Dewoitines that found their way into German service were primarily used as trainers, or were transferred to Axis allies, namely Italy and Bulgaria.
Bulgarian Air Force – As Bulgaria was an ally of the Axis powers, upwards of 98 D.520s were transferred to the country’s air force, and used to intercept Allied bomber raids.
Conclusion – The Incarnation of “Trop peu et trop tard”: The D.520 in French Mythos
Since the end of the Second World War, the D.520 has progressively gained a near-mythical status in French military enthusiast circles. The reasons for this are quite easy to identify. The D.520 was the best performing French fighter introduced in large numbers during the Battle of France, and seemingly the only one which posed a credible threat to the Bf 109. However, it arrived too late, and numbers too small to Germany’s advance. In this regard, it was one of a considerable amount of fairly advanced pieces of equipment the French army was close to introducing in 1940, but never could due to the Armistice, similar in this fashion to its fellow Bloch MB.155 and Arsenal VG.33 fighter aircraft, the two Richelieu-class battleships, and the MAS 40 semi-automatic rifle of the French army.
This massive place in French mythos, reinforced by Pierre Le Gloan’s commendable combat record with the type, could be said, however, to have caused some bias to exist in some French analysts, where placing the D.520 as an equal to the Bf 109 has become sort of tradition. While the D.520 was much closer to competing with the German fighter in comparison to the previous MS.406 or MB.152, in some ways, the German fighter could be said to still be a little better performing. It is also questionable whether or not the D.520 could have evolved to become a mainstay fighter for the French air force for the rest of the war, as the Spitfire was for the Royal Air Force and the Bf 109 for the Luftwaffe. In some ways, the VG.33 airframe, which slightly outperformed the D.520, with a previous and weaker version of the same engine, may eventually have provided a better long-term mainstay fighter for France. In any case though, difficult circumstances prevented the VG.33 from ever reaching service, but the D.520 would have the opportunity to live an active service life in a number of air forces, one which saw it in action against both Axis and Allied forces alike.
Dewoitine D.520C-1 specifications
Wingspan
10.18 m /
Length
8.75 m /
Height
2.55 m /
Wing Area
16 m² /
Engine
Hispano-Suiza 12Y-45
Power at Critical Altitude
935 hp at 4,200 m
Max RPM
2,400 RRM
Propeller
Three-bladed Ratier or Chauvière (3 m diameter)
Empty Weight
2,050 kg /
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,740 kg /
Wing Load
195 kg/m²
Fuel Capacity
400 liters standard
640 liters with wing fuel tanks
Time to Altitude
4,000 m in 5’13”
6,000 m in 7’57”
8,000 m in 13’24”
Maximum Speed
425 km/h at sea level
535 km/h at 6,750 m
Cruising Speed
400 km/h
Stall Speed
125 km/h
Range
Around 900 km with standard fuel load
1,500 km at max fuel fuel load (equipped w/ wing tanks)
Maximum Service Ceiling
11,000 m /
Crew
1 Pilot
Armament
20 mm HS-404 firing through the propeller hub with 60 rounds
4x MAC34M39 machine-guns with 675 rounds per gun in the wings
Number Completed
Around 900 (produced 1939-1944)
Gallery
Credits
Written by Marisa Belhote
Special Thanks for Contributions to the Italian Section by Arturo Giusti
Nazi Germany (1944) Rocket Powered Fighter – Around 370 Built
Following the successful testing of the previous Me 163A series, the Germans began developing a new improved version that was intended for operational use. This would lead to the Me 163B series, which was the first, and last, operational rocket-powered aircraft to be used in active combat. In comparison to its predecessor, the Me 163B offered a number of improvements to its design and shape. By the war’s end, less than 400 aircraft of this type would be built.
History
Work on the second series of the Me 163, which would be built in greater numbers than the experimental A-series, began at the start of September 1941. In comparison to the predecessor, the B-version had a number of modifications. The most obvious change was the completely redesigned fuselage, which was larger and had an overall more aerodynamic shape. Its armament was installed in the wing roots, the engine was replaced with an improved version, and the pilot cockpit was enlarged.
Initial plans for this aircraft were quite ambitious, as Messerschmitt had predicted that the production of four operational prototype aircraft with additional airframes should commence in October 1941. Once the first few prototypes were completed, a small series of 66 aircraft were to follow. The actual responsibility of building these was given to Messerschmitt production plants at Regensburg with assembly at Obertraubling. It was estimated by RLM (Reichsluftfahrtministerium – Ministry of Aviation) officials that, after the first batch of 70 aircraft was built, it would take some 7 months to actually begin mass production of fully operational aircraft.
As was the case with many German wartime projects, it suffered from delays due to a lack of resources. The work on the initial group of prototypes started only at the end of 1941. Once again, further delays due to the slow delivery of engines postponed production until March of 1942. At this stage, the Germans were replacing the R II 209 rocket engines with the modified RII 211. The new engine used different types of fuel tanks which necessitated the redesign of the fuselage interior. This engine used a combination of T-Stoff and C-Stoff (a mixture of hydrazine hydrate, water, and methanol). As the construction of the Me 163B V1 prototype was approaching completion, it was proposed to switch to the older R II 203 engine to save development time, but this modification was not carried out. The development of the rocket engines was very slow and plagued with many setbacks, especially the limited production of fuel, which eventually led to huge delays in the Me 163 production. Finally, for the Me 163 production aircraft, the improved HWK-509 engine was chosen.
In May 1942, Me 163 B-0 V1 (KE+SX) was completed, minus the engine, and was tested as an unpowered glider. By 1943, it was obvious that Messerschmitt alone could not cope with the wartime demands, so RLM officials decided to bring aboard another aircraft manufacturer. They chose Klemm’s Stuttgart-Boeblingen factory, with a monthly goal of some 30 Me 163 aircraft. Klemm was also tasked with providing additional workers for Messerschmitt. Delays in delivering essential parts, such as weapons, caused setbacks in the Klemm Me 163 production.
Despite the problems with the Me 163 production, a small number of available aircraft were allocated to the Erprobungkommando (EKdo) 16 unit from April 1942 onward.
First Flights by EKdo 16
Once the first prototype was available, it was flight-tested as a glider by Heini Dittmar in late June, or May of 1942, depending on the source. Heini Dittmar had plenty of experience as a test pilot flying the Me 163A aircraft. The BV1 prototype would be, from this point on, mainly used as a training glider aircraft. From this point forward all aircraft built would be transported to Bad Zwischenahn near Oldenburg. Once there, they would be flight-tested by a number of pilots under the command of Karl Voy from EKdo16. This unit, which was formed in April of 1942, had the primary function of testing and evaluating the newly built Me 163 and helping in the development and improvement of its overall design. Another purpose that this unit had to fulfill was the training of new pilots for the Me 163.
An interesting episode in EKdo 16’s history is connected to the well-known German test pilot Hanna Reitsch. After a number of attempts to get permission to flight test the Me 163, she was finally allowed to do so at the end of 1942. Shortly after she took off, the jettisonable takeoff dolly refused to successfully detach from the aircraft, preventing it from using the landing skid. She managed to land the aircraft but was badly wounded and was placed in a hospital for some time. She later requested permission to fly the Me 163 again, but was explicitly rejected and was forbidden from flying it.
In early 1943, this unit was also tasked with testing jet-powered aircraft that were currently in development. These included the Me 262 and the He 280. EKdo 16 began receiving the first operational Me 163Bs only in July, or February of 1943. Due to extensive Allied Air Force activity near EKdo 16’s base of operation, the unit began the process of relocating its aircraft to Anklam. By this time, the unit had some 7 Me 163A and 1 of the B version. Due to poor ground conditions for Me 163 operations, the aircraft was relocated back to Bad Zwischenahn in late August. The delays with the construction of auxiliary support buildings on this airfield meant that crew training could not begin until October 1943. These initial training flights were carried out using two-seater gliders. Due to a lack of C-Stoff fuel, another series of delays impacted progress on training. In November, the Me 163As were used for crew training. In November and later in December, two aircraft were lost in accidents with the loss of life of both pilots.
In the following months, due to a number of factors like slow production, bad weather, and Allied activity, the Me 163 training program progressed at a slow pace. By May 1944, only a small group of fewer than 50 pilots had a chance to fly either the powered or towed versions of the Me 163. Once these were successfully tested, they would be then allocated to the 1./J.G. 400. unit.
The first combat action of the Me 163 was conducted on 14th May 1944, piloted by Major Spate. Amusingly, just prior to the first flight, his Me 163 BV 41 (PK-QL) aircraft was painted in red. This was done by the unit mechanics, who wanted with this small gesture to bring good luck to their pilots. Seeing no harm in it, Major Spate gave instruction that his aircraft be fully fueled and armed. During his flight, he attempted twice to attack Allied bombers but failed to properly engage them. It seems the red paint did not help with the luck.
During May, a number of unsuccessful combat flights with the Me 163 were undertaken. At the end of May, the airfield at Bad Zwischenahn was heavily bombed. During this attack, several Me 163s were damaged. This attack left the airfield at Bad Zwischenahn unusable for some time. To continue the training of pilots, the whole operation was temporarily moved to Brieg on the Oder. As this airfield lacked any proper workshops, the dismantled aircraft could not be assembled again and, for this reason, no test flights were ever carried out from Brieg.
Interestingly, on the 12th and 13th June 1944, three Me 163s from the EKdo 16 were demonstrated to the Japanese and Italian military delegations. As, at that time, EKdo 16 could not provide a fully operational Me 163, these were instead taken from 1./J.G. 400.
On 15th June 1944, the unit was once again back to Bad Zwischenahn. At their disposal, there were 2 prototypes, 7 gliders and 11 fully operational Me 163 aircraft. A few days later, another accident occurred when the towing aircraft lost power to one of its engines. The towed Me 163 was released at some 50 meters of altitude and the pilot was forced to land at a nearby lake. While the aircraft was heavily damaged, the pilot managed to survive.
In July 1944, a second auxiliary unit (Erganzumgsstaffel) was formed. It was also subordinated to the 1./J.G. 400. It had 6 Me 163s, of which only one was equipped with a rocket engine. It was intended to supplement the training of pilots for 1./J.G. 400.
In mid-August 1944, the airfield was once again attacked by Allied bombers. This caused further delays in training operations, until August 23rd. On that day, another accident led to the death of a pilot and the loss of yet another aircraft. Not wanting to waste the parts of the destroyed Me 163, these were collected and then sent to the training school at Fassberg.
At the start of September, Luftwaffe Generalmajor Adolf Galland told EKdo 16’s Commander Hauptmann Thaler, that the unit was to be disbanded and all personnel and equipment were to be relocated to Brandis. While the commanders of EKdo 16 were against such a decision, there was little they could do and, by the end of September, the unit was on its way to Brandis.
Technical Characteristics
The Me 163 was a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing tailless aircraft. Its fuselage was constructed of metal, while the wings were wood. The fuselage could be divided into three sections, the cockpit, the central fuel tanks, and the rear engine compartment. In order to help the ground crew with repairs, the fuselage was specially designed to contain a large number of removable panels. Thanks to this, the replacement of damaged parts or even the whole engine could be done relatively quickly.
The wings were quite simple in design, consisting of two spars covered in 8 mm thick fabric. The Me 163 wings were swept to the rear at a 23.3° angle. At the wing’s trailing edges, ailerons were placed, which the pilot used for pitch and roll. For landings, large hydraulically operated flaps were added on the wings.
In order for the pilot to enter the cockpit, a ladder was placed on the left side of the aircraft. While the cockpit was not pressurized, it could be jettisoned to help the pilot escape the aircraft in case of emergency. Being unpressurized actually placed time limits for how long the pilot could endure without losing consciousness at altitude and during high-speed maneuvers. For this reason, the pilot had to endure altitude chamber training and had a specially designed diet. Despite attempts to improve visibility compared to the previous version, the Me 163B suffered from poor visibility, especially to the rear and in front of the aircraft’s nose.
The Me 163 was equipped with various onboard equipment, including a FuG 16 ZE radio transmitter and receiver. In addition, a FuG 25 IFF (identification friend or foe) transmitter and receiver was installed. Given its small size and limited overall weight, the onboard batteries had a limited capacity. In order to provide the necessary power, the Germans simply added a small windmill generator which was placed on the nose of the fuselage.
During its development, the Me 163B was tested with a series of different rocket engines. Ultimately, for the main production version, the HWK (Helmuth Walter Kiel) 109-509A rocket engine was chosen. This had a thrust power ranging from 100 kg (220 lbs) to 1,500 kg (3,300 lbs) or 1,700 kg (3,750 lbs), depending on the source.
The Me 163 initially used a fuel mixture of the T and Z-Stoff. T-Stoff consisted of a mix of hydrogen peroxide with oxyquinoline or phosphate. Z-Stoff was an aqueous solution of calcium permanganate. Z-Stoff would later be replaced with C-Stoff, which was a mix of methyl alcohol, hydrazine hydrate, and water. T-Stoff was stored in one main and two smaller auxiliary tanks. The smaller tanks were placed on both sides of the cockpit. The C-Stoff fuel tanks were placed in the Me 163’s wings. In order to help circulate the fuel, two centrifugal pumps were placed inside the Me 163.
These chemicals were extremely flammable and dangerous to handle and thus required safety procedures to be used properly. Before each flight, the fuel tanks had to be thoroughly washed with water. During refueling, the ground and the aircraft had to be sprayed with large amounts of water. If the safety procedures were not followed, there was a great risk of explosion, which happened on occasion. Due to the volatile nature of the fuel, any harsh landing with fuel still onboard offered a great chance of explosion as well, which led to a number of pilots being lost. Being highly corrosive and deadly to the touch, the maintenance crews and pilots had to wear specially designed protective clothing and gloves. Preserved photographs seem to indicate that these precautions were not always strictly adhered to. Given that the Me 163 operated in late 1944 were shortages of all kinds of equipment and materials were common, this should not come as a surprise. Still, handling the Me 163 fuel without this kind of protection was highly dangerous for the ground maintenance crews.
The fuel load consisted of 1040 liters (229 gallons) of T-Stoff and 492 liters of C-Stoff. The Me 163 was notorious for having only a limited powered flight endurance of 7 minutes and 30 seconds before its fuel reserve was spent. The actual flight could be much longer, however, since at sufficient altitude, the pilot could switch off the engine, and reactivate it as needed. After all rocket fuel had been spent, the pilot would then use the Me 163 as a glider to fly back to its base, or to any nearby German airfield.
The initial armament consisted of two 20 mm MG 151/20 cannons, which were positioned in the wing roots. To increase the firepower these would be replaced with the stronger 30 mm MK 108 cannons. The Me 163B-0 series was armed with the weaker 20mm cannon while the Me 163 B-1 with the stronger 30mm cannon. While the Mk 108 had sufficient firepower to outright destroy or heavily damage enemy aircraft, it was plagued with low velocity. This combined with the extraordinary speed of the Me 163 made engaging targets difficult. For this reason, the Me 163 was tested with some experimental weapon systems. These include the 5.5 cm R4M air-to-air rocket, and the more revolutionary SG 500 Jagdfaust. This weapon consisted of five rockets usually placed under each wing, but on the Me 163 it was actually mounted vertically in the wings. It was provided with an optical sensor that activated its weapon load once it detected shadow, in theory, a shadow of an enemy plane. This was an automated weapon firing mechanism capable of friendly fire if not managed properly. But this situation would be rare given the fact that Me 163 was a short-range and unique interceptor that operated on its own without support from other aircraft.
The Me 163 utilized an auxiliary landing gear unit. This was mainly done to reduce the overall weight of the aircraft. Take-offs and landings were divided into two phases. For take-off, the Me 163 sat on a simple two-wheel dolly unit. Once at sufficient altitude the dolly was jettisoned from the bottom of the aircraft. On occasion, there were accidents involving this system, when, for example, the dolly refused to release from the aircraft, or even worse, it could bounce off the ground and strike the aircraft from below. Therefore the Germans worked on developing safer types of dollies. On landing, the Me 163 were to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. In addition, to the rear of the aircraft, a small steerable tail wheel was added to help during take-off and landing.
While this takeoff and landing system offered the desired reduction in weight, it was not without its problems. Besides the issues previously mentioned, after a successful landing, the Me 163 was immobile and vulnerable to possible enemy attacks. To move it across the airfield the Germans designed and built a small specialized aircraft tug, called the Scheuchschlepper, especially for this task.
Operational Combat Use
The first operational unit that was to be equipped with the Me 163 was the Staffel of Jagdgeschwader 20./JG 1 located at Bad Zwischenahn. According to initial plans, this unit was to be formed at least by the end of 1943 or in early 1944 depending on the sources. In its inventory, there were some 12 fully operational Me 163 available. In addition, the Germans planned for the Me 163 to be positioned at a series of auxiliary airfields along Allied bomber routes. These would be fully equipped with spare parts, ammunition, and fuel, and positioned close to each other. This way, after an attack run, the Me 163 pilots could simply choose on which airfield to land, knowing that they could resupply without any problems.
But in reality, it took a few more months before the unit was actually officially formed at the start of March 1944. The development of a network of supporting airfields for the Me 163 was also never completed. The unit was by that time being renamed to Jagdgeschwader 1./JG 400 and stationed at Deelen. The commander of the unit was Oberleunant Rober Olejnik. They were relocated to Wittmundhafen as the airfield at Deelen proved unfit for the Me 163 aircraft’s operation.
The unit received its first operational Me 163 on the 10th of March, and seven more were to arrive by late April 1944. Concurrently, pilots were beginning to arrive from the EKdo 16 training unit. More test flights were carried out until mid-March 1944 when they had to be temporarily stopped. The reason for this was the lack of sufficient water supply which was essential for flushing the Me 163 fuel tanks in order to avoid any accidental explosion. To resolve this issue the unit personnel began drilling wells to collect water.
1./JG 400 was at this stage prohibited from making combat flights in order to avoid the attention of the Allies. However, the unit was permitted to conduct live firing trials during flights in order to test the Me 163 weapons systems. While generally successful, during sharp maneuvers at a speed of some 800 km/h, the ammunition belts proved prone to malfunction. While Olejnik suggested using a drum magazine, which was even tested successfully, his idea would not be adopted. On the 21st of April Olejnik had an accident during a forced landing where he spent some time in hospital thereafter.
In April and May, 1./JG 400 took delivery of a group of 10 aircraft, but one had to be returned to Klemm for modifications. That particular aircraft would be destroyed in an Allied bombing raid on Klemm. These were still prototype aircraft of the B pre-production version. The first Me 163B-0 series aircraft began to arrive from May 1944. At this time the Luftwaffe officials were determined to introduce the Me 163 to service. For this reason, the work on testing and experimenting with the Me 163 was stopped in favor of increasing the overall production of the Me 163 B-1.
With the expected increase in production, another unit, 2./J.G.400, was to be formed in May 1944. It was initially to be involved with crucial crew training. At that time, the size of both units was to be increased to 14 instead of 12 operational aircraft.
In July 1944, 1./JG 400 received permission to make combat flights. The Me 163 were then used in several failed attempts to intercept the Allied reconnaissance aircraft that made frequent flights over the base. At the same time, 1./JG 400 and other available Me 163 were being relocated to new positions at Brandis. The original plans to build numerous connected airfields were abandoned in favor of concentrating all available Me 163 in a few selected airfields. For this reason, Brandis would become the main key point for the Me 163 combat operations. It is from there that the Me 163s attempted to intercept a huge Allied air formation of some 766 bombers, supported with over 14 groups of cover fighters. The Me 163 did not engage the Allies probably due to the small number of available aircraft and the heavy fighter cover. By the end of July, the 1./JG 400 had only four operational aircraft out of 16 available.
In mid-August, Me 163s from this unit attacked an Allied B-17 bomber formation. While evading the fighter cover, they managed to heavily damage at least one bomber, killing two crew members. On the 16th of August, five Me 163 attacked a group of B-17s, and even managed to shoot down two of the bombers. The Germans lost one Me 163 during this engagement being hit by an Allied P-51. On the 24th of August, eight Me 163 managed to shoot down three more bombers while successfully evading enemy fighter cover.
On the 8th of September, the Me 163 were officially taken into service. Given the previous success, of destroying 5 enemy bombers with a limited number of available Me 163, attempts were made to increase the number of squadrons with 20 aircraft. This was never achieved, as the Allies destroyed the vital C-Stoff fuel production facility at Kiel in August. On the 11th of September, a single Me 163 attacked and destroyed a lone B-17.
During these initial combat engagements with the Allied bombers, German pilots noticed that the Me 163s armament had a huge flaw. The weapons were difficult to use with the standard attack tactics of the aircraft. This involved getting the Me 163 high above the Allied bombers and then plunging down at them with a dive speed of 885-930 km/h (550-580 mph). Due to its main cannon’s low velocity, and in order to avoid collision with the target, the pilot had only a few seconds available to engage the enemy. This meant that only the highly experienced Me 163 pilot had a chance of hitting the enemy aircraft. The Me 163 also had another flaw, as it could be only used when the weather was clear.
At the end of September 1944, II./JG400 was formed, under the command of Lieutenant Peter Gerth (3/JG 400) and Oberleutnant Franz Woidich (4/JG 400). These units were renamed in November or December 1944 to 5. and 6./JG 400. During this time the 7/JG 400 was also formed, which was stationed at Stettin-Altdamm. In late 1944 II./JG400 was repositioned at Stargard. Few sorties were carried out mostly due to lack of fuel. In November 1944 a Me 163 engaged a British Mosquito, damaging it and forcing its crew to abandon the aircraft.
Bad weather, lack of fuel and the rapid Allied advance on the West and East temporarily stopped all Me 163 combat operations. Combat operations began again in March of 1945. For example on the 16th March, an Me 163 managed to damage another Mosquito on a reconnaissance mission. While the Mosquito pilot managed to fly back to France, he was forced to crash land. A quite interesting Me 163 air victory was achieved on the 10th April 1945 while piloted by Leutnant Fritz Kelb. This aircraft was equipped with the experimental SG 500 Jagdfaust and managed to shoot down a British Lancaster bomber.
In late April I/.J.G.400 would be disbanded and its remaining few operational Me 163 were allocated to the J.G 7. The former I/.J.G.400 commander Wolfgang Spate, flying one of the remaining operational Me 163, managed to destroy 5 additional Allied bombers by the end of the war. The remaining ground personnel from the I/.J.G.400 were dispatched to the East to fight as infantry in Bavaria. There, they allegedly managed to destroy a Soviet tank using a MK 108 cannon removed from an Me 163, which was placed on makeshift undercarriage wheels, also taken from a Me 163. Given the chaotic state of Germany in 1945, it’s conceivable that the crew operating this gun may have found a way to make it work.
After the War
In May 1945 the Allied forces were rapidly advancing into Germany, capturing many airfields in the process. The crews of the Me 163 were often instructed to destroy their own aircraft to prevent them from falling into the enemy’s hands, but despite this, the Allies managed to capture a number of intact Me 163. This was the case of the II./J.G.400, which surrendered its 48 aircraft to the Allies on the 8th of MAy 1945. Of these, some 25 were transported back to the UK to be properly examined. The Americans also managed to capture a number of Me 163 in various working conditions across occupied Germany. The French Air Force received at least 4 Me 163 from the British after the war. The Soviets were not idle either as they also managed to acquire unknown numbers of the Me 163 including the rare two-seater trainer version Me 163S.
In an attempt to increase the Me 163’s performance, Junkers cooperated with Dr. Lippisch. This resulted in the development of a modified Me 163 (based on the BV6 prototype) which was slightly larger, had greater fuel capacity and had two engines. In theory, during take-off, both engines would be activated until a certain altitude was reached. This project would eventually evolve into Me 163C. This aircraft was to have a redesigned fuselage and cockpit. It was to be powered by HWK 109-509A-2 and HWK 509C engines. By the end of the war, only a few incomplete airframes were built.
Japanese Me-163B
In 1944, on Adolf Hitler’s instructions, a number of previously secret projects were to be shared with the Japanese. For this reason, several submarines were to transport parts of a disassembled Me 163B to Japan. While the one carrying the aircraft parts was sunk, the others that were carrying technical manuals managed to reach the German ally. Based on these, the Japanese managed to build a slightly modified copy of the Me 163. It was known in Japan as J8M1 Shuri (Rigorous Sword). During the first test flight, there was an accident in which the prototype was lost.
During negotiations between Japanese and German military officials, it was agreed to hand over to Japan a production license for many weapons including the Me 163 and Me 262. It was named Mitsubishi Ki-200, for the army, and J8M1 for the navy. The first Me 163B flew in July 1945 but was lost in an accident. Several more were built but the end of the war led to the end of the project.
Production
The production of Me 163 was initially allocated to the Messerschmitt Regensburg factory. As it was overburdened with other projects, it would then be allocated to a much smaller Klemm factory where less than 60 aircraft were built in total. Some sources also mentioned that the production was carried out at the Dornier factory in Oberpfaffenhofen and the Bachmann von Blumenthal factory in Fürth. On the 1st of September 1944, the production of the Me 163 was officially handed over to Junkers. To avoid concentrating the production in one location, given the Allied bombing campaign, Junkers dispersed it across numerous smaller companies. Each of these was tasked with the delivery and production of parts before being finally assembled at Brandenburg-Briest. This, in theory, would increase the overall production and avoid potentially being targeted by Allied bombers. In reality, this backfired, as it caused huge confusion and chaos with the delivery of parts, and poor quality in production. Junkers managed to produce around 299 aircraft of this type by the end of the war.
The question of how many Me 163B were produced during the war is difficult to pinpoint precisely. The sources give different numbers, for example, most state around 400 of all models, of which some 370 were estimated to be of B-version, were built by the war’s end.
Me 163B-0 – Pre-production aircraft
Me 163B-1 – Main production aircraft
Me 163C – Experimental twin-engine modifications of the Me 163B aircraft but only few incomplete airframes were ever built
Operators
Germany – Built less than 400 aircraft of which only a smaller number were ever used in combat
Japan – Built a small number of slightly modified Me 163B by the end of the war.
Soviet Union – Several Me 163B and one Me 163S, captured, were used for many different tests after the war. The results of these tests will lead to the development and creation of several different projects (The Lavochkin I-162 and Mikoyan-Gurevich I-270).
UK – Managed to capture some 48 or so Me 163 aircraft of which 25 were sent to the UK for testing and evaluation.
France – Received four aircraft from the British after the war.
USA – Acquired an unknown number of Me 163 at the war’s end.
Australia and Canada – Both received one aircraft from the British after the war.
Surviving Aircraft
Today at least several Me 163 are known to still exist. One could be found in the Australian War Memorial in Canberra, and one in the Canada Aviation and Space Museum in Ottawa. Two are located in German museums: Luftwaffenmuseum at Berlin-Gatow and Deutsches Museum in Munich. Few more are in the USA Flying Heritage Collection, National Museum of the USAF, and Smithsonian National Air and Space Museums. And in the UK, RAF, Science and National Museum of Flight. The one captured by the Soviets existence is currently unclear.
Conclusion
The Me 163 was designed to be light and relatively cheap to build. This was certainly a strength if we take into account the huge shortage of resources and materials that the Germans endured during the later stages of the war. It also used special fuel that was specially designed for it, and thus there was no need for allocating the vital German fuel reserves to it.
With the two MK 108 cannons, the Me 163 was formidably armed given its small size. Just a few rounds of this cannon was enough to destroy or heavily damage an enemy target. Given its phenomenal speed during dive attack at the enemy formation, the Me 163 was essentially immune to enemy fighter cover and was unable to do much against it. That is until it ran out of fuel, at that point it was completely helpless and could only glide back to base.
On the other hand, it was overshadowed by a number of critical faults that were never corrected. For example, while the Me 163 was cheap, due to many reasons it was never produced in any sufficient numbers to cause any serious threat to the Allies. While the number of some 400 aircraft built seems significant, in reality only a dozen or so aircraft were ever used at any given time in combat. Most were used for training, either as gliders, or with an operational engine. Not all built aircraft would be delivered to the operational units, given the great confusion and chaos that the Germans were surrounded with from 1944 on. The fuel could never be produced in sufficient quantities. The problem with fuel was even complicated by the increase in production of the Me 163. Because of this the Germans simply had to reduce the number of aircraft that they used for combat, as there wasn’t enough fuel for all of them. The volatile nature of its fuel, occasionally lead to accidents and explosions, losing aircraft in the process, but more importantly the vital pilots. While its speed was great, its maximum burn time for the engine was only slightly longer than 7 minutes, however this capability could be stretched by the pilot’s ability to switch the engine on and off throughout the flight. Once the engine consumed all the fuel reserves, the aircraft essentially became a simple glider that was vulnerable to enemy fighter cover.
In the final analysis, the Me 163 theoretically possessed great potential for a rocket-powered aircraft. In reality, due to many delays, lack of unity in German aviation circles, and problems with its design and production, the Me 163 never managed to fulfill the role that its designer had intended for it. Its achilles heel was its dangerous and volatile fuel from which a number of planes and pilot lives were lost. Probably its greatest contribution was that it provided a good experimental platform for flight tests at transonic speeds. But due to its unusual design the Me 163 certainly deserves a great place in the history of the development of aviation.
Me 163B Specifications
Wingspans
30 ft 7 in / 9.32 m
Length
19 ft 2 in / 5.84 m
Height
9 ft 1 in / 2.77 m
Wing Area
199.4 ft² / 18.5 m²
Engine
One HWL 509A rocket engine
Empty Weight
4,200 lbs / 1,900 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
9.060 lbs / 4.110 kg
Fuel Capacity
1,530 liters / 400 US gallons
Maximum Speed
600 mph / 960 km/h
Engine endurance
7 minutes and 30 seconds
Maximum Service Ceiling
39,700 ft / 12,100 m
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 20 mmMG 151
Or two 30 mm MK108 cannons
Gallery
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed Jackson
Illustrated by Carpaticus
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