The end of the battle of Britain was the beginning of an escalating air war which would claim nearly all of Europe as its theater. While neither air force could be said to claim the Channel in its entirety, low level fighter sweeps, tactical bombing raids, and high level photoreconnisance efforts would be conducted with ever more sophisticated methods and technology over the coming years. High flying recon planes, in particular, would prove the most challenging to combat, as specialized aircraft, like the Ju 86p, began to appear alongside ever faster fighter planes equipped with cameras. With the air war quite literally being taken to new heights, it would take a considerable effort to modify existing fighter planes to enable them to deal with an enemy operating at extreme altitude. In Germany, such efforts would produce the high altitude, ‘odd numbered’ variants of the Bf 109G, which would incorporate nitrous boosting systems and pressurized cockpits to enable them to chase targets far above their unmodified counterparts.
No laughing matter
Prior to the Second World War, high altitude fighter development was a largely secondary issue, in comparison to the build up of aircraft geared for combat at low and medium altitude. The premier fighters of the battle of Britain, the Spitfire Mk I and the Bf 109E, both exemplified this, the latter possessing a single stage, two speed supercharger, and the former a single stage mechanically driven variable speed type. The performance of both aircraft declined considerably as the planes rose above six kilometers. After the battle of Britain, the once highly active theater of Western Europe became secondary to the battles waged in the Mediterranean and the East. The primary activities there soon became focused on intelligence gathering and nuisance raids; there was an escalating nightly strategic air war, however, it was largely dislocated from the efforts of both the RAF’s and Luftwaffe’s daylight forces.
In 1941, both sides would introduce two aircraft which would largely shape the high altitude mission, namely the Ju 86P and the DeHavilland Mosquito. Neither aircraft could be caught by the conventional models of either the Bf 109 or the Spitfire, and thus a race to design high altitude models of the fighters began. For the Germans, the process would be far more complicated, as the reduced supply of certain critical materials meant that the traditional methods of increasing performance were off the table. There was insufficient nickel for corrosion resistant exhaust valves, no tin for heavy duty bearings, and eventually, less cobalt and chromium for heat resistant alloys. On top of this, a transition to synthetic fuels would further complicate matters. While the Battle of Britain-era Bf 109E could boast of both good performance and reliability, its succeeding F model would be plagued by a number of issues, and its increased performance was accompanied with horrible mechanical reliability. In short, nickel poor exhaust valves corroded and failed and the untested C3 synthetic fuel degraded in rubber fuel tanks and escaped into the oil system. Fuel escaping into the oil system was common on most aircraft, but it often happened in small quantities that were subsequently boiled off. The droplets which failed to aerosolize in the DB 601N tended to be of a larger than normal volume, and combined with Daimler Benz engines running cooler than most, they often failed to boil off.
With the new model of Bf 109 in such a sorry state, any new major modification of the engine was forgone, and boosting high altitude performance would fall on some external system. However, the Germans already possessed and employed such a system the year before. GM-1, or Goering Mixture-1, was a nitrous oxide injection system which was used to boost the high altitude performance of a late and uncommon model of the previous aircraft, the Bf 109E-7NZ. The mixture worked as a means of delivering oxygen into the engine’s combustion cycle at altitudes where the supercharger’s boost could not supply the boost pressure to run the engine at emergency power. Additionally, the mixture had the added benefit of cooling the engine when the mixture was injected at a low temperature. Carried in bottles behind the pilot’s seat, the mixture would be pumped into the compressed air circulating in the supercharger, after which it entered the manifold. Even when the supercharger was failing to produce the compression needed, any decrease in the volume of oxygen would be offset by that which was being delivered by GM-1. However, the system was not without its disadvantages. Namely, it increased the weight of the aircraft and provided only a marginal increase in power at low to medium altitudes, where a supercharger had no difficulties in providing sufficient boost to the engine. In short, GM-1 was dead weight below an engine’s full throttle height and, thus, the system had no real place on board a general use fighter plane. Transporting the mixture was also an issue, as GM-1 had to be transported either by pipeline or refrigerated trucks, after which it was transferred to smaller bottles. As it was kept cool, it could not be kept aboard a grounded aircraft and was usually loaded aboard as part of its pre-flight preparations.
Its limitations aside, it was clear that GM-1 was the only means by which the Bf 109 could achieve the much needed high altitude performance.
One Step Forward, Two Steps Back
The trouble with the Bf 109 F’s DB 601N engine would be solved mostly by the introduction of the DB 601E. The new engine switched the fuel source to the lower octane B4, its direct injection pumps were adjusted to prevent fuel drops from entering the oil system, and some of the more fragile components of the engine were redesigned. Prior to this, the Bf 109F ran at a reduced maximum output prior to the Spring of 1942. With the restriction rescinded, it was allowed for the maximum rated manifold pressure to rise from 1.3 ata to 1.42, and it could finally run at its intended, full emergency power.
The new engines were installed aboard the Bf 109F-3 and F-4, and were largely satisfactory, but the delay in achieving their full performance was considerable. The success of the new model DB 601E meant that high altitude developments could continue, and the first new model, after over a year, was the Bf 109F-4/Z. The engine was similar to the early DB 601N aboard the high altitude E-7Z, and delivered roughly the same level of performance, however, the structural and aerodynamic improvements of the F model allowed for better handling and maneuverability. Like the earlier E-7Z series high altitude fighter, there were no standardized provisions for photoreconnisance equipment. The GM-1 system too was improved and expanded on. The tanks were moved from behind the pilot into the wings, which increased the total to 100 kg. The mixture too was stored in a chilled, liquid state which increased its potential horsepower increase from +3 bhp per gram to +4.
It is difficult to ascertain the success these aircraft had, as no distinction was made between F-4 subtypes for kill claims. However, an F-4 of JG 1, a unit which did possess the high altitude variant, brought down a Mosquito at high altitude on August 19, 1942. Lieutenant Gerd Scheiger engaged Mosquito W4065 on a bombing raid to Bremen, at a height of 8.8 km. Given the extreme altitude of the engagement, it is very likely the aforementioned Bf 109 was a high altitude model.
The few Bf 109F-4Zs would serve on every front with considerable success, though access to GM-1 could be problematic across the Mediterranean and on the Eastern Front. However, these troubles were nothing compared to the issues soon to arise with the aircraft’s successor. The Bf 109G series hoped to bring a much desired increase in performance with its DB 605A engine. Effectively developed by boring out the cylinders of the preceding DB 601E, its volume and compression ratios were increased considerably. Along with improvements to its supercharger, and built with a crankshaft able to handle higher RPMs, great hopes were placed on the engine. They were soon shattered. Almost as troublesome as the DB 601N, the engine faced a variety of harsh teething issues. Worst of all were its fragile, corrosion prone exhaust valves and an insufficient oil scavenge system made worse by a switch from ball to sleeve bearings. The series would not reach its potential for almost two years, as Daimler Benz worked through these issues. However, in perhaps the clearest example of the confusing and disjointed relationship between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, they failed to ensure a continuity in materials between the engines in its development branch and those being produced for the Luftwaffe. At an RLM meeting on May 19, 1942, it was revealed that the valves on the test engines had a nickel content of 14%, while those shipped to the Luftwaffe possessed only 8%. This, and similar discrepancies delayed effective testing for some time.
Regardless of the disasters brought on by the lower quality economy alloys, and the misadventures between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, development of the high altitude Bf 109 continued apace.
Under Pressure
The new supercharger on the Bf 109G was extremely promising, and was one of the only things that really worked when the aircraft was introduced. With it, a new high altitude model and standard fighter were produced. The G-1 and 2 were largely built along the same lines as the late F-4 series, with a series of improvements to its armor and instrumentation. The G series also incorporated a series of standardized, modular Rustsatz kits, which could represent anything from bomb racks to photographic equipment. However, these initial models brough little improvement, as they were soon prohibited from running above 1.3 ata in manifold pressure, or in other words, without an emergency power setting. However, the G-1 would prove fairly innovative thanks to a number of new features.
Of the two, the G-1 was the specialized high altitude model, which would include both the ability to carry the GM-1 system, and was equipped with a pressurized cockpit. The cockpit pressurization allowed for a pilot to remain at extremely high altitudes without encountering any of the discomfort one would otherwise experience. Without these aches, pains, and numbness, a pilot was far less likely to become fatigued after long flights at extreme altitudes. The cockpit pressurization system was rudimentary, and was kept pressurized by a compressor which drew from a small scoop left and forward of the pilot. Silica pellets were also installed in the canopy and windscreen to prevent fogging. The GM-1 system too was improved, being made modular and paired with a set of fuselage racks which allowed for the fitting of a reconnaissance camera. GM-1 would also be made available to all subsequent models of the Gustav, regardless of pressurization gear.
The first of these aircraft were built in May of 1942 at the Erla plant and were subsequently handed off for testing and familiarization with Luftwaffe crews. These planes were then used by the 11th staffel of JG 2, noted as their high altitude unit, and began operations on July 17. The unit was first based in St. Pol in the Netherlands and would be assigned to the area before later being redeployed to Germany, and then to the Mediterranean in November, and then transferred to JG 53 before the end of the year. JG 5 also received a number of the planes some weeks after JG 2, the unit being assigned to various bases in Western Europe until the end of the war. Beyond these combat units, the aircraft was operated by the training units Ergänzungs-Jagdgruppe West and JG 105.
In service, the aircraft performed well. In particular, the pressurized canopy was well regarded, and performed well enough to see its inclusion in several succeeding models of the aircraft. Curiously enough, the aircraft were not reserved exclusively for high altitude use and was instead used much like the standard version of the fighter. Their use as high altitude interceptors was more typical of the European squadrons, which had the benefit of better access to GM-1. Even then, G-1’s were still sortied to engage targets at all altitudes. Among the earliest victories came on July 11,1942, when Unterofficier Herbert Biermann engaged and downed a low level Mosquito which had attacked rail traffic near the Danish town of Tonder, after a raid on the U-boat pens in Flensburg. The plane had been damaged during the raid, which undoubtedly helped the pursuing Messerschmitt.
The Up Swing
In spite of the debacle that was getting the DB 605A into service, improvements were slowly being made. Experiments with face hardened, chrome plated exhaust valves would give way to a workable solution to corrosion, and combined with added oil throwers and a new oil centrifuge, would eventually allow the plane to run at its highest power setting. The restrictions would finally be released by August 1943, over a year after the aircraft first entered service.
At the beginning of the year, the Bf 109G-3 had superseded its predecessor. The aircraft’s largest difference, apart from its engine improvements, were its larger tires. Small bulges were added to the top of the wing to accommodate the enlarged landing gear, and the larger tail wheel was now non-retractable, adding a not inconsiderable amount of drag. These changes were made to give the aircraft better ground handling and allow it to better operate out of rough airfields in the Eastern Front and the Mediterranean.
Unlike the previous model, the G-3 saw increasing use against USAAF daylight bombing raids. The raids had started small in late 1942, often against targets nearest England. By the Summer and Autumn of 1943, the raids had escalated continuously and were increasingly focused on targets within Germany. By then, the major focus was on the so called ‘panacea’ targets, which numerous war planners thought could bring an early end to the fighting. Ball bearing and aircraft assembly plants received particular attention.
The bombers of the 8th Air Force often flew at extreme heights, with B-24’s averaging about 22,000 ft, and the lighter loaded B-17 at or above 25,000. Despite being above the altitude where most Luftwaffe fighters could not sustain emergency power, this advantage, and the heavy defensive armament of these bombers, did not translate into a sufficient defense against fighters. While the high altitude Bf 109G-3’s did have the edge, it was largely unnecessary, as the Luftwaffe only made massed attacks against the formations until after the bombers had passed over the Low Countries, where their fighter cover could not follow them. Thereafter, they were harassed by all manner of fighters, from light single-engined types, to night fighters pressed into daylight use.
In the case of the Bf 109, they followed Generalmajor Adolf Galland’s recommendation. The method involved attacking bomber formations at frontal angles in massed attacks using formations no smaller than the four plane schwarm. These attacks were conducted to help cope with the somewhat inadequate armament of the Bf 109, and to reduce the likelihood of being hit by the defensive gunners of the bomber. During a frontal attack, a bomber’s pilots and engines are the most vulnerable, which is quite important considering the single 20 mm aboard the Bf 109 was regarded as inadequate for bringing down a heavy bomber and thus needed to be directed toward these critical areas. Underwing gunpods were somewhat commonly fitted, though their impact on flight performance was considerable. The real breakthrough in anti-bomber weaponry came with the 30 mm Mk 108 autocannon, though its late introduction meant supplies were tight until mid 1944. The frontal attack also ensured the highest possible closure rate with the formation, making the small fighter a much more difficult target for any defensive gunner, and allowed the fighter to strike at the bomber’s engines and cockpit.
Large scale anti-bomber tactics employed early warning radar to track bombers during their ingress into German held airspace, and after they had passed the range limitations of their escorts, the Luftwaffe tracked the formation using trailing Ju 88’s and other long range aircraft. Fighter units would be massed over radio beacons until they received the order to attack and were vectored on to the bomber formations, where they could meet them in numbers. The height of their success was seen in Autumn of 1943, when USAAF planners were hoping to accelerate their progress on Operation Pointblank, seeking to cripple the German aviation industry. On August the 17th, the 8th Air Force prepared for its largest raid yet, with 376 B-17’s dispatched to attack the ball bearing works at Schweinfurt and a Messerschmitt factory at Regensburg. Both of these facilities were located deep within Germany and most of the journey would see the B-17’s outside the area where they could be escorted. To compensate for this, the flight over Regensburg would continue over the Alps and into Allied controlled Tunisia. It was hoped that flight over the Alps would prove easy, and in the case of the Schweinfurt force, they believed that the German fighter squadrons would still be on the ground refueling after their first attacks while the bombers made their return. Both waves would be met with disaster, as the Luftwaffe would hit both forces after their escort fighters turned for home, and the Luftwaffe fighters had taken to the air again as the Schweinfurt raiders made the return trip.
Of the 376 bombers to leave England, 60 would be shot down, 176 were damaged, and 30 remained in North Africa, where they awaited repairs at the overburdened facilities in Tunisia. Losses in combat and written off airframes amounted to 31% of the dispatched force; in contrast, the Germans lost only 28 fighters. In effect, the Luftwaffe was able to effectively deny large portions of their airspace to the raiders. A stalemate in the air ensued in the following months, with new challengers further shifting the balance of power next spring.
Wilde Sau
In addition to the typical daylight squadrons, several Bf 109G-3’s and 5’s were passed on to the single engine night fighter unit JG 300, its sister squadrons 301 and 302, NJG 11, and the first staffel of the 10th Night Combat division. The new G-5 was much the same as the 3, save for its 7.92 mm guns being swapped for 13 mm ones. Originally formed as an experimental unit in the spring of 1943, JG 300 was meant to test the suitability of single engine fighters for night interception use. The initial premise of the unit was to engage RAF bombers over their targets, where the light of the fires and searchlights would make the planes more visible against the ground and cloud cover, and thus enable interception without the use of ground control and onboard radar systems. The squadron saw mixed success and was expanded upon after the bombing of Hamburg, when the RAF succeeded in spoofing the shared frequency of Wurzburg ground based and Fug 202 airborne radar systems with chaff. The Luftwaffe would recover in the span of several weeks, though the attack made the idea of radar-less night fighting alluring.
The group was expanded upon with the 301st and 302nd squadrons being established. While the hope of transitioning daytime fighter squadrons to night use was deemed infeasible due to the amount of training required, the combined unit would continue its task, being joined by a staffel of the 10th Night Combat Division. The task of carrying out the interceptions over raided cities was an exceptionally dangerous one, as they shared the space with flak units, and by the end of the year, enemy night fighters.
There was also a transition away from the unguided wild boar tactics to ground directed interception in order to deal with high flying Mosquito pathfinders and bombers, which no Luftwaffe aircraft could effectively catch until the Me 262B provisional night fighter was introduced. In this role, the single engine night fighter would be directed into a fixed ‘Himmelbett’ intercept zone which covered either the approach, or departure path of the detected enemy aircraft. There, the target would be tracked by the Himmelbett zone’s dedicated radar and searchlight units while the fighter would be guided on to the target. This was an exceptionally difficult task owing to the speed of the Mosquito, and could prove exceptionally dangerous if the aircraft being chased turned out to be a night fighter. As RAF night fighters began to escalate their intruder missions, transiting to and from interception areas became much more dangerous. While the Mosquito night fighters were larger and less nimble than the Bf 109, their radar systems allowed them to catch the otherwise “blind” daylight fighter.
The success of these units was mixed, though some extraordinarily capable pilots achieved some very impressive results. The best of them was Lt. Kurt Welter, who by the end of the war was in command of the only night fighter unit equipped with Me 262’s. On the night of August 30th, 1944, Lt. Welter flew a Bf 109 which had been vectored over the Stettin raid area. In the span of ten minutes, he attacked four Lancaster heavy bombers, two of which were later confirmed destroyed, these being 115 Squadron’s PB131 and 12 Squadrons’s PD 273, representing his 14 and 15th confirmed victories. Most pilots, however, achieved considerably less success owing to the extremely high level of flying and combat proficiency their missions demanded. Mosquito interception duties were the most difficult owing to the speed and altitude of the light bomber, which could often exceed 8 km. To aid these pilots, a number of rare Bf 109G-5’s with high altitude DB-605 AS engines were made available to these squadrons. Nonetheless, Mosquito interception remained a gamble depending on the distance at which the bomber was detected, whether a fighter could be launched fast enough to climb, and still have enough time to be vectored into its flight path.
Crowded Skies
By the end of 1943, the newest and last iteration of the high altitude series was in service. The new Bf 109G-5 now carried a pair of 13 mm MG 131’s in the place of its 7.92 mm MG 17s, this increase being installed after long standing complaints regarding the inadequacy of the machine guns in the upper cowling of the plane. The heavier guns and the enlarged cowling meant the aircraft was slower than the one it replaced. This proved fairly concerning, as no major improvements in engine output were expected for the foreseeable future. These aircraft were distributed to units on all fronts and used much like their standard, non-pressurized counterparts. Most were deployed in the strategic air defense of Germany, where they soon faced a new, and very dangerous opponent.
The P-51B Mustang appeared to be the solution to bomber offensive’s ills, being a fast, maneuverable fighter with incredible range and high altitude performance. The danger of this new threat was quickly recognized by one Generalmajor Joseph Schmidtt, who began to advocate for the need for GM-1 equipped Bf 109s to act as top cover for the previously secure massed fighter formations. In this, the aircraft proved a mostly adequate stop gap, performing much better than other models, but it still lagged behind the American P-51B and the P-47D at altitude. In short, the Bf 109 was an old airframe, operating with an engine which had become fairly outdated after significant delays in getting it to reach its highest power ratings. Even worse, many of the airframe’s changes over the years had negatively impacted its performance, especially the addition of the non-retractable tail wheel, and the enlarged upper cowling to accommodate the larger machineguns.
However, there were still some areas of improvement. In particular, the supercharger was swapped for an enlarged version which came from the DB 603 engine. Switching the engine entirely was completely unfeasible. The Luftwaffe’s research and development could be chaotic at the best of times, and 1944 certainly was not the ideal environment for such a big risk. The bombing raids too were making their mark as, while they had failed to curtail the German aviation industry entirely, they had forced a consolidation of existing designs. In effect, German bomber production plummeted in order to bolster production of a series of fighter designs which saw very slow modification rates. The vastly expanded use of slave labor in the following months also created no shortage of trouble, with quality slipping sharply as skilled workers were increasingly drafted into the Wehrmacht, and slaves increasingly sabotaged components.
The final models of the G-5 used the DB 605AS engine, with the much larger supercharger designed to improve high altitude performance. The effort was largely successful, though only a few Bf 109G-5’s would ever be equipped with the engine. As much as pilots enjoyed the comfort of the pressurized canopy, it was an expense that Messerschmitt and their directors at the Jagerstab were no longer willing to accept. The G-5 would be the last model to carry it. The Luftwaffe’s fortunes too declined sharply, as P-51 fighter sweeps periodically attacked airfields once considered safe, and the brutal war of attrition had eroded the number of remaining experienced pilots further. Attacks on Germany’s synthetic fuel production in the summer of 1944 introduced a final, and catastrophic crisis which largely left the Luftwaffe crippled for the remainder of the war.
G-5 production was phased out entirely in June of 1944, as Messerschmitt moved to consolidate Bf 109 production with the G-14. The supply chain would however remain disjointed, as they produced models using the standard DB605A, and the high altitude DB605AS. The G-14, with its standardized, low altitude MW50 boost system, did help reduce the performance disparity at low altitudes, with the aircraft possessing an excellent rate of climb and acceleration, but high altitude performance equivalent to the best Allied fighters would elude the Bf 109 for the rest of the war.
Handling and Flight Characteristics
The Gustav, as with nearly all Bf 109 models, was maneuverable, but its increased weight had made it somewhat more cumbersome than its predecessors. Initially developed to be as light as possible while carrying with it a powerful engine, the continued added weight with a comparatively little increase in horsepower resulted in control harmony compared to earlier models. Test pilots noted that while aileron and rudder forces were light, while the elevator was fairly heavy, an issue which was exacerbated at high speed. While the aircraft was exceptionally nimble at low speeds, which was well aided by the wing’s leading edge slats, heavy rudder forces and stiff elevator controls severely impacted handling at high speed. At lower altitudes, the rudder forces became excessive at around 500km/h IAS, at higher altitudes, upwards of 7 km, the controls remained lighter at higher speeds and permitted better control. Dive performance was respectable, though given that the controls were nearly seized in a high speed dive, it could prove very dangerous at lower altitudes. Maximum level speed was decidedly mediocre, though the aircraft boasted a high climb rate and good acceleration thanks to its high thrust to weight ratio.The plane was otherwise stable and, by most accounts, with good level flight performance.
The cockpit was both cramped and provided exceptionally poor visibility. The deep set seat, with its heavy cockpit framing, greatly restricted the pilot’s view, especially towards the forward and rear aspects. A few late production Bf 109G-5s were equipped with the improved Erla canopy, as became standard on late war 109’s, and provided much better visibility to the sides and rear of the aircraft. The cockpit was among the smallest on any fighter during the time period. Pilots often felt it claustrophobic, which is understandable considering the centerline cannon for the aircraft rested between the pilot’s shins.
Operation of the Gustav was extremely straightforward, given the high level of automation the DB 605A possessed. The engine was controlled through a series of linkages between components which adjusted one another as the pilot adjusted the throttle lever. The supercharger, radiator, propeller RPM, and mixture were all managed automatically, though manual control was also possible. The core of these linkages was the propeller RPM, which was preset to an accompanying manifold pressure. The rest of the engine largely adjusted itself around this setting. In stark contrast to this truly modern feature, the plane still had manually operated flaps, which were retained through the end of the war. The aircraft lacked traditional trim tabs. Instead, the aircraft’s trim was set on the ground to match its cruise speed. The pilot could however correct for pitch by adjusting the angle of the horizontal stabilizer. Flying the aircraft was otherwise very convenient.
The takeoff run was fairly simple and the aircraft could easily be corrected for the torque produced by the engine. Visibility was poor on the initial run up, but given the relatively controllable nature of the aircraft, it was something pilots easily adjusted to. The same cannot be said of late war versions of the 109, which possessed engine outputs upwards of +1800 PS. Landings under ideal conditions were notably very easy, though were much more difficult in poor weather or when operating from hastily constructed frontline airfields. There was some improvement after the G-1, when the tire tread was increased, but landings and ground handling required a pilot to ensure solid directional control, as the narrow landing gear base could cause trouble.
Comparison with other single engine high altitude fighters, up to the Summer of 1944
Aircraft
Speed at Sea level (km/h)
Maximum speed at critical altitude, unboosted (km/h)
Speed at 10 km (km/h)
Maximum Output (hp)
Bf 109G-1 -Mid 1942-
506
630 at 6.6 km
640 (with GM-1)
1213
Bf 109G-5 -Late 1943-
510
620 at 6.5 km
635 (with GM-1)
1454
Bf 109G-6AS -Early 1944-
506
653 at 8.3 km
630
1415
Bf 109G-5AS w/GM-1 (estimated) -Mid 1944-
“
“
660*
1415
MiG-3 (AM 35) -Early 1941-
472
621 at 7.8 km
<550
1350
Spitfire HF Mk IX -Late 1943-
529
668 at 8.5 km
651
1710
Spitfire Mk XIV -End of 1943-
583
717 at 7.6 km
706
2050
P 47D-10 -Late 1943-
535
700 at 9.4 km
692
2300
P-51B-15 w/wing pylons -Early 1944-
586
685 at 7.2 km
667
1720
*It should be noted that the Spitfire Mk XIV saw service in low numbers, and was a very rare sight until almost a year after its introduction at the end of 1943. The rest of these planes were otherwise quite common.
Along with the Bf 109E-7Z, Mikoyan Gurevich’s MiG-3 debuted as one of the earliest high altitude fighters of the Second World War. The MiG-3’s AM-35A engine had high compression ratios and possessed a single speed supercharger which had been geared for high altitude performance. This allowed the aircraft to achieve a respectable level of performance above 7 km. It did, however, come at the steep cost of having mediocre low altitude performance, and above 8 km, its top speed fell dramatically. The aircraft also earned a reputation of being challenging to fly, a chief issue being its minimum landing speed, which was considerably higher than other Soviet fighters. Due to the lack of action at high altitudes over the Eastern Front, the aircraft was subsequently re-equipped with the AM-38 engine, for low altitude use. Production ceased early in the war, and its assembly lines were turned over to produce IL-2s.
The British followed the Germans in developing high altitude fighters with specialized boost systems. They would go on to produce a series of pressurized, liquid oxygen boosted Spitfires, operating on a very similar set of principles as the GM-1 boosted 109s. These however, did not see as widespread a use, as they were not quite as versatile or reliable, though this is not to say they were unimpressive. The Spitfire Mk VII with a Merlin 71 and LO could reach a speed of 618 km/h at an altitude of 12 kilometers. However, owing to a lack of available information, it will not be discussed in depth here.
A more versatile high altitude Spitfire also existed in the form of the HF Mk IX, which was powered by the Rolls Royce Merlin 71. This aircraft featured an intercooled engine with a two stage two speed supercharger, which provided it phenomenal high altitude performance, along with its broad elliptical wings. The addition of the second stage allows for further compression once the first stage alone reached its limit, and the use of the intercooler increases the upper limit of compression by reducing the temperature of the air entering the manifold. This allowed the engine to be run at a higher boost and was able to maintain combat power at altitudes far higher than the previous single stage 40 and 50 series Merlin engines. In comparison to the Bf 109, the engine can be could at combat power at high altitudes without needing to worry about depleting the supply of nitrous, which at most could last 22 minutes. In comparison, the Bf 109’s DB 605A, which operated using a variable speed supercharger which, while less powerful than the intercooled two stage type, lacked the performance gaps that came with the fixed gearing of the Merlin’s supercharger. In the case of the GM-1 powered series, however, there would have been a similar gap between roughly 7 and 8 km, between the aircraft’s critical altitude and the minimum height for GM-1 use. The use of GM-1 on the later DB 605AS powered Bf 109’s would have likely allowed them to exceed these high altitude Spitfires in respect to linear speed at extreme altitude. The performance figures for the Spitfire Mk XIV, equipped with the significantly more powerful Rolls Royce Griffon, speak for themselves.
The P-47 series of fighters achieved their tremendous high altitude performance through a different method entirely, turbocharging. Much of the interior space below and aft of the cockpit was taken up by a turbo supercharging system which managed to prevent any significant loss in horsepower up to 25,000 ft. The exhaust driven turbine proved a phenomenal means of attaining high altitude performance. Like the variable speed supercharger on the DB605A, the turbo-supercharger was not dependent on mechanically geared stages and thus lacked the associated performance gaps. However, a clear drawback to the system was its complexity, as in addition to the throttle and RPM levers, there was also a turbine lever. While it was possible to link the supercharger and throttle levers together on all but the early models, this was advisable only at certain altitudes. Running the turbine at higher speeds than necessary resulted in some horsepower loss. Regardless of this, many US pilots considered the P-47 far and away the best fighter above 30,000 ft. At high altitudes, where drag was minimal, and with over 2000 hp driving it, the P-47 possessed a speed and maneuverability far greater than its size might suggest possible. Further refinements to the design saw the aircraft exceed 720 km/h above 32,000 ft (~10 km).
The P-51B was driven by largely the same engine as the Spitfire Mk IX and it was eventually geared with usage at medium altitude in mind. In addition to its powerful Packard Merlin, which gave good high altitude performance, what set the P-51 above most was its extremely low drag airframe and wings. Having been designed later than most of the aircraft discussed here, it had the benefit of being able to incorporate the most recent breakthroughs in aerodynamics. Most notably, the use of laminar flow theories in its wing design, its drag eliminating radiator scoop, and its superbly streamlined fuselage, made it among the most exceptional fighters of the Second World War. Its high speed maneuverability too was largely unparalleled, as the laminar flow wing gave it an exceptionally high critical mach number, and its internally sealed control surfaces ensured effective control at very high speed. While its Packard V-1650-7 engine was geared for medium altitude use, it still outpaced both the standard high altitude models of the Bf 109 and Merlin powered Spitfire. When run on 150 octane fuel, as was more or less standard by mid-summer 1944, its performance largely matched that of the Spitfire Mk XIV, though the Griffon engine gave the Spitfire an incredible edge above 30,000 ft. Only the Bf 109G’s equipped with the DB 605AM high altitude engine could give comparable high altitude performance with the Mustang. They could both keep pace with one another above around 9km, though few of the pressurized high altitude model were built.
Production
Production of the Bf 109G began with centralizing supply chains around the Messerschmitt factory in Regensburg, and the subcontracted Erla machine factory. The escalating bombing campaign in 1943 forced a dispersion of the industry, and many components were built at dispersal sites before final assembly took place at either the Regensburg plant, the one at Erla, and later, the Wiener Neustadt aircraft factory. The Bf 109 was fairly well suited to this scheme, but nowhere near as suited as the Fw 190, which made use of much more convenient sub-assemblies. By the start of 1944, the Jagerstab was established to boost fighter production further, in order to compensate for potential losses incurred by bombing raids. They were very successful in this regard; production surged, and the average construction time of a Bf 109G declined from around 5000 hours to approximately 2500. The cost, however ,was substantial. Bomber production was cut to the bone, fighter designs were frozen over long periods, and the long standing use of slave labor skyrocketed. Bf 109G production became more complex as the war went on and the number of subtypes expanded. These would grow to G-1 through 6 and a separate high altitude series of Bf 109G-5/G6-AS aircraft. There was some consolidation between the disparate models with the G-14, though the still separate standard and high altitude models continued to complicate production and supply chains.
Messerschmitt was among the first to mass implement slave labor in late 1942, when they requested and received 2,299 inmates who were forced to work at the aircraft plant at Augsburg. They subsequently requested the construction of co-location camps for the rest of their factories. This marked a transition from skilled paid workers, who were of a dwindling number due to conscription, to a largely unskilled base of prisoners who sought opportunities for sabotage. Brutal retaliation from the SS, who managed security, and a severely declining standard of living saw rates of sabotage climb heavily as the war went on. By the Autumn of mid 1944, it was fairly common to see aircraft losses attributed specifically to sabotaged components. Other unsafe corner cutting practices became more common as well, and even saw the re-use of components scavenged from downed aircraft.
Bf 109G-1 Production
Werknummer
Factory
Period
10299-10318 (20)
Erla
May to June 1942
14004-14150 (147)
Regensburg
February to June 1942
Bf 109G-3 Production
Werknummer
Factory
Period
16251-16300 (50)
Regensburg
January to February 1943
Bf109G-5 Production
Werknummer
Factory
Period
15200-16000 ( with G-6)
WNF
March to August 1943
26000-26400 (mixed with G-6)
Erla
August to September 1943
27000-27200 (mixed with G-6)
Erla
September to October 1943
110001-110576 (dedicated production)
Erla
November 1943 to June 1944
*a total of 475 G-5s were built, at least 16 converted to G-5AS/R2 recon planes at the Erla plant in Antwerp
Construction
Much like its predecessors, the Bf 109G was a fairly conventional late 1930s fighter design, which sought to install the most powerful engine in a small, lightweight airframe. At its fore was the engine section, mounted on a steel mount with rubber vibration isolation. The engine oil cooler was mounted to the lower engine cowling, in order to give better access to the Bosch PZ 12 fuel injectors, with the section otherwise containing all of the motor associated systems save for the coolant radiators and GM-1 boost system. Above the engine and on the port side was the compressor scoop for the cockpit pressure system, where it remained until the Bf 109G-5, whereafter it was moved to the starboard side and slightly ahead of the MG 131 fairing. The system consisted of the compressor equipped with a relief valve, an air filter, a three way cock, a pressurizing valve, a negative pressure relief valve, a compensating valve, a pressure line, and removable silica gel cartridges. These components were distributed around the engine and canopy. The system proved fairly robust and was a much welcomed addition to the aircraft. The rest of the fuselage followed a largely conventional semi-monocoque construction, aside from the landing gear, which was mounted to the fuselage and swung inward when deployed. On the G-3, the tires were increased by a width of roughly a centimeter, such that they possessed a tread of 16 cm and a diameter of 66 cm. The associated bumps on the wing tops are the only external feature that allow differentiation between it and G-1. The control surfaces at the rear of the fuselage were operated through a standard cable linkage and were fabric skinned. The incidence of the horizontal stabilizer was adjustable in flight to set the pitch of the aircraft.
The cockpit was seated deep within the fuselage, in order to reduce the frontal windscreen area, though this choice drastically decreased the pilot’s visibility. The thick canopy framing made this issue worse, especially on the pressurized aircraft, which possessed reinforced beams and a non-removable armored seatback formed the rear of the pressurized canopy hood. The cockpit itself was noted as quite cramped by virtually all who flew it, offering little in the way of headspace and shoulder room, and made all the more claustrophobic by the lack of adjustable rudder pedals. At the front of the canopy was an integral 60 mm armor glass windscreen. As with the rest of the canopy frame, it contained silica to prevent condensation at low altitudes, which could then cause icing higher up. Several Bf 109G-5AS aircraft received higher visibility Erla canopies, though they lost their pressurized features. The layout of the instrumentation was clean if dense, though the pilot was aided by a high level of automation, which meant he could largely fly the plane through just the throttle lever. Raising or lowering the flaps and adjusting the stabilizer was done manually through a pair of wheels at the pilot’s left.
The plane’s elliptical wings were attached to the fuselage through a main, centerline bracket and possessed only a single mid wing spar. Connections for the hydraulic lines, which drove the flaps and landing gear, and radiator coolant lines, connected automatically when the wings were bolted to the fuselage. Each wing possessed a radiator located inboard, with airflow controlled by two outlet covers at the rear of the radiator matrix. These covers moved along with the outboard section of flaps when the plane was adjusted for takeoff and landing. The outermost rear section contained the fabric skinned ailerons. The leading edge of the wing had a slat which would extend during hard maneuvers and improve the turning abilities of the aircraft. These could prove troublesome on earlier models in regards to unwarranted deployment and jamming in place, but had been worked out by the G model.
The GM-1 system consisted of the nitrous bottles, compressed air, and the control system. On the Bf 109G, the system existed as part of a Rustzustand or Umbausatz kit which could be installed at a Luftwaffe field workshop or maintenance center, in the latter’s case. The pressurized models shared this with the standardized models, however, they differed in that the glass-wool insulated nitrous bottles were installed in the port wing, instead of in the fuselage, behind the pilot. Later models could have the tanks stored in either position. The GM-1 was kept in a chilled liquid state, which was found to provide a higher boost effect, providing +4 bhp per second per gram over the gaseous +3 bhp. The total volume of the bottles was 115 L, not counting the compressed air which was used to force the mixture through the system. The chilled nature of the nitrous did, however, bring a drawback in that it was released as it warmed and evaporated. An aircraft would need to have its tanks filled immediately before take off in order to have the longest duration. The boost could be maintained up to 22 minutes if the tanks were filled immediately before flight, falling to 19 minutes in the winter and 16 in the summer if the aircraft departed twelve hours later. In the summer, all of the GM-1 could be expended if the aircraft was left parked for two days. The weight of the entire system was considerable, at roughly 100 kg.
Use of GM-1 on the DB605A was prohibited below 8 km, where it provided little benefit, and below which the system was mostly dead weight. With the larger supercharger on the DB 605 AS, this height increased to 10 km. In the cockpit, the pilot possessed a pressure gauge and an on and off switch to control the system. Once activated, it took up to five minutes to have the greatest effect, whereafter the pilot could turn the system on or off as they pleased. At the initial activation height, the mixture could boost the top speed of an equipped Bf 109 by approximately 30 km/h and recover as much as 300 PS at high altitude.
The Bf 109G-3 through G-5 carried either the DB 605A or high altitude DB 605AS, both being an inverted, 35.7 liter, V-12. The reason for it being inverted was to ensure the propeller shaft was as low as possible. This would enable the low mounted, centerline cannon to fire through the eye of the engine without its recoil seriously jeopardizing the aircraft’s stability. This was achieved through the use of direct fuel injection, which was fairly common practice in German aviation by the start of the war, though rare elsewhere. The engine also possessed a high level of automation, which let the pilot manage the engine and most of its associated systems just through the throttle lever. These were essentially a series of linkages between components that adjusted one another as the pilot increased or decreased engine power. It did not possess a true engine control unit, as was used in the BMW 801. Additionally, the engine used a single stage, variable speed, centrifugal supercharger which was mechanically driven by the engine and used a hydraulic coupling for variable transmission. The fluid coupling supercharger automatically adjusted itself via barometric control and was easily the most impressive feature of the engine, allowing it to smoothly adjust its boost as it climbed or descended. This allowed the aircraft to avoid the performance gaps otherwise encountered with engines using fixed speed settings. The engine used B4, which was originally 87 octane, as most of the C3 high performance stocks were dedicated to squadrons flying Fw 190s.
In spite of these innovative features, the engine’s performance was fairly modest for its day. It produced up to 1475 PS, though this was only possible after several major modifications which saw the replacement of the original exhaust valves for chrome plated sets, among other major modifications. The system also had its oil system improved through the use of additional oil throwers to improve flow, and an oil centrifuge to address issues with foaming. Between 1942 and late ‘43, the high power settings on almost all of these engines were disabled in order to keep failure rates manageable. The supercharger too would eventually lag behind its contemporaries, as despite its smoothness, its volume became a bottleneck. This was most apparent in any comparison to the two-stage, intercooled models of the Merlin engine. Some later models would mount an enlarged supercharger with 30% greater volume, derived from the larger DB 603. Nearly all would be equipped with an anti-knock boost system in the form of MW50 by the summer of 1944, which would boost output up to 1800 PS, though the corrosive mixture of methanol and water decreased the engine’s lifespan. Engines with the larger supercharger were designated DB 605AS, those with the boost system 605M, and those with both were 605ASMs. Several Bf 109G-5’s were fitted with the high altitude engine, though none received the low altitude boost system, for obvious reasons.
The engine measured 101.1 × 71.9 × 174 cm, had a bore and stroke of 154 mm (6.1 in.) x 160 mm (6.3 in.), and weighed 745 kg (1,642 lb). Two coolant header tanks were set to either side of the engine, while the oil tank was placed at the front. Compression ratios were 7.5/7.3:1 (left and right blocks) with B4 aviation gasoline, ratios were different using C3 fuel, though this was not used aboard this series of fighters.
Early models were equipped with a pair of MG17 7.92 mm machine guns and a single, centerline MG151/20 autocannon. On the G-5, the MG17s were swapped for 13 mm MG131 heavy machine guns, which both provided a heavier armor piercing bullet, and a round with a small explosive core. While the standard G-6 could carry a centerline 30 mm autocannon, the modification was not available for any of the high altitude fighters. This was likely due to the necessary changes in the canopy required for mounting the larger weapon, which may have been incompatible with the pressurized model. As a firing platform, the 109G was excellent, especially in that all its weapons were placed at the center of the aircraft and thus required minimal adjustments for weapon convergence. However, the aircraft was very lightly armed, especially on the MG17 equipped models. Many pilots considered the armament inadequate, and the addition of supplementary underwing guns severely hampered the aircraft’s performance. These sentiments went as high as the General of Fighters, Lt. General Adolf Galland.
Conclusion
The pressurized models of the Bf 109G proved to be an expedient means of boosting the performance of high altitude squadrons. The pressurized canopy, while later seen as an expensive luxury, was well appreciated by pilots who often flew at great heights on interception and photorecononniance missions. As with their standard counterparts, the series was handicapped considerably by the limitations and troublesome DB 605A. While the aircraft offered good performance for 1943, without any substantive increase in power, the pressurized Gustav series fighters began to lag considerably behind their Allied opponents the following year.
Bf 109G-1 configuration (shared with G-2)
Modification type
Specification
Bf 109G-1/R 1
Rüstsatz
Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
PR 16 radio direction finding gear, designation not usually applied
Bf 109G-5/U2
Umbausatz
GM-1 boost system
Bf 109G-5/R2
Rüstzustand
Rb 50/30 camera fitted
*Rüstsatz kits are removable on a mission basis, Rüstzustand are installed at workshops, Umbausatz are kits that are built into an aircraft at the factory or a maintenance and recovery center.
Aircraft with FuG 16y radio sets, for command aircraft, received a -y suffix. For example, Bf 109G-5y/U2/R 3 would be a fighter equipped with a radio set for ground control, GM-1, and an external fuel rack.
Bf 109G-1
Specification
Engine
DB 605A
Output
1475 PS
Gross Weight
3050 kg
empty weight
–
Combat Range (internal fuel only)
668 km
Maximum speed (prior to downrating)
660 km/h at 7 km
Armament
2x 7.92 mm MG 17, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew
Pilot
Length m
8.84
Height (without propeller) m
2.6
Wingspan m
9.924
Wing Area m2
21.6
Bf 109G-5
Specification
Engine
DB 605A, DB 605 AS
Output (DB 605 AS)
1475 PS (1415 PS)
Gross Weight
3350 kg
Empty weight
2543 kg
Combat Range (internal fuel only)
625 km
Maximum speed (DB 605 AS)
630 km/h at 6.5 km (650 km/h at 8.5 km)
Armament
2x 13 mm MG 131, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew
Pilot
Length m
8.84
Height (without propeller) m
2.6
Wingspan m
9.924
Wing Area m2
21.6
Plane
In use with
Bf 109G-1
I/JG2, 11./JG2, 11./JG26, II./JG51, JG 53,
Bf 109G-3
11./JG 2, 11./JG26, I./JG1 (later II./JG11)
Bf 109G-5
III./JG 1, II./JG 2, I.& II./JG3, II./JG11, III./JG 26, II./JG27, I./JG300, I.&II./JG302, II./JG 11, II.&III./EJG 1, NAG 2, NAG 12, NAG 13, (F)/123
Credits
Article written by Henry H.
Edited by Henry H. and Stan L.
Ported by Henry H.
Illustrated by Hansclaw
Illustration:
Sources:
Primary:
Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand Juni 1942).Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November 1942.
Bf 109G-4 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. September 1943.
Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. October 1943.
Flugzeug Flugleistungen Me 109G-Baureihen. Messerschmitt AG Augsburg. August 1943.
Daimler-Benz DB 605 Inverted V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum Collection. Inventory number: A19670086000.
Flugzeugmuster Bf 109 G-1 mit Motor DB 605A. Rechlin E`Stelle Erprobungsnummer 1586. 1943.
Memorandum Report on P-47D-10 Airplane, AAF No. 43-75035. Army Air Forces Material Command. Wright Field Dayton, Ohio. 11, October 1943.
The performance of Spitfire IX aircraft fitted with high and low altitude versions of the intercooled Merlin engine. Aircraft and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 4 March 1943
Leistungszusammenstellung Me 109G. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 1 January, 1944.
Leistungen Me 109G mit DB 605 AS. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 22, January 1944.
Leistungsmessung Me 109 G mit GM 1 – Zusatzeinspritzung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21, September 1943.
Me 109 G-1. Ausführung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21 May, 1942.
Speed vs Altitude P-51B-15 43-24777. Flight Test Engineering Branch Memo Report No. Eng-47-1749-A. 20 May 1944.
Kurz-Betriebsanleitung für Flugzeugführer und Bodenpersonal für GM 1-Anlagen in Bf 109 G. E-Stelle Rechlin R 3 a 1.
Me 109 G DIMENSIONS, WEIGHTS AND PERFORMANCE. A.I.2(g) Report No. 2142. 31, December 1942.
Spitfire F. Mk. VIII(Conv) (Prototype Mk.XIV) JF.319 (Griffon RG5SM). Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 27 October 1943.
Power Boosting By Liquid Oxygen and Nitrous Oxide Injection On Spitfire & Mosquito Aircraft Respectively. Engineering Report. Eng. 8723.
Secondary:
Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.
THE EFFECTS OF POOR QUALITY ASSURANCE DURING GERMAN AVIATION MANUFACTURING ON THE LUFTWAFFE DURING WORLD WAR II. MICHAEL J. GALLANT, MAJOR, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS
B.A Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida, 2006.
Radinger, W. & Otto W. Messerschmitt Bf 109F-K Development Testing Production. Schiffer Publishing. 1999.
Prien J. & Rodeike P. Messerschmitt Bf 109 F,G, &K Series An Illustrated Study. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1997.
Mosquito Fates, based on AirBritain files. Donated files, Mossie.org.
Nazi Germany (1935)
Fighter Aircraft– 20 to 22 Bf 109A and 341 Bf 109B Built
When the Nazis came to power in Germany during the early 1930’s they sought to modernize their armed forces with more modern military equipment. The founding of a new air force, the Luftwaffe as it was known in Germany, was one of the main priorities of the new regime. Massive resources were channeled into the construction of a great number of airfields and other forms of infrastructure necessary for the air force. In addition, many new and thoroughly developed military aircraft designs were requested. Among these new designs was the Bf 109, which would go on to later become the most widely produced fighter aircraft in the world.
Rise of the Luftwaffe
After the collapse of the German Empire following their defeat in the First World War, the Allies prohibited the development of many new military technologies, including aircraft. The Germans bypassed this prohibition by focusing on developing gliders which provided necessary initial work in aircraft development and crew training. Another solution was to develop civil aircraft that could be relatively quickly rebuilt and modified for military use. The efforts to hide these developments were finally discarded when the Nazis came to power in 1933. One of the first steps that they undertook was to openly reject the terms of the Treaty of Versailles that prohibited the Germans to expand their army and develop new military technologies.
The founding of the Luftwaffe was seen as a huge military priority among Nazi officials. The Luftwaffe would then begin a massive reorganization and expansion project that would see it expand into a formidable fighting force. Much of the Luftwaffe’s attention and energy during this period was focused on developing a new fighter aircraft to replace the then obsolescent Ar 68 and He 51 biplanes. For this reason, in 1934 the Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM (German Air Ministry) issued a competition for a new and modern fighter plane that could reach speeds of 400 km/h. For this competition, four companies were initially contacted including Arado, Focke-Wulf, and Heinkel. Besides them was a rather small and less-known manufacturer, Bayerische Flugzeugwerke BFW (Bavarian Aircraft Works,) which was under the leadership of Willy Messerschmitt. Despite lacking the experience of their contemporaries in military aviation designs, this small company despite its inexperience would go on to win the contract and build what would become Germany’s then-most modern combat aircraft
The man behind the design
Wilhelm Emil ‘Willy’ Messerschmitt was from his early years interested in aviation. When he was 13, he met Friedrich Harth who was an enthusiast and a pioneering glider designer. He would become a mentor and help Messerschmitt develop his passion for building gliders, together designing and building several gliders. When the First World War broke out in 1914, Harth was drafted into the Army, and in 1917 Messerschmitt would follow. Fortunately for both of them, however, they were stationed at the same flight training school near Munich and were thus able to continue their work. Both of them survived the war and went back to doing what they both loved: designing and building gliders. As gliding was something that became highly popular in Germany after the war, Messerschmitt undertook further education by enrolling in Munich Technical College. With this knowledge, Messerschmitt managed to design and build his first glider in 1921, which he designated simply as S9. After gathering sufficient financial resources, Messerschmitt and Harth together opened a flying school in 1922. This did not last long, however, and the following year disagreements between Messerschmitt and Harth arose.
Messerschmitt then decided to work on his own and opened a small aviation company which he named Flugzeugbau Messerschmitt. His first proper aircraft design was the M17. It was a small all-wood, high-wing, sport aircraft powered by a British Bristol 29 hp engine. This aircraft was quite successful and even managed a 14-hour flight from Bamberg to Rome in 1926. The pilot was a World War One veteran Theodor Croneiss. A little-known fact, this was actually the first flight of such a small aircraft over the Alps ever attempted successfully. The M17 would later be lost in an accident when Messerschmitt himself was learning how to fly an aircraft. He crashed, losing the aircraft but surviving the hard landing, after which Messerschmitt spent some time in hospital. This did not greatly affect Messerschmitt’s new company as his next design M18 also proved to have good overall performance. Now in partnership with Croneiss, they managed to make a deal with Lufthansa, a German civil airline, to use the M18 for passenger transport.
Messerschmitt’s company received a number of production orders for their M18 aircraft. However, Messerschmitt lacked the money, resources, and production capabilities to actually deliver these aircraft. At some point, he came in contact with the Bavarian government in hope of finding a solution to his problem. He got an answer, that the Bavarian government was willing to help with one condition, Messerschmitt would have to merge his own company with the Bayerische Flugzeugwerke BFW. This company itself was in the midst of a huge financial crisis but possessed a great number of skilled workers and equipment that could greatly help Messerschmitt in his future work. While both companies would be technically independent, Messerschmitt was to give first production rights for any of his new designs to BFW. BFW on the other hand would provide the necessary manpower and equipment. Messerschmitt agreed to this condition and was positioned as chief designer of both companies. Representation of the company was relocated from Bamberg to Ausburg.
In 1928 Messerschmitt focused his work on a civil design intended for transporting passengers. His next design was the 10-passenger transport aircraft designated M20. During a flight test, part of the wing fabric cover peeled away, and pilot Hans Hackman possibly in a panic decided to bail out at a height of 76 m. His parachute failed to open properly and he died. This led to the cancellation of production orders for the M20 by Lufthansa. Messerschmitt developed an improved second M20 prototype which was presented to, and tested by Lufthansa officials. After an evaluation, the aircraft was deemed safe and a production order for 12 improved M20. However, tragedy would strike in two serious accidents involving the M20 aircraft, in which 10 people were killed. The first accident happened near Dresden in October 1930, where two pilots and six crew members were killed. The second occurred in April of the next year, with the death of both pilots. To make matters even worse, German Army officers were among the casualties. This affected Messerschmitt’s further work, who despite developing more aircraft designs failed to gain many production orders for them. While his own company did not suffer much, BFW was not so lucky and was forced into bankruptcy in 1931. In the next few years, Messerschmitt’s work was relatively stable as he saw some success selling his aircraft aboard. With better financing, he managed to acquire sufficient funds to reinstate BFW in May of 1933. The name was changed to BFW AG, a publicly-traded company. Unfortunately for Messerschmitt, a newly appointed Secretary of State for Air, Erhard Milch, opposed the idea of BFW operating under Messerschmitt. Erhard Milch’s hatred for Messerschmitt was personal, as the test pilot who flew on the doomed M20 prototype was his friend. He never forgave Messerschmitt who he deemed responsible for the accident. He forced BFW AG to accept production orders for Heinkel aircraft designs. This was also partly done to provide adequate financial resources so that the company could operate successfully.
Despite this distrust by Nazi officials, Messerschmitt was contacted in the summer of 1933 by the RLM to design a sports aircraft to represent Germany on the Challenge de Tourisme Internationale. Seeing a new opportunity Messerschmitt took great care in fulfilling this order. His ultimate design would be the highly successful Bf 108 (initially designated M37.) This aircraft would be crucial in the later stages of Bf 109 development. With the success of the Bf 108, Messerschmitt managed to gain support from some top Luftwaffe officials. One of these was the newly appointed Hermann Goring who replaced Erhard Milch in the position of commander-in-chief of the Luftwaffe. While there were still some who wanted the Bf 108 to be canceled, with the support of Hermann Goring they could do little about it.
A new fighter
In March of 1933 RLM issued a document (designated L.A. 1432/33) that laid the foundations for the development of the future German fighter aircraft. In it a shortlist of general characteristics that this aircraft should meet was given. It was to be designed as a single-seat fighter that must be able to reach speeds of at least 400 km/h at a height of 6 km. In addition, that height had to be reached in no more than 17 minutes. The maximum service ceiling was set at 10 km. Armament was to consist of either two machine guns each supplied with 1,000 rounds of ammunition or one cannon with 100 rounds of ammunition.
In February 1934 this document was given to three aircraft manufacturers, with these being Arado Heinkel and BFW AG. The last to enter the competition was Focke-Wulf who received this document in September of 1934. While not completely clear as some sources suggest, Messerschmitt and the BFW AG were not initially contacted but were later included in this competition. Realizing this competition as a great opportunity, Messerschmitt gathered the best team he could find. Some of these included the former Arado fighter designer Walther Rethal, who became Messerschmitt’s deputy. Another prominent figure was Robert Lusser who took a great part in the Bf 108 development. He would also later play a great part in the future Bf 110 aircraft design.
According to RLM conditions, all interested companies were to provide a working prototype that was to be tested before a final decision was to be made. Arado and Focke-Wulf completed their prototypes, the Ar 80 and Fw 159, by the end of 1934. Heinkel and Messerschmitt’s prototypes took a bit longer to complete. Messerschmitt and his team set a simple but ambitious plan. Their aircraft would be simple, cheap, and possess lightweight overall construction. It was to be powered by the strongest engine they could get their hands on. Work on this new fighter began in March 1934, at this early stage, the project was designated as P.1034 (while sometimes in the sources it is also mentioned as Bf 109a). A simple airframe mock-up was completed shortly in May the same year, but the work on a more complex and detailed mock-up took some time. By January 1935 it was finally ready. The engine chosen for it was the Jumo 210A. As this engine was not yet available, the license-built 583 hp Rolls-Royce Kestrel engine was used temporarily instead. Ironically this engine was available thanks to the good business relationship between Heinkel and the British Rolls Royce motor company. Thanks to this cooperation the Germans managed to purchase a number of these engines.
The first prototype named Bf 109 V1 (registered as D-IABI) was flight tested by Hans Dietrich Knoetzsch at the end of May 1935. The first flight was successful as no problems were identified with the design. While later prototypes would be tested with a weapon installation, the V1 was not outfitted with any armament.
Messerschmitt designation
Before we continue, it is important to clarify the precise designation of this aircraft. Sometimes it is referred to as Me 109 (or as Me-109). While technically speaking this is not completely incorrect given that it was designed by Messerschmitt and his team. The Bf stands for Bayerische Flugzeugwerke, the company which constructed the aircraft. While the 109 has no specific meaning, it was just next in the line after the 108 design.
In 1938 this company would be renamed Messerschmitt AG and all future designs from this point on would receive the prefix ‘Me’. The older designs including the 108 and 109 would retain the Bf prefix during the war. It is worth pointing out that both the Bf and Me designation was used in Messerschmitt’s own archives. In German service prior to and during the war, it was not uncommon to see both designations being used. So using either of these two designations would be historically accurate, this article would use the Bf 109 designation for sake of simplicity but also due to the fact that in most sources this designation was used.
The Bf 109 trials
As no major issue was noted in its design, the Bf 109 V1 was to be transported to the test centers located at Rechlin and Travemunde starting in October 1935. Here, together with all competitor designs, they would be subjected to a series of evaluations and tests. The Ar 80 and Fw 159 proved inadequate almost from the start after many mechanical breakdowns and even crashes, which ultimately led to both being rejected. The He 112 and Bf 109 on the other hand proved to be more promising designs. The Bf 109 had a somewhat bumpy start as the Rechlin airfield was unfinished and had a rough runway. During a landing, one of the Bf 109’s landing gear collapsed. Despite what appeared at first glance to be catastrophic damage, turned out to be only minor.
The second prototype was completed and tested by the end of 1935. The V2 (D-IILU or D-IUDE according to some sources) was powered by a domestically developed 680 hp Jumo 210A engine. It was moved to Travemunde for evaluation and testing in February 1936. The V2 was put into a series of test flights where it showed superb flying performance, in contrast to the other competitors. Unfortunately, during one test flight undertaken in April, part of the pilot’s canopy peeled away, forcing the pilot to make an emergency landing. A decision was made to not repair this prototype but instead to use its fuselage for ground testing and experimentation.
That same month that the V2 was damaged, the V3 (D-IQQY) was flight tested. This prototype served as the test aircraft for the installation of offensive armament. There is a disagreement between sources, as J. R. Beaman and J. L. Campbell mentioned that the armament was actually tested on the V2 aircraft. Regardless of which prototype was first armed, it possessed two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns. These were placed above the engine, close to the cockpit. The engine was once again changed, this time with the installation of the even more powerful 700 hp Jumo 210C. Another experimental feature was the installation of a FuG 7 radio unit. This necessitated adding a triple wire antenna, which was connected to the top of the fin, and the edges of the stabilizers to the cockpit. This aircraft would be extensively used for testing, and would later serve as the basis for the first production version. Later prototypes were used to test various additional equipment and weapon installations. For example, prototypes V4 to V7 were used to test various different armament arrangements. The V5 was used to test the installation of an automatic reload and firing system, among other features.
During the initial evaluation flights carried out on both the Bf 109 and He 112, the latter was favored by many test pilots. Heinkel at that time was among the largest and most well-known German aviation manufacturers. It supplied the new Luftwaffe with a series of aircraft, and thus was well connected to RLM top officials. Further examination of the Bf 109 showed that the aircraft had several persistent issues. The most serious problems were the Bf 109’s tendency to widely swing to the left during landing and take-off. Another major issue was the design of landing gear, which was too narrow and generally weak. This in turn would often lead to crash landings. In retrospect, these two problems would never be fully resolved, but with sufficient training and experience, these problems could be overcome by the pilots. Other complaints included the limited visibility due to the canopy’s small design. The cockpit interior was also regarded as too cramped. The Bf 109 was also notorious for its high wing loading, which was pointed out by the test pilots.
Most of these complaints do not necessarily indicate a flawed design. We must take into account that the test pilots were mostly experienced in older biplanes. This new single-wing fighter concept was completely strange to them. For example, the biplanes had a simple and open cockpit, so complaints regarding the Bf 109 cockpit design represented a refusal to adapt to newer technologies rather than a bad design.
During the series of test flights, the performance of the two competitors was quite similar, with some minor advantages between them. In the case of the Bf 109, it was slightly faster, while the He 112 had lower wing loading. In addition, the He 112 had a better-designed and safer landing gear assembly. As the He 112 had to be constantly modified in order to keep pace with the Bf 109, the RLM commission was getting somewhat frustrated. Despite Heinkel’s connections and experience in designing aircraft, the Bf 109 was simply more appealing to the RLM commission, given that it was simpler, faster, and could be put into production relatively quickly. At that time the Germans were informed by the Abwehr intelligence service that the British were developing and preparing for the production of the new Spitfire. RLM officials were simply not willing to risk taking a chance on an aircraft design that could not quickly be put into production. Thus the Bf 109 was seen as the better choice under the circumstances.
Technical characteristics
The Bf 109 was a low-wing, all-metal construction, single-seat fighter. In order to keep the production of this aircraft as simple as possible, Messerschmitt engineers decided to develop a monocoque fuselage that was divided into two halves. These halves would be placed together and connected using simple flush rivets, thus creating a simple base on which remaining components, like the engine, wings, and instruments would be installed.
The central part of the fuselage was designed to be especially robust and strong. Thanks to this, it offered the aircraft exceptional structural integrity. It also provided additional protection during emergency crash landings. The fuselage itself and the remainder of the aircraft were covered with standard duralumin skin.
Its wings also had an unusual overall design. In order to provide room for the retracting landing gear, Messerschmitt intentionally used only a single wing spar which was positioned quite to the rear of the wing. This spar had to be sufficiently strong to withstand the load forces that acted on the wings during flight. The wings were connected to the fuselage by four strong bolts. This design enables the wings to have a rather simple overall construction with the added benefit of being cheap to produce. During the Bf 109 later service life, the damaged wings could be simply replaced with others on hand. The wings were also very thin, which provided the aircraft with better overall control at lower speeds but also reduced drag which in turn increased the overall maximum speed. At the wing’s leading edge were slats that automatically opened to provide better handling during maneuvers at lower speeds. This had a secondary purpose to greatly help the pilot during landing. The tail unit of the Bf 109 was a conventional design and was also built using metal components. It consists of a fin with a rudder, and two vertical stabilizers each equipped with an elevator.
The cockpit was placed in the center of the fuselage. It was a fully enclosed compartment that was riveted to the fuselage. The Bf 109 cockpit itself was quite cramped. Most of the available space was allocated to the control stick. Left and right of the pilot were two smaller control panels with the main instrumental panel being placed in front of him. While the side control panels were a bit small, their overall design was more or less the standard arrangement used on other aircraft. The front instrumental panel contained various equipment such as the compass, and an artificial horizon indicator. Messerschmitt engineers also added an ammunition counter, which was somewhat unusual on German fighters. Another innovative feature was the installation of a FuG 7 radio unit. In front of the cockpit, a firewall was positioned to shield the pilot in case of an engine fire.
The overall framework for the canopy was fairly small, but despite this provided decent all-around visibility for the pilot. Its main drawback was limited forward visibility during take-off. The canopy opened outwards to the right. This was a major issue as it could not be open during the flight. To overcome this, it was designed to be relatively easily jettisoned. In case of emergency, the pilot would actuate a lever positioned in the rear. It was connected to two high-tension springs. When activated, the lever would release the two springs, which in turn released the canopy, which would then simply fly away due to airflow.
When designing the Bf 109 great care was taken for it to have a simple design. This is especially true for the engine compartment. The engine was easily accessible by simply removing a series of panels. The engine was mounted on two long ‘Y’ shaped metal bars and held in place by two quick-release screws. The necessary electrical wires were connected to a junction box which was placed to the rear of the engine. All parts inside the engine compartment were easily accessible and thus could be replaced in a short period of time. The Bf 109 “L” shaped fuel tank was located aft of the pilot’s seat and slightly underneath it. It too had easy access by simply removing a cover located inside the center of the wing. The total fuel capacity was 250 liters.
Once the Bf 109 was accepted for service, a small production run of the Bf 109B-0 was completed. It was powered by a 610 hp Jumo 210B, and served mainly to finalize the later production version. The Bf 109B-1 was powered by a 635 hp Jumo 210D engine and had a fixed-pitch two-blade wooden propeller. Later during the production, it would be replaced with a new all-metal two-bladed variable pitch propeller. This engine was equipped with a two-stage supercharger. The maximum speed achieved with this engine at the height of 3,350 meters (11,000 ft) was 450 km/h (280 mph). The engine oil cooler, which was initially placed close to the radiator assembly, would be repositioned under the right wing.
The Bf 109 possessed quite an unusual landing gear arrangement. The landing gear was mainly connected to the lower center base of the fuselage, which meant that the majority of the weight of the aircraft would be centered at this point. The two landing gear struts retracted outward towards the wings. The negative side of this design was that the Bf 109, due to its rather narrow wheel track, could be quite difficult to control during taxiing. Messerschmitt engineers tried to resolve this issue by increasing the span of the two wheels. This actually complicated the matter as it necessitated that the two wheels be put at an angle. In turn, this created a weak point where the wheels were connected to the gear strut, which could easily break during a harsh landing. This also caused problems with the Bf 109 tendency to swing to the side prior to take-off. When the pilot was making corrections to keep the aircraft headed straight, excessive force could be applied to the pivot point of the landing gear leg, which sometimes cracked.
The first series of the Bf 109 were only lightly armed, with two 7.92 mm electrically primed MG 17 machine guns. While this may seem like underpowered armament, we must not forget that in the period between the wars, mounting larger caliber guns in fighters was rare. Larger calibers at this time used were usually 12.7 mm. The two machine guns were placed in the upper fuselage, just forward of the cockpit. The port-side machine gun was slightly more forward than the starboard. This was done to provide more space for ammunition magazines. These were fully synchronized to be able to fire through the propellers without damaging them. In the early stages, the ammunition load consisted of 500 rounds for each machine gun, but this was later increased to 1,000 rounds.
However, the double MG 17 layout was eventually deemed somewhat weak, so Messerschmitt was instructed to increase the offensive firepower. As Messerschmitt initially did not want to add any armament in the wings, another solution was needed. The installation of a third machine gun inside the centerline of the engine block was tested. While this would be initially adopted, this installation proved to be problematic mostly due to overheating and jamming problems. So this machine gun was often not installed and removed on those aircraft that had it. A possible installation of a 20 mm cannon in its place was also tested. This was the 20 mm MG FF cannon, which was in fact a license-built version of the Swiss Oerlikon cannon. While it was tested on a few prototypes, it too proved unusable due to excessive vibration. On the other hand, the installation of two non-synchronized machine guns in the wings proved to be more promising, and this was implemented and installed on the later Bf 109E. For the reflector gunsight, a Revi C/12C type was used.
The Bf 109A and B versions
The Bf 109 A version is somewhat of a mystery in the sources. Usually this version, besides a few mentions, is rarely described in the sources. According to Messerschmitt’s own documents, a small series of 20 to at least 22 aircraft of this version were built. It appears that in every aspect, it was the same as the later B version. The only major difference between these two versions was that the A was solely equipped with the two machine guns in the upper engine cowling.
This is probably why most sources barely mentioned the A version, likely lumping them in with the B version. To further complicate matters author D. Nesić mentioned that while version A was planned to enter production, it was abandoned due to its weak armament.
Once the Bf 109 was accepted for service, a small pre-production run of 10 Bf 109B-0 was completed. It was powered by a 610 hp Jumo 210B, and served mainly to finalize the later production version. The Bf 109B-1 was powered by a 635hp Jumo 210D engine. This engine was fitted with a fixed-pitch two-blade wooden propeller. It was armed with three machine guns, with two placed above the engine compartment, and the third fired through the centerline of the engine and propeller hub. During the production run of the B-1, some minor changes were introduced. The three-wire radio antennas were replaced with a single one. To provide better cooling of the machine guns, several vent ports were added. The Bf 109B-1 was then replaced with the Bf 109B-2. The 109B-2 was initially powered by a 640 hp Jumo 210E but was replaced with a stronger 670 hp Jumo 210G. The wooden propeller was upgraded to a new completely metal, variable-pitch, two-bladed propeller.
While at first glance, the infamous Bf 109 seems to be a well-documented aircraft, this is not quite the case. Namely, there are significant differences in the sources regarding the precise designation of the B series. For example sources like R. Jackson (Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series) and J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (German Aircraft of the WW2) divided the B series into three sub-series: the B-0, B-1, and B-2.
On the other hand sources like R. Cross, G. Scarborough and H. J. Ebert (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Versions B-E) mentioned that in the Messerschmitt archives, no evidence for the existence of a B-2 series was found. In addition, while the Jumo 210G may have been tested on the Bf 109B series, there is also little evidence that it was actually installed in them. This is also supported by sources like Lynn R. (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype). This particular source indicated that all alleged modifications to the B-2 were actually implemented on the B-1 aircraft.
Early Bf 109 operational use
The Bf 109 was shown to the general public for the first time during the 1936 Olympic Games held in Germany. The following year several Bf 109’s (including the V10, V13, two B-1, and one B-2) participated in the international flying competition held in Zurich, Switzerland, easily winning several awards including fastest dive, climbing, and flew a circuit of the Alps, etc. The event was not without incident, as the Bf 109 V10 had an engine problem, and its pilot Ernst Udet, was forced to crash land it.
In Spain
When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936, Francisco Franco, who was the leader of the Nationalists, sent a plea to Adolf Hitler for German aid in providing military equipment including aircraft. At the early stages of the war, nearly all of Spain’s mostly outdated aircraft were in the hands of the Republicans. To make matters worse for Franco nearly all forces loyal to him were stationed in Africa. As the Republicans controlled the Spanish navy, Franco could not move his troops back to Spain safely. Franco was therefore forced to seek foreign aid. Hitler, seeing Spain as a potential ally, was keen on helping Franco and agreed to provide assistance. At the end of July 1936, some 86 aircrew personnel, together with 6 He 51 and 20 Ju 57 were secretly transported to Spain. This air unit would serve as the basis of the so-called German Condor Legion which operated in Spain during the war. The Ju 52 transport aircraft proved instrumental in transporting the Francoist forces to Spain. The operation was a success, but the enemy was quite busy with their own preparations.
On the other side, the Republicans were greatly supported by the Soviets, providing them with some 30 I-15 fighters in late 1936. Additionally, the Republicans operated a number of Soviet SB-2 bombers. The few He 51 fighters of the Condor Legion were outdated and outnumbered by the enemy air force, so a request was made to send additional and more modern aircraft. Seeing an opportunity to test the performance of the Bf 109 in real combat situations, it was agreed to send a few to Spain. One of the first Bf 109 V4 to be sent to Spain was unfortunately damaged in an accident. Several delays later on the 14th of December, the Bf 109 V3 arrived in Spain. These arriving aircraft were initially used for a few weeks for testing and training. Initial evaluation of these early aircraft proved to be more than satisfactory, and additional aircraft of this type was requested. Besides the V3 and V4, the V6 was also sent to Spain. The fate of the V5 is not clear; some sources mentioned (like R. Jackson) that it was also used in the Spanish Theater. Lynn R. (Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype) on the other hand informs us that the V5 was used during 1937 for weapon trials and thus not sent to Spain.
In early 1937 the first of the Bf 109s began to arrive. It is unclear which exact version was first issued for service, these were either version A or B. Author Lynn R. ( Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype) mentioned that the first aircraft used were of the A version. He indicated that this was the case for several reasons, one of which was the use of only two machine guns. In addition, these were not equipped with the later-developed automatic cycling gun mechanism, which alleviated ammunition jam and misfeed issues. In total, at least 16 aircraft of the early Bf 109 would be sent in this shipment. Sources like R. Jackson (Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series) mentioned that only the B version was used in Spain.
In March 1937, with the arrival of the first group of the new Bf 109, two fighter groups were formed. These were the I and II/Jagdgruppe J.88 under the command of Lieutenant Günther Lützow. Interestingly, these aircraft were initially to be given to JG 132 stationed at Döberitz-Elsgrund. Due to the urgent need to reinforce the Condor Legion, JG 132 pilots with the Bf 109 were transported to Spain instead. Besides markings, they also received numerical designations beginning with 6-1, 6-2, and so on. The precise method which was used to determine the numbering designation is not clear. For example, the V3, which arrived second, received the 6-2, and later 6-1 designation. The Bf 109 that served with the Condor Legion received a large black circle on the fuselage for identification. Two additional black circles with a large white “X” were painted on the wings. An additional black X was painted on the rear tail.
Initially, it was planned that the Germans would act as instructors for their Spanish allies. As the Spanish had problems piloting the newly supplied aircraft, many German instructors would themselves see extensive combat action during the war.
Lützow was also the one who achieved the first kill of the Bf 109B that was used in Spain. He managed to shoot down a Republican I-15 on the 6th of April 1937. Three more victories were achieved during that month. At the end of April, the II.J/88 provided protection for bombers that raided the small town of Guernica. Initially, the few Bf 109 that were available did not have much effect on the war efforts of the Nationalists. The Republicans had nearly 150 modern Soviet fighters and thus had a clear advantage. During the heavy fighting at Madrid in July 1937, the Bf 109 engaged the enemy I-16’s for the first time in the conflict.
In July of 1937, a Bf 109 from the II.J/88, managed to shoot down three SB-2 bombers, one Aero A.101 light bomber, and three I-16. But the J.88 also suffered its first casualty of the war, a Bf 109B which was piloted by Guido Honess was shot down by an I-16 on the 12th of July. On the 17th, another Bf 109 was shot down but the pilot Gotthard Handrick managed to survive. The next day, another Bf 109 was lost but the pilot was only lightly wounded.
In August 1937, the Nationalists launched an offensive toward Republican-held positions around Santander. The heavy fighting that lasted up to October saw extensive use of air forces on both sides. The Nationalists were reinforced with the I.J/88 under the command of Harro Harder. By late October this commander managed to bring down 7 enemy aircraft. At the end of 1937, an incident of note occurred where a Bf 109A piloted by Otto Polenz was forced to land on Republican-held territory. His aircraft was captured almost intact and shipped to the Soviet Union for examination. During the German Invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, this particular aircraft would be recaptured.
On the 16th of December, the Republicans launched an offensive toward the city of Teruel. Given the severe winter, the J.88 was unable to provide air support and the city fell to the Republicans. From late January and early February on, thanks to better weather, the German Bf 109s were once again active. On the 7th of February 1938, Wilhelm Balthasar managed to alone shoot down four SB-2 bombers alone during one flight. He too was forced to a harsh landing having received numerous hits by the bomber’s defensive fire, but Balthasar survived the landing.
By April 1938 the Nationalists realized that a direct attack on Madrid would be almost impossible without heavy casualties, and decided on another approach. They instead focused on the southern parts of Spain. The J.88 too was repositioned there and took on the enemy aircraft. Several Bf 109s were lost during this time, but most of these were either to mechanical breakdowns or pilot errors. For example, on one occasion two Bf 109s collided in midair on the 4th of April. While one pilot was killed, the second managed to escape by using a parachute. The following month saw extensive fighting on the ground and in the air. The Bf 109 pilots, thanks to their better machines and experience, achieved a series of victories over their opponents. On one occasion in late July 1938, three squadrons of Bf 109 took on a group of 40 I-15 and I-16. After a long engagement, the enemy lost six planes, while the Nationalists lost none. The Germans pilots were achieving so many victories that they had to invent excuses in order to not be sent back to Germany. According to official regulations, once a pilot had achieved 5 kills, he was to be replaced by another pilot. This regulation was clearly ignored as pilots like Werner Molders achieved some 14 victories. Other pilots were also very successful, Otto Bertram achieved four victories during August. While Werner Molders scored 8 victories through this period. During 1938, an additional 26 Bf 109B-1 with coded numbers, ranging from 6-19 to 6-45 arrived in Spain.
By early 1939, the Nationalists managed to gain almost complete air supremacy, thus air to air combat became a rare event. The J.88 aircraft were from this point on mostly used for ground attack operations. The last J.88 air victory of the war was achieved on the 5th of March when an I-15 was shot down. Out of some 130 Bf 109s that saw service in Spain, between 20 to 40 aircraft were lost (depending on the source). Not all were lost in air combat, most were lost due to mechanical breakdowns, pilot errors, or hard landings.
While the Republicans would fly in loose formations with any proper tactics, the Germans would employ a so-called Schwarm (swarm) tactic. This basically consisted of using a group of four aircraft, which would fly in a reverse ‘V’ shaped formation, with some 200 meters separating each aircraft. When attacking, these would be divided into two groups of two aircraft. Which were intended to provide each other with cover in the event enemy fighters gave chase.
In German Service
While the Bf 109 was initially used for various tests and participated in sporting events, these aircraft were soon allocated to Luftwaffe units. The first such unit to receive the Bf 109 B-1 was the Jagdgeschwader (fighter squadron) JG 132 in February of 1937, being supplied with 25 aircraft. Due to some delays in production, the second unit equipped with the Bf 109, II./JG 234, was formed nearly nine months later. In early 1938, the production of the Bf 109 was greatly increased which provided a sufficient number of aircraft to equip additional units.
The early Bf 109s were prepared to see potential action during the political crisis regarding the German relationship with Austria and later Czechoslovakia. Even by the end of 1937, the pressure on Austrian politicians was great as the Germans wanted to install a more friendly government. All these political machinations ended in March 1938 when German troops entered Austria without any resistance.
The German request for territories belonging to Czechoslovakia was initially met with fierce resistance from the Western Allies, France, and the United Kingdom. These tensions could have easily cascaded into open war. This particularly caused huge concern in the RLM, as the German Air Force was not yet ready for a war. The situation was so desperate that even some He 112 were accepted for service. In the end, the Western Allies backed down, not willing to go to war, and allowed the Germans to take disputed Czechoslovakian territory.
As the new and improved models of the C and D versions began to be available, the Bf 109B were slowly being allocated to secondary roles, such as training. In this role, some would survive up to 1943. By the time of the invasion of Poland in September, the majority of Bf 109 in use were the D version, with ever-increasing numbers of the new E version. While some Bf 109B were still present in frontline units, their fighting days were over.
Production
For the upcoming Bf 109 production, initially BFW AG was responsible. As it lacked production capabilities given that it was already under contract (made earlier with RLM) to build several other aircraft types, another solution was needed. When BFW AG completed all previously ordered aircraft, it was to focus its production capabilities on the Bf 109.
To increase overall Bf 109 production, other manufacturers were also contracted. Some 175 were built at Erla Maschinenwerk from Leipzig, with 90 more by Fieseler, and only 76 aircraft by BFW. The production run of the Bf 109A lasted from December 1936 to February 1937. In 1937 some 341 Bf 109B would be built.
Production Versions
Bf 109 V – Prototypes series aircraft
Bf 109 A – Proposed production version built in small numbers
Bf 109 B-0 – A small pre-production series
Bf 109 B-1 – Production version
Bf 109 B-2 – Slightly improved B-1 version incorporating a new propeller. Note that the existence of this particular version is disputed in sources.
Surviving Aircraft
Today only one Bf 109B-0 V-10 is known to have survived. Given its rather low production numbers, this is not surprising. It is in a private collection of the “Bayerische Flugzeug Historiker” Oberschleissheim in Munich, Germany.
Conclusion
Despite focusing mainly on civilian aircraft, Messerchmitt and his team of engineers managed to design a fighter that bested all the other well-established manufacturers for Luftwaffe’s new fighter program. The Bf 109 was inexpensive to build and possessed good overall flight capabilities. While a good design, there was plenty of room for improvement, mainly regarding its armament and engine, which would be greatly improved in subsequent iterations.
Me 109B-1 Specifications
Wingspans
9.9 m / 32 ft 4 in
Length
8.7 m / 28 ft 6 in
Height
2.45 m / 8 ft
Wing Area
16.4 m² / 174 ft²
Engine
Jumo 210D
Empty Weight
1,580 kg / 3,483 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
1,955 kg / 4,310 lbs
Maximum Speed
450 km/h / 280 mph
Cruising speed
350 km/h / 220 mph
Range
690 km / 430 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling
8,200 m
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
Initially three 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns, later changed to four same type machine guns
Illustrations
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Stan L. Henry H.
Illustrations by Hansclaw
Source
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
R. Jackson (2015) Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series, Osprey Publishing
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putham
R. Cross, G. Scarborough and H. J. Ebert (1972) Messerschmitt Bf 109 Versions B-E Airfix Products LTD.
J. R. Beaman and J. L. Campbell (1980) Messerschmitt Bf 109 in action Part-1, Squadron publication
Lynn R. (1980) Messerschmitt Bf 109 Part-1: Prototype to ‘E’ Variants, SAM Publication
While the age of the airship has long since passed, these aircraft were involved in a nearly 30 year battle for aerial supremacy with the airplane. This competition would lay the foundations for modern air travel and, as the railway once did, change humanity’s conceptions of space. The Zeppelins of the DELAG airline earned the honor of being the first aircraft to regularly fly passengers, and to be the first to offer transatlantic air service from Europe to the Americas. While the destruction of the Hindenburg, operated by the DZR, spelled the end for passenger airship travel, DELAG’s airships had defined modern air travel with a near spotless safety record.
The Count
Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin was born in the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1838 as the second of three brothers to a fairly unremarkable aristocratic family. His father was an aristocratic native of the region and his mother being of French-Swiss descent. As a child, Ferdinand was educated by a tutor hired by his family before joining the Army at age 15 in 1858. He saw no action in the Franco-Austrian war in 1859, and in the peace before the Kingdom was embroiled in the wars of German unification, Zeppelin would continue his education. He took courses at the Stuttgart Polytechnic institute, the University of Tubingen, and the Royal War College. Zeppelin was an odd character, traditional, curious, fascinated with machines, and equal parts ambitious and stubborn.
He was far more adept in terms of his technical knowledge than other aristocrats, with engineering typically being reserved for young men of the middle class. Zeppelin, however, could not be considered a true engineer owing to the broadness of his studies. His formal education would end in 1861 when he began to travel Europe at the behest of the Army, observing the armies of foreign nations. He would travel to Austria, Italy, and France before finally making his way to the Americas, then embroiled in civil war.
This journey, however, was a personal venture, the young Lieutenant Zeppelin having taken leave to see the conflict. He would arrive in Washington DC in 1863 where he acquired permission to travel with the Union Army after a meeting with President Lincoln. Zeppelin soon found himself in the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac in May, and was disappointed soon after. In short, apart from an impromptu escape from a Confederate cavalry patrol in Ashley Gap, Virginia, his experiences with the Union army were dull and uninformative. He felt that their ways of fighting were clumsy and dated, and that the openness and frankness of officers with their superiors was unprofessional and unwarranted. It seemed the entirety of the trip seemed a loss, militarily he found no new lessons or methods to be found with the Army of the Potomac. This was until he encountered Professor John Steiner, an aeronaut who formerly flew as a balloon observer in the service of the Union army.
By this time, the balloon had become a valuable, though uncommon, tool of the Union army, and a ride for thrill seekers. Steiner flew his balloon the ‘Hercules’ for the public after serving with the Union’s balloon corps. The Bavarian born aeronaut met Zeppelin in Saint Louis during the former’s diversion to see the Great Lakes. The two had very little in common apart from their first language and an interest in technology, which quickly sparked a long conversation over balloons and their operation. They spoke of the difficulties and limitations of the existing spherical balloon, which had to be tethered, lest it be carried off by the wind, and was almost impossible to keep them oriented in anything but the most mild weather.
With the end of their conversation, Zeppelin was eager to set off in the balloon. So eager in fact, that he purchased much of Saint Louis’ supply of coal gas to ensure his fight, to the annoyance of its residents. The two took to the sky on August 19, 1863, rising to around 55 meters. In the air, Zeppelin was not amazed or awestruck by the feeling of flight, in fact he never would be, but he saw in it both an immense promise and a series of problems to be solved. To the aerial observer, every detail of the landscape was revealed, and to a military man like Zeppelin, its value was evident and extraordinary. However, it wasn’t without its drawbacks. To his frustration, the balloon had to remain tethered, as uncertain winds could take the balloon any number of directions and Steiner didn’t believe they had enough coal gas for a long flight. The two would part ways after the flight; Steiner would later design and build his own portable hydrogen generator, and Zeppelin would return to Württemberg to resume his service with the army.
Zeppelin wouldn’t fly again for forty years and by the time he had returned home, he had largely thought the issues surrounding balloon flight were yet unsolvable. The Lieutenant would return to his homeland facing the Prussians, who were then seeking to establish their hegemony over their neighbors in a new central German state. Zeppelin was promoted to Captain and an aide-de-camp to the King in 1866. He would see no action, and witnessed the loss of the Austrian led coalition. Zeppelin remained in the army after the loss and was later married to baroness Isabella von Wolff.
With the start of the Franco-Prussian war, Captain Zeppelin was once again called into service, and with some good fortune, placed back on the path to aeronautics. Zeppelin would see action in this war, in the form of a daring, if brutal cavalry mission which saw everyone in his unit except him, killed or captured. He was subsequently honored by his homeland of Württemberg, and met with a decidedly cold reception by the Prussians, with whom he had developed a growing antipathy towards. However, Zeppelin’s key moment of the war came at the outskirts of Paris.
When the war had been decidedly lost for the French, the capital remained a brave, but doomed, holdout. As Zeppelin waited on the outskirts of the city with the rest of the Prussian-led coalition, he noted the many balloons that departed the city. Numerous French aeronauts made flights out of the city, carrying news and letters out with them. Zeppelin once again saw the drawbacks of the balloons, the wind drew them in random directions, though most landed in friendly territory. He would still regard the balloon as questionable at best, and though he would take note of their ability to drift over the blockade safely, he lamented that they were totally unnavigable.
After the war Zeppelin remained with the army, being given command of the 15th Schleswig-Holstein Uhlans. For many years, he expected that this would be the end to the most exciting chapters of his life and prepared himself for a relaxing, if uneventful retirement. In all likelihood this would have happened, had it not been for a riding accident on March 18, 1874 (Robinson 9-13, Rose 3-12).
The Dream
After a particularly violent fall from his horse, Zeppelin was placed on several weeks of sick leave. During his recovery a fellow staff officer had come to deliver his well wishes, and some reading material, which included a pamphlet from the head of the new Imperial Post Office entitled World Postal Services and Airship Travel. The pamphlet, and a subsequent lecture Zeppelin attended, would set his imagination running. Soon he would begin accumulating basic airship concepts, though these early ideas proved very crude. Such was the case for a large airship which controlled its altitude solely through dynamic lift, and no ballast. However, from this early point he would also conceptualize the use of a rigid hull formed from rings and longitudinal beams which would contain a number of individual gas cells. Several features, like propulsion, were simply omitted as they had not yet been developed. It is curious that Zeppelin conceived of his first vessels without a way to move them, but in a period of such rapid technological development as the late 19th century, it was not an unreasonable assumption that the problem would be solved soon enough (Robinson 14). In Zeppelin’s case, the ‘suitable prime mover’ that his first concept used, materialized in less than a decade when Daimler produced the first series of reliable gasoline internal combustion engines.
Perhaps most crucially of all, Zeppelin understood the airship would operate as a series of independent components which could be developed, and improved upon separately. Its hull structure, gas cells, control systems, and propulsion could and would be developed in turn.
These developments, however, would be stalled for some years following the birth of his daughter, Hella, and his return to military service. This hiatus would only end with the end of the Count’s military career. By this time, the German Empire had only existed for some few years, and its second sovereign, Wilhelm II, was defined mostly by his insecurities and petulence. His greatest irritation were those in the Empire who still held to their regional identities and allegiances to their local Kingdoms and Duchies, over the Prussian dominated Empire. In this way Zeppelin found himself labeled a ‘peculiarist’ by the Emperor after he submitted a report in which he wished that the Army of Wurttemberg would retain a degree of autonomy and that its King not simply become a rubber stamp for the governing of the Empire. These sentiments instantly made him an enemy of the Emperor, and despite a glowing review from General Von Heuduck after the Imperial War Games of 1890, he was dressed down by the Prussian General Von Kleist in front of his fellow officers (Rose 19). At fifty two, his career was over and in its place was a desire to restore his name and all the time he needed to pursue what he’d set aside years ago, building airships.
Following his forced retirement, Zeppelin soon confined himself to private study on pursuing the airship. However, beyond his desire for restoring his name, he also worked against what he saw was the newest and greatest threat to Germany, French airships. Having previously written to the king of Wurttemberg over the success of the airship La France in 1887, he was now focused on designing an aerial warship to combat it. With his declaration of ‘help me build the airship for Germany’s defense and security!’ he established his own airship development firm in 1891 (Robinson 15).
Zeppelin’s firm rapidly sent out requests for engineers, manufacturers, and workers to begin his work. Additionally, he also began a correspondence with General Alfred von Schlieffen, who directed him to the Prussian Aeronautic Battalion, the best hope for getting military interest in the airship. Zeppelin’s contact with Capt. Rudolf von Tschudi of the PAB was cordial, but to found he would need to provide an approved design before funding would be forthcoming for the project (Robinson 15). Zeppelin’s first major design was led by Theodore Kober, a twenty-four year old engineer formerly employed by the Riedinger balloon factory. It was almost entirely unworkable, with the two being far too inexperienced to carry out the project successfully. The airship was designed with a layout akin to a train, with a locomotive section at its front, being 117 m in diameter, 5.5 m in length, and with a volume of 9514 cubic meters. When the design was reviewed on March 10, 1894, Cpt. Hans Gross and Maj. Stephan von Neiber of the PAB, and Muller-Breslau of the technical college at Charlottenburg, would point out the design was unworkable for countless reasons. Zeppelin refused to accept the verdict and railed against his critics, only abating when Muller-Breslau agreed to consult with him on improving the design. The resultant airship presented a length of 134 m with a 13 m diameter, its hull was cigar shaped, and its hemispherical ends were replaced with tapering ones. Despite being at first very grateful for Muller-Breslau’s much needed assistance, Zeppelin never openly credited him for his work. Zeppelin would prove a difficult man to work with, and for Breslau, this was likely a better outcome as the count often took criticism very personally and rarely, if ever, forgave a slight. Zeppelin would harbor an intense and abiding hatred in the aforementioned Capt., later major, Hans Gross, who among other things, openly supported an unsubstantiated rumor that Zeppelin had appropriated the work of the then deceased aviator, David Schwartz. A duel between the two men was only stopped by the Emperor’s intervention (Robinson 22 Rose 50).
With the shape of the airship decided, what lay ahead were the no less important practical duties of building the firm’s manufacturing base, and finances. In short, Zeppelin’s airship was to be paid for mostly by his own fundraising efforts, with his joint stock company being established in 1898, to which he paid 300,000 of the 800,000 raised. The airship’s engines were among the first major steps forward for the program, with the Count having been in contact with the up and coming Wilhelm Maybach of DMG. The correspondence between the two would result in Zeppelin’s access to the new Phoenix engine, a two cylinder engine which included a spray-nozzle carburetor and a camshaft for controlling the exhaust valves. The lightweight engine was among the most advanced internal combustion engines in the world at the time, and by 1900 it would produce 16 horsepower. The engine however, was not so much as chosen for the project, as to boost the confidence in the effort overall, as the final design would use a different model. The design team was also shaken up with Kober’s departure after the airship’s redesign, Zeppelin was fond of the optimistic young engineer, but recognized that his inexperience made it impossible to head the project. In his place came Ludwig Dürr, a solitary, humorless, 22 year old engineer. Dürr was initially derided for his eccentricities, but his talents soon revealed themselves and he outshone everyone at the firm. Such were his abilities that he became the only employee to openly disagree with Zeppelin (Rose 54). In this first project however, his tasks were focused on the fabrication and construction of the airship, most of which had already been designed when he arrived at the firm.
Possessing the best power plants available, a workable design proposal, and a very capable engineer to head the project, Zeppelin prepared to begin the work itself. The site of construction and testing was to be Manzell, Baden-Württemberg, which sat on the Bodensee, a serene lake whose shores were spread between Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. The final construction and housing of the airship was to be done within a floating hangar on the lake. Zeppelin believed water landings were much safer, and the hangar, which was to be anchored at only one end, would be able to turn with the wind, which was a considerable safety feature. At the time, the hangar was the largest wooden building in the world, which amusingly enough, was secured only by a chain which anchored it to a 41 ton concrete slab at the bottom of the lake. Construction began on June 17, 1898 with components arriving from across Germany. The airship’s aluminum frame was supplied by the Berg factory in Ludenscheid, its gas cells came from the August Riedinger balloon factory in Augsburg, the engines were shipped in from the Daimler works at Carnstatt, its gas storage tanks came from the Rhine Metal works, and its hydrogen came from the Griesheim-Elektron chemical company from the city which was its namesake (Robinson 23, Rose 54).
Humble Beginnings
The construction of Luftschiff Zeppelin 1 was an arduous task which took almost two years. Zeppelin himself was involved in ensuring nearly every part of the vessel matched its specifications and that the components he was shipped were of acceptable quality. Safety was a top priority, one that kept the 62 year old count at the firm ten hours a day for nearly the entire duration of the construction process. When completed, the airship measured 128 m and 11.7 m in diameter, its hull was composed of 24 longitudinal beams connecting 16 rings, each composed of 24 beams which were bolted together and supported by bracing cables. This hull framework was made of aluminum, which easily made it the most expensive component, as the mass production of aluminum was not yet economical. Its lift and altitude control was achieved by means of 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells with a combined volume of 11298 cubic meters, in combination with water ballast. To propel it, the airship carried a pair of Daimler 4 cylinder gasoline engines which each produced 14.2 horsepower, and were connected to two pairs of two bladed propellers through a set of bevel gears and shafts. These engines were carried in a pair of aluminum control cars in which the crew sat, with the forward car equipped with controls for the gas cells and the airship’s few control surfaces.
Controlling the airship was done through two pairs of small rudders, placed fore and aft along the sides of the airship. To control its pitch, there was a weight placed along the narrow walkway between the control cars, which was manually winched between the two to achieve the desired pitch. Climbing was achieved entirely through dumping ballast and some small degree of dynamic lift as the airship was being propelled forward (Robinson 24, Curtis).
The long awaited flight was primed for July, 1900, with the airship being floated at the end of June. Given that only a handful of aviators worldwide had any experience in controlled flight, Zeppelin himself would take the controls. When conditions were prime on July 2nd, the airship was withdrawn from its hangar before the waiting shoreline crowd and a number of onlookers who had arrived in their boats. Along with the more casual onlookers was the head of the PAB, Bart von Sigsfeld. Before all of them, Zeppelin took off his hat and led the crowd in a short prayer before he took a boat to the airship.
Zeppelin was joined in the front car by one of his company’s own mechanics, Eisele, and a personal friend and physicist, Baron Maximillian von Bassus. The rear car would seat the journalist and world traveler Eugene Wolff along with Gross, a Zeppelin company mechanic. The airship was untethered at around 8 in the morning where it was soon trimmed to level flight. The entire flight lasted some 18 minutes, and was cut short by the trimming weight becoming jammed, and the failure of an engine, though neither proved dangerous as level trim could be maintained by venting hydrogen, and the second engine provided enough power for the remainder of the flight. From the floating hangar, the airship traveled to Immenstaad under favorable conditions, with the entire flight spanning around 5 and a half kilometers. Even with these impediments, Zeppelin was able to bring the ship in gently on the surface of the lake before returning to its hangar.
While the crowds were thrilled by the exhibition, the PAB’s response was mixed. While Sigsfeld was thrilled by the demonstration, the other two representatives had understood that while the airship was safe and capable of navigation, its low speed, reportedly between 13-26 kilometers per hour by journalist Hugo Eckener, left it unable to travel in anything by the most placid weather (Robinson 26, Eckener 1). Perhaps of greater concern was the structural damage the airship had sustained during its flight.
The aluminum beams which comprised LZ 1’s hull had warped during its flight, and likely made worse when the wind had pushed the airship ashore after it landed. Unfortunately, the girders had been laid in a manner similar to the first airship concept, and provided little strength against torsional forces and seemed unable to adequately support the weight of the motor-carrying control cars. The airship’s hull was bent upwards at both ends, and was clearly operating on borrowed time. It was reinforced and sent airborne again on September 24, where it flew for an hour and a half, and again for one last time on October 17, where it reached a top speed of 27.3 kilometers an hour and maneuvered well against the wind. These flights, however, failed to convince the military that LZ 1 was much more than a clumsy experiment.
Unable to sell the airship to the army, or even fly his prototype again, Zeppelin dismantled the company, sold its assets, and laid off his staff, save for a handful of specialists. However, to the stubborn Count, this represented a short hurdle to be overcome, and soon he would begin new appeals for funds and resources while the diligent Ludwig Dürr began to design the next airship (Robinson 28).
LZ-2
Even with its limited test flights, LZ 1 had much to teach Zeppelin’s firm on airship construction. Dürr would revise its hull, using triangular section girders that could resist warping in all planes, and they would be built with a zinc-copper-aluminum alloy, instead of soft aluminum. He also reduced the number of sides to each ring section and shortened the overall length of the airship. LZ 2 would be far simpler, and stronger than the first design.
The flimsy and unreliable lead trim weight would also be removed, with pitch control being achieved by added elevators. The small rudders of the first design were also improved, using several parallel sets in a ‘venetian blind arrangement’. Its engines too were massively improved, with Zeppelin having access to Daimler’s new 85 hp motors, which now drove three bladed propellers. Redesigning the airship would prove a surprisingly straightforward process, with each component, the hull, the motors, and the control systems being addressed and improved upon in turn (Robinson 28, 29; Rose 73, 74).
What would not prove as straightforward, was fundraising. While the first airship found a number of financiers, few shared Zeppelin’s stubborn optimism in working toward his second aircraft. The previously reliable Union of German Engineers had become outright hostile towards the Count after the LZ 1 failed to find buyers, and the public was mostly indifferent to the project. The private appeals, which bore a good deal of capital for the first airship began to fail too, bringing in only 8000 marks.
However, the Count would end up finding the money he needed. His prime supporter, King Wilhelm of Wurttemberg, once again came through and authorized a state lottery which brought in 124,000 marks. Surprisingly enough, the Emperor too gave support to the project, after the Kingdom of Prussia initially denied Zeppelin a lottery. He subsequently provided an additional 50,000 marks and instructed the War Ministry to rent hydrogen storage equipment to Zeppelin at low cost. Much in character for WiIlhelm II, his support came not from any generosity or personal interest in the Count, but out of a desire not to be outdone, and thus be under threat, from the new French Lebaudy airships.
The remainder of the sum, amounting to about 400,000 marks, was acquired through a mortgage of his family’s properties in Livonia. Along with material assistance from some of his past clients, principally Daimler and Berg, the airship would be built. In all, funding the airship would prove a far greater challenge than designing and building it. While the design work began after LZ 1’s dismantling in 1900, construction would not begin until 1905 (Robinson 29, 30 ; Rose 75).
Zeppelin’s firm began building LZ-2 in April, 1905 at the same wooden shed that housed the first, though it had since been brought to the shoreline. It would be completed in seven months, though a towing accident would see its nose dip into the water, which resulted in damage that wouldn’t see it fly until the beginning of next year. It would seem rather peculiar that Zeppelin would launch the airship during the windiest, and thus most dangerous time of year, but his hand had been forced by world events. The Russian Empire, where his mortgaged estates were located, was crumbling, and the properties held as collateral were destroyed during the 1905 revolution. Zeppelin needed results, and so he raced to launch his airship.
LZ 2 first took flight on January 17, 1906, with the Count once again at the controls, and accompanied by experienced balloonist Hauptman von Krogh, along with five mechanics. Wolff was prohibited from attending after criticizing the performance of the first airship. The flight was conducted extremely early in the morning, and with so little notice, one engineer, Hans Gassau, arrived wearing his slippers. While the weather was permissible, the flight got off to a rough start, as the crew dropped too much ballast water and the airship rose to some 450 m. After some ballast work, the crew achieved equilibrium and leveled off allowing the flight to begin in earnest. Almost immediately the airship demonstrated massive improvements as to its speed and controllability, with the craft reaching an estimated 40 kilometers an hour and demonstrating the ability to navigate in stiff winds.
However, in the midst of this promising flight, a serious problem arose. The airship proved longitudinally unstable, with its nose pitching up and down as it traveled at speed. This motion flooded the Daimler engines, stalling them, and to make matters even worse, the rudders jammed when resisting a harsh crosswind. LZ 2 was soon adrift over the lake, and it would be several agonizing minutes before they were overland and the airship’s drag anchor could be used. As the airship cleared the shore and drifted towards the Allgau mountain range, Zeppelin ordered the anchor dropped. The anchor found purchase in the frozen earth and the momentum of the ship drove it downwards as it resisted the anchor’s hold, bouncing against the ground and slowing it as it passed two local farms. Eventually it halted over nearby marshland, sustaining considerable damage from the ordeal. The crew dismounted the ship, tethered it at both ends, and left to return in the morning. Upon their arrival the following day, they found the ship had been torn to shreds in the night during a windstorm. Being tethered at both ends, the ship remained fixed and unable to turn with the winds, the forces warping the aluminum struts and tearing off wide sections of fabric (Robinson 30-33; Rose 77).
Journalist Hugo Eckener recounted that the old Count was utterly heartbroken, and beside the wreck of his airship claimed it was the end. He ordered LZ 2 dismantled. Eckener naturally thought this the conclusion to his story, which he would continue to believe until some days later, when Count Zeppelin came to visit him. While the Count often detested most of the journalists who covered his experiments, he saw Eckener’s work, which was mostly concerned with engineering, as honest and constructive. He offered to confer with Eckener directly on future projects, and invited him to dinner several days later. Eckener rightly surmised that Zeppelin was prepared to reveal something greater at their next meeting, and he was proved correct. The Count was preparing to develop a new airship to compete with the Prussian Airship Battalion’s semi-rigid design for a new military project (Eckener 12, 13). Eckener readily joined the project both as both a publicist and a consultant, with his position to encompass more of the airship project in the coming years.
While LZ 2 can’t be regarded as more than a cumbersome and tragic project, Zeppelin wasted little time in gathering up the resources to capitalize on the intense military interest that had arisen around the airship.
The Winner
Practically undaunted from the loss of LZ 2, Zeppelin raced to produce a new airship for the army. One might think that the partial success of LZ 1 and the solo-ill fated flight of LZ 2 would have disqualified him, but at this early stage in aviation, Zeppelin was a leading pioneer in airship design. Disqualifying Zeppelin was not an option, and so, he joined the competition alongside August von Perseval, and the Count’s old rival, Gross of the Prussian Airship Battalion. His competitors produced a non-rigid, and a semi rigid airship respectively. However, by the time the Military Airship commision began, Zeppelin was the only aspirant to have already built and flown their design. In this way, he held a considerable advantage ahead of his opponents, despite the military commision being biased towards semi-rigid airships. In many ways, Zeppelin had already won the competition before it had even begun, as his immense technical advantage was cemented by his military background. With his foot in the door, Zeppelin soon received a gift of 100,000 marks from the Emperor, gained 250,000 marks from a Prussian state lottery, and a Government interest-free loan of 100,000 marks (Robinson 31; Rose 90).
Zeppelin’s only real competition was the Gross-Bassenach, a fairly uninspired semi-rigid airship, as while Perseval’s blimp was fairly practical, it had very little room for further development. With Eckener’s appeals in the press adding to his credibility, all Zeppelin had to do was cross the finish line before his rivals. The race to build LZ-3 was on, and to save time it would use the same hull as its predecessor, even reusing the propellers from the wrecked airship. While the airship would be built on the same lines as LZ 2, it carried with it serious improvements in regards to propulsion, maneuverability, and its hydrogen capacity. Dürr would increase its capacity to 11428 cubic meters and fit the new ship with a set of triple box rudders, two pairs of vertical stabilizers, and two pairs of elevators. These modifications were refined at the engineer’s own homemade wind tunnel and would greatly improve the stability and maneuverability of the ship. However, the airship still lacked a set of vertical stabilizers, mostly as a result of the dated aerodynamic theories the Count still stubbornly clung to. Regardless, the new airship flew spectacularly.
On its first flight on October 9, 1906, LZ-3 traveled some 111 kilometers for two hours and seventeen minutes. It too proved fast, with a rated top speed of 39 kilometers an hour, with a highest claimed, and likely overly optimistic, speed of 53. Though perhaps more than anything, it carried eleven people aboard and possessed a maximum useful load of 2812 kilograms (Robinson 32). LZ-3 not only proved that Zeppelin’s airships were capable of navigation in windy conditions, but that they could do so when loaded with cargo. Many within the government were impressed with Zeppelin’s results, including Major Gross who, in spite of their rivalry, recommended that the Count receive additional resources for his experiments. This wave of support led Zeppelin to offer LZ 3 to the Military with a promise to build them two more airships. He also followed this deal with a series of claims so optimistic and absurd, only his finance man, Alfred Colsman, would repeat them. One such claim was that he would soon build an airship capable of transporting 500 soldiers and use heated air in place of hydrogen (Robinson 33).
The military would decline the offer, and the Interior Minister would state that the government would purchase no airship incapable of making a 24 hour long endurance flight. However the Count still had an excellent position. Zeppelin had practically beaten out his competitors and now had a good deal of confidence in military circles. Even the Emperor himself was pushing airship development both to ensure the German military stayed ahead of the French and draw attention away from a series of scandals in his court. In more practical terms, they extended him a payment of 500,000 marks to pay for a new, expanded hangar, to be dubbed the ‘Reichshalle’ (Rose92).
Seeking the military contract, Zeppelin would have LZ-3 improved with the goal of reaching the 24 hour endurance threshold. Its easily damaged forward elevators would be moved higher up to the sides of the hull, and its rudders would be placed between the horizontal stabilizers. The latter were made more effective, and enabled the airship to take off heavier thanks to dynamic lift, and the former less effective, and less responsive at lower speeds. Stability was further improved by extending the triangular keel forward and aft of the control cars.
After the move to the Reichshalle, the airship was refloated in September of 1907. Its next flight was on September 24, where it spent 4 hours and seventeen minutes over the lake. Several more flights were conducted with a number of guests including Dr. Eckener, the count’s daughter Hella von Zeppelin, Major Gross of the PAB, a Naval Representative Fregattenkapitan Mischke, and the Crown Prince. Its most impressive flight was during Mischke’s visit, when LZ 3, then piloted by Dürr and Hacker, conducted an overland flight lasting seven hours and 54 minutes, turning back when their fuel ran low. It was a notably more challenging flight, as the inconsistent air currents overland and the up and down drafts caused some concern. This was to say nothing of the 152 m altitude they flew at. In spite of the challenge, they flew some 354 km over Lake Constance followed by the Ravensburg countryside. Despite their success, they did not reach the threshold, and by the end of the year the airship was in need of new gas cells, and their supply of hydrogen, which the PAB had provided, had been fully expended. Things were not helped by a winter storm which pulled the floating hangar from its moorings and pushed it ashore, damaging LZ 3 in the process (Robinson 34-36).
While LZ-3 did not reach the Interior Minister’s goal, it drew international attention. Despite this, the acclaim it won abroad was nothing compared to the excitement it generated across Germany. The turn of the century was a period dominated by immense technological and industrial development, where countries sought to distinguish themselves through cutting edge developments. Where Britain had its gargantuan high speed ocean liners, America, its skyscrapers, and France its groundbreaking film industry, Germany would have Zeppelin’s airships. Amateur aeronauts and students formed clubs to travel to see the airships as they glided over the Bodensee, and among the upper classes there was likewise excitement as balls were held in honor of Zeppelin’s achievement, and there was even talk of events to be held over a 300 meters in the air (Rose 96). While LZ-3 failed to meet military standards, the funds for LZ-4 would come as a matter of course. Its success was taken as inevitable, and with this in mind, LZ-3 was placed in long term storage as work on the next airship began.
LZ-4
Zeppelin’s next airship was once again an incremental improvement on the previous design, this new model being built to meet the 24 hour endurance requirement. Its production began shortly after LZ 3 completed its last flights for the year, with the skeletal hull of the new airship being assembled in the old floating hangar at Manzell in November 1907. Construction was finished on June 17, 1908, after it had traded places with the damaged LZ-3 in the restored Reichshalle. LZ 4 was designed to increase the endurance of its forebearer, and improve its mobility and maneuverability. It was lengthened to 136 m to accommodate a 17th hydrogen cell, increasing the total volume to 15008 cubic meters, and it received a large rudder at the nose, but this was removed after test flights revealed the arrangement to be inadequate. The gondolas too were enlarged to fit a larger 110hp Daimler motor (Zeppelin 15). A small cabin was also added along the keel, which was connected to a rooftop platform for navigation.
LZ 4 first flew on the twentieth of June, during which the airship turned so poorly that it soon made its return to the hangar, after which the aforementioned fore rudder was replaced by a large, semicircular aft rudder. The succeeding trial flights on the 23 and 29th would prove well as to convince the Count to embark on his most ambitious journey yet. Zeppelin would take his new airship over the Bodensee and across the Alps to Lucerne, Switzerland on July 1st. It proved exceptionally well, making the 386 km journey in 12 hours, setting records for both distance traveled and time spent in the air. Zeppelin’s airship traversed the picturesque, but dangerously windy Alps, and was met by crowds in the Alpine city. After a set of maneuvers to impress the crowd at the lake, LZ 4 departed for home. This was made all the more impressive as the airship traveled into a headwind on its return flight to Manzell through Zurich. Only one problem arose, this being that once the fuel in the main fuel tanks for each engine ran low, the engines had to be shut off while they were refueled from cans, leaving the airship at half power for several minutes. It would, however, prove only a minor inconvenience in the greater scope of the journey. Dr. Eckener wasted no time in working the press to promote this newest achievement, ensuring generous articles in Germany’s leading, and competing, newspapers Die Woche and the BerlinerIllustrirte Zeitung. Word soon reached France, Britain, and America, though it would only be an echo of the attention Zeppelin received within Germany. A week after his return, he received over a thousand telegrams for his seventieth birthday and King Wilhelm II of Wurttemberg, his longest and steadfast supporter, awarded him the Kingdom’s gold medal for the arts and sciences (Robinson 36 Rose 102).
The Swiss voyage would prove an immense success both in proving the airship a robust means of travel over otherwise rough terrain, and as a symbol of technological accomplishment which propelled the Count and his creation onto the world stage. As one might expect, the Count was now confident enough to attempt the 24 hour endurance flight which would ensure military interest, and allow him to sell his two airships. On July 13, 1908, LZ 4 was outfitted for the long trip and departed the next day, only to have to return after a fan blade broke on the forward motor. Further delays were caused when the airship collided with the hangar, resulting in damage to its hull and hydrogen cells. The next journey to Mainz was pushed back until August 4th, where it departed with incredible fanfare.
LZ 4 left with a crew of eight, which included Dürr, its designer, the Count’s old friend Baron von Bassus, and three veteran engineers, Karl Schwarz, Wilhelm Kast, and Kamil Eduard Luburda. They departed before an immense crowd, the largest share of which came from a nearby resort. Zeppelin, rather uncharacteristically, eschewed the typical maneuvers over the lake, and instead ordered the ship to its next destination at its best speed. LZ 4 would overfly several towns to the delight of crowds who were gathered by telegraph reports and special newspaper editions. In spite of the fanfare, trouble began in the evening when the engines began to run rough around 5:24 PM. After setting down at a quiet spot near Rhine at Oppenheim, they set off again, only for a more dire failure to crop up at 1:27 the following morning. Its front engine was shot and the rear motor was sputtering and smoking, having expelled what little remaining oil was aboard. With Stuttgart tantalizingly close, Zeppelin brought the ship down outside Echterdingen, around ten and a half kilometers outside their final destination. While they waited for a team from a nearby Daimler workshop, a crowd grew.
News of the grounded airship spread fast, and soon tens of thousands had begun to move. Thousands poured through the small town on bikes, carriages, wagons, and cars with the hope of seeing the airship. In all, some fifty-five thousand would assemble to see the Count’s airship, with some even being recruited by Schwarz to set up a make-shift anchor out of a carriage to hold the airship in place. The rest of the crowd was kept to a safe distance by what policemen and soldiers could be mustered. At around noon, concerns arose as the sounds of a thunderstorm made themselves clear. These concerns were soon justified as gusts of wind soon followed and began to pull the airship away from its moorings. The gale pulled the airship around the clearing as soldiers desperately worked the mooring ropes and the Daimler mechanic became worried enough as to leap from the front engine car. Schwarz worked his way through the catwalk and began to release hydrogen to prevent the airship from being carried high and away by the storm. He succeeded, but was unable to stop the winds from carrying the airship across the field into a stand of trees. Gas cells were shredded, the framework twisted, and in an instant the ship was alight. Schwarz lept, and in a terrifying moment on the ground, found himself covered in burning net and cloth. Miraculously, the mechanic cast off the debris and crawled through the burning wreck and, in his own words, ‘ran like hell’. Apart from Schwarz, a soldier, and his fellow mechanic, Laburda had also escaped the airship. The latter was merely singed, and the former left unconscious. Fortunately, there were no fatalities and those injured received prompt medical attention (Rose 108, 109).
The crowd was horrified and left utterly dumbstruck having witnessed the destruction, and forlornly surveyed the wreckage. Zeppelin and the rest of the crew were similarly dismayed, having returned to the site from their hotel in Echterdingen and finding the warped aluminum frame of the airship across a charred stretch of Earth. The future British PM David Lloyd George was among those gathered, and having traveled hoping to see the airship would only find its remains. He would state “Of course we were disappointed, but disappointment was a totally inadequate word for the agony of grief and dismay which swept over the massed Germans who witnessed the catastrophe. There was no loss of life to account for it. Hopes and ambitions far wider than those concerned with scientific and mechanical success appeared to have shared the wreck of the dirigible. Then the crowd swung into the chanting of Deutschland uber Alles with a fantastic fervor of patriotism.” (Rose 110,111).
Dejected, the Count and crew returned to their offices in Friedrichshafen. They could have hardly expected what was waiting for them there.
The Miracle
While the accident had largely reinforced the skeptics in official circles, the public was not willing to let Zeppelin’s work come to an end. In the aftermath of the tragedy, thousands began organizing donations. What had begun with an off the cuff speech by a Stuttgart merchant Manfred Franck, to rouse the public to help build Zeppelin’s next airship, had become a national phenomenon. Soon the press echoed his words and were raising thousands of marks a day, and they were not to be outdone by public and private associations who alike, sent hundreds of thousands of marks to Zeppelin AG. Those who hadn’t the money, sent clothes, food, and liquor of varying quality, and had done so in such amounts that the resort town’s post office was incapable of sorting it. Following Zeppelin’s return to his offices in Friedrichafen, he had received some 6,096,555 Marks from the public (~$25-30 Million USD 2020).
Perhaps even more bizarrely, came the Government’s response. Despite Zeppelin’s inability to perform the 24 hour flight, they were interested in purchasing the rebuilt LZ 3 and commissioning a new airship of the same design as LZ 4, to be accepted into service under the designation Z-2. The Emperor himself would soon visit the Reichshalle hangar to inspect LZ 3 and award Zeppelin with the Order of the Black Eagle, the highest order the Kingdom of Prussia could bestow. In a further and ironic twist, he was also invited to the Imperial War Games, or Kaisermanover, where he accompanied the Crown Prince (Robinson 41-43, Rose 113, 114).
Almost impossibly, Zeppelin had been propelled far further by his greatest disaster than he had his greatest success. Zeppelin had both the love of the public and a powerful presence in the halls of Government, and with his gifted fortune, he set off to expand the horizons of what was once a personal project. On September 3, 1908 the Count founded Luftschiffbau Zeppelin Gmbh, or Zeppelin Airshipworks Inc. What was once a small, dedicated team running out of a handful of facilities along the Bodensee, was transformed almost overnight into an industrial powerhouse. In the following years and under Colman’s direction, he founded a number of new enterprises under the parent company which would include the Maybach Motor Company in 1909, Ballon-Hullen-Gesellschaft of Berlin Tempelhof in 1912, to build hydrogen cells, Zeppelin Hallenbau of Berlin in 1913, to construct hangars, and Zahnrad-Fabrik in 1915, to build gear and drive shafts (Robinson 41, 42). At the center of all of this sat Friedrichshaven, which became the hub for all of these projects, and by 1914 the small resort town would grow to become the wealthiest city in Wurttemberg. As the headquarters for the new company, it would boast new homes for the workers, along with schools, groceries, a pub, and a performance hall. On top of all of this was a generous company life insurance policy, and free room and board for the families of workers who found themselves struggling.
In the months following the new founding of Zeppelin Airship Factory in 1908, the newly christened Z I (formerly LZ 3) was delivered to the army, where it served until 1913, along with the newly built Z II, its company designation being LZ 5. Z II was completed in May 1909 and was identical to its ill fated predecessor save for the omission of the ventral fin along the gangway, the cabin, and the installation of additional fuel tanks. Before it was delivered to the army, Zeppelin wished to demonstrate its capabilities with a 36 hour flight to Berlin. The flight began in earnest after two aborts, on May 29, 1909, and the airship proceeded through a dark and squally night on the way to Ulm. From there they once again met frenzied crowds as they traveled around Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Leipzig before having to turn back as the fuel supply was inadequate, with the flight being terminated at 21 hours. It was not, however, insufficient enough to prevent them from flying around and circling Bitterfield, the headquarters of their rival firm, Parseval. Apart from the airship receiving damage from landing on the only pear tree in a field during a night landing, which punctured the forward gas cells, they returned home with little else to remark upon. Following repairs, it was ready again on June 2, though it would not attempt a second flight before the army came to accept it on July 24. In service Z II would see no true military duties, but it would be a considerable tool for generating notoriety for the service. Its high point was a demonstration at the International Aviation Exposition held in Frankfurt am Main, in September and October of that year. Generally, the army did not consider any of the airships they were provided with suitable for general service and would not procure any more until new models were built. They would largely be proven right when Z II was shredded while grounded during a storm, with Zeppelin’s outburst over the army’s carelessness bringing his relations with them to a new low (Robinson 47, 58).
Regardless, Zeppelin sought to renew military interest with LZ 6. Once again, this airship was derived from LZ 4, though the heavy lateral driveshaft gears connecting the engines and propellers were swapped with a steel band drive to save weight, it used more powerful 115 hp engines, included passenger accommodations in the cabin, and lacked vertical stabilizing fins. A short fabric ‘rain skirt’ was also installed around the hull to prevent rain water from dripping on the occupants of the gondolas, but it was removed as the crew felt it unduly lowered the airship’s top speed (Robinson 49). Its similarities to the three previous airships was likely an influencing factor in it receiving no trial flight. Instead, Zeppelin would fly the airship straight to Berlin on its first outing for the Whitsunday holidays. Unlike his attempted flight in LZ 5, he would not be able to turn back, as he was expected to arrive at Tempelhof Field where the Emperor awaited him. He was firmly reminded of this in a series of demanding telegrams from the Emperor, something the Count would have to heed now that he was in the graces of the court.
The airship departed August 24th at the command of Dürr, the Count having recently undergone surgery and unable to make the flight until after the airship stopped to refuel at Bitterfield. Trouble arose several hours after departure, as the lighter steel band drives immediately showed themselves to be less durable than the bevel gears. A former navy man, Helmsman Hacker was able to repair the drive, but several hours later a cylinder crack stopped one of the engines. The airship stopped at Nuremberg, awaiting a mechanic from Daimler, this detour leaving them unable to depart until the 28th. Similar problems persisted with the drive bands, but the airship would make it to Berlin on the 29th, though not in the best state (Robinson 50). However, the crowds assembled there took no notice and upon landing at Tempelhof, Zeppelin shook hands with the Emperor as the crowd cheered. The Count would also meet Oliver Wright, famed American aviator and co-inventor of the airplane, though the two would see very little promise in each other’s work (Rose 120,122). The Count and LZ 6 would remain on the public tour for some weeks, and it required a good deal of work to get the airship running well again. They went so far as to borrow the propellers from the army airship Z II. After giving the first aerial tours of the city to members of the Reichstag and public officials around the country, LZ-6 would return again to the hangar at Manzell before being presented at the 1909 International Aviation Exposition at Frankfurt in September. From a temporary shed built on the grounds, the airship gave passenger flights up and down the Rhine. These flights attracted little military interest but captivated the public, and to them, it seemed that the long awaited dream of air travel had been made a reality.
LZ 6’s return would see it sent to a new tent shed at Friedrichshafen, with the former floating hangars to be dismantled. With its publicity tour over, Zeppelin sought to rebuild the airship in the hopes of selling it to the military. A third engine, a Maybach 150 hp model, was added in the former passenger cabin which was geared to a pair of hull mounted propellers, allowing it to make a new top speed of 58 km/h. This was later removed for some time after it was believed to be a fire hazard, being mounted so close to the ship’s hydrogen cells. LZ-6 would also temporarily receive an experimental radio set, though the sum of these modifications would be altered again in the spring when the ship was dismantled and rebuilt. It was lengthened by eight meters, the third engine was reintroduced in the rear engine car, and the stabilizers were reworked. The biplane stabilizers at the back were combined into a single, large stabilizer, from which the elevators and rudders hung. The aft ‘barndoor’ rudder was also removed, with a fixed, vertical stabilizing fin taking its place. In all, the ship could now make 56 mk/h and was far more stable in flight. This however, was not enough to convince the army to purchase it.
With the failure to sell more airships to the military, Zeppelin was in a bind. While the extremely generous public donations could keep him afloat for the time being, he would need to find a means of consistent income for the company. Colsman, the corporation’s finance chief, had a brilliant solution. Given the public’s incredible enthusiasm for the airships, naturally they would prove the ideal customer base, and thus he proposed the Deutsche Luftschiffahrts-Aktien-Gesselschaft (DELAG), or German Airship Transport Company. In other words, the world’s first airline.
The First Airline
Zeppelin detested the idea, as he considered his airships the weapon to make the German army unparalleled in field and to boost the prestige of the country by carrying the flag, just as the expanding German navy did. While he had once considered civilian applications for the airship in the 1890’s, years in the limelight and his rehabilitation in military circles had firmly shifted his view, to him, the airship was first and foremost a weapon. However, Zeppelin Gmbh. was not the small outfit driven by one unshakable nobleman like that which preceded it. The decision went before the board of directors, who decided in favor of the airline. DELAG was founded on November 9, 1909 with the hope of beginning operations in the summer of the following year.
The shrewd and energetic Colsman proved right, and it wasn’t long until he had amassed the three million mark starting capital and the backing of the famous Hamburg-America shipping line, who would be the primary means of ticket sales and advertisement. Many larger cities soon sent requests to be included, with the mayors of Frankfurt, Cologne, Dusseldor, Baden-Baden, Munich, Leipzig, Dresden, and Hamburg soon joining the airline’s board of directors, and with several seeing to it that airship sheds were assembled in their respective cities (Robinson 52, Eckener 15). While orders for commercial airships were placed, they proceeded to organize the first operations using LZ 6 and the newly completed LZ 7 ‘Deutschland’.
Deutschland was built along the same lines as the modified LZ-6, and was the first to carry passengers for the airline. It was a stretched design some 148 meters long with a capacity for 19,340 cubic meters of hydrogen and a useful lift of 4,990 kilograms, with up to 1,496 kilograms of that being fuel. However, its real innovations were found in the once austere sightseeing cabin. The former canvas box was now a comfortable sitting and viewing room, which was of high layer plywood construction covered in mahogany sheets with mother of pearl inlays on its pillars and ceiling beams. The carpeting and comfortable wicker furniture added to the finery, and given the length of the flights, a small galley with matching aluminum cutlery was also wisely included. Lastly, it was the first to carry a lavatory, it also being aluminum to save weight. Behind all of this were a series of aluminum struts and cables which anchored it firmly to the hull (Robinson 55, Rose 134).
It was captained by former Prussian Airship Battalion Captain Kahlenhberg, as despite the several airships flown over the years, there was no sizable pool of experienced aviators to recruit from. The foremost of these were Zeppelin himself, who could not be convinced, and Dürr, who was otherwise occupied in his role as head designer for the firm. The first flight would be to Dusseldorf, the city which managed to complete their hangar first. It was scheduled for June 28 with a passenger list of 23, mostly journalists who had been invited by Colsman. The expectation was a flight of three hours, which began after a breakfast of caviar and champagne. Unfortunately, the crew had departed without a weather report. After the failure of an engine, the ship was left floundering in higher than expected winds. Deutschland struggled for hours through turbulence, violent gusts, and rain with one officer making the mistake of telling a concerned passenger ‘we do not know what will happen.’ Captain Kahlenburg was unable to prevent the underpowered, unbalanced airship from making a crash landing in the Teutoburg forest. Thus ending the short stopover flight that became a nine hour endurance test for everyone aboard. Apart from a crewmember who made a dramatic leap from the rear gondola, and fractured his leg, there were no injuries. Understandably, the journalists’ impressions were quite poor and the airship was disassembled and shipped back to Friedrichshafen where it would be rebuilt (Robinson 56 Rose 136).
Kahlenburg was laid off, and in his place Dr. Eckener became both a pilot and head of flight operations for DELAG. His first action was to familiarize himself with airship piloting on LZ 6, making some 34 flights, though this airship was soon damaged beyond repair after a fire in its hangar. With this accident, hopes were placed on the up and coming LZ 8 Deutschland II, made mostly from the reclaimed material of the previous ship. LZ 8 was identical to its ill-fated predecessor, and was likewise as ill-fated. With Eckener at the helm on its first passenger outing, he allowed himself to be pressured by the crowd to bring out the airship in a dangerous crosswind. Deutchsland II was subsequently knocked alongside the hangar and bent out of shape. Eckener claimed this cured him of all recklessness thereafter, and he subsequently went to completely reform flight operations at DELAG (Eckener 16).
Dr. Eckener isolated the causes of accidents that had plagued operations thus far, and focused on ensuring that DELAG airships would be crewed by veteran airmen who would have the benefit of extensive weather reports and more reliable equipment. The board was willing to give it another try, and authorized the construction of a new, modern airship. This new ship was LZ 8 Schwaben, which was shorter, more maneuverable, had a useful capacity of 6486 kilogram, and used new 145hp Maybach engines which would prove far more reliable. It made its first, and very promising, trial flight on June 26, 1911 where it made for 75 kilometers an hour (Robinson 59). Many of these advancements came as a result of Dürr accepting a variety of new concepts from junior designers, key among these was in rejecting the continuous lengthening of airships to boost their lift, and placing a greater focus on theoretical testing and problem solving, rather than building a ship and continuously modifying it as difficulties arose.
Along with the new airship came a series of reforms to DELAG’s flight guidelines. Crew training was standardized and captains in particular were required to have a thorough understanding of their vessels and to have participated in 150 flights before they would be allowed to command an airliner. The training program would be so successful that the military would send their crews to train with DELAG during their off season. Some would even fly passengers during the airline’s regular service (Rose 138). These procedural improvements were to extend to the ground crews, both to improve the tricky process of moving an airship in and out of its shed, and to avoid the kinds of accidents such as the one which claimed LZ-6. In that case an unmarked can of gasoline was thrown over a fire in the hopes of dousing it. Facilities were thus overhauled and staffed with thoroughly trained professionals. Perhaps most importantly of all were the stations for meteorological reporting. Unlike Kahlenberg, future DELAG captains would benefit from near nationwide weather reports from the series of meteorological stations which captains could contact at any time over the radio. Even without the radio they would have access to wind maps which charted the typical currents over Germany and allowed captains to safely determine new courses should their first choice be unavailable. Should all else have failed, emergency depots were established along common routes where airships could stop for repairs and fuel.
With these improvements, Schwaben was well equipped when it began passenger service in the summer of 1911. With all the methods worked out and potential dangers addressed, passenger flights went off without a hitch. A typical flight saw passengers assemble early in the morning, when winds were at their weakest, and allowed them to see the airship as it was serviced and brought out. When they departed the airship was almost impossibly smooth as it pulled away from the ground and began its journey. While the passengers traveled to a variety of locations and took in the view they were provided with a series of refreshments. The meager provisions aboard Deutschland paled in comparison to what Schwaben’s passengers enjoyed. Along with a considerable wine list that boasted a selection of Rhine, Moselle, and Bordeaux along with champagne, passengers were served a selection of cold dishes such as caviar, Strasbourg pate de foie gras, and Westphalian ham (Robinson 59). All of this was enjoyed in relative silence as the canvas skin and hydrogen cells dampened the sound from the propellers.
The main attraction beyond all of this was the view of the country from the air, as while this was a passenger service, its lack of fixed schedules could mean a wait of several days as weather cleared or repairs were made. Tickets too were steeply priced, owing to the limited number of seats aboard and high operating costs. A ticket could cost between 100 to 600 marks depending on the destination, though many passengers didn’t pay for their own seats as they were invited to garner publicity for the service. It was very common for periodicals and newspapers to send their own aboard to gather material. Along with journalists were VIPs, such as notable public figures, and foreign dignitaries the state wanted to impress. Those unable to purchase a ticket had the option of watching one of the many films made aboard the airliners or visiting one of the many DELAG airports located across Germany.
In the several weeks following its entrance to service, Schwaben was a hit. After the miserable year of 1910, it seemed as if the airline had not only been improved, but practically perfected.
The Golden Years
As Schwaben was refitted following its stowage in the previous winter, it was joined by a slightly larger airship, LZ 11 Viktoria Luise. Named for the Emperor’s daughter, its design and performance were nearly identical to the Schwaben, save for its redesigned elevators and rudders. The year would start well, though an accident would leave Schwaben burned on June 28. It was traced to a static discharge caused by the rubberised fabric which formed its hydrogen cells. No one was aboard the grounded airship, though the public was momentarily disquieted. To allay fears, the Dusseldorf maintenance team took the blame while Colsman quietly shifted to the use of cells made of cotton and goldbeater’s skin. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine, which while unpleasant to produce, was lighter than the rubberized fabric while remaining just as durable, and removed any chance of static discharges (Chollet 6). Apart from the loss of Schwaben, operations continued without trouble for the remainder of the year.
Operations were expanded by a new airship, LZ 13 Hansa, named for the medieval Hanseatic league of merchants which spanned the Baltic. Identical to the Viktoria Luise, it was completed July 30 and took Schwaben’s place. For the remainder of the year Viktoria Luise and Hansa operated out of the double hangar built in Hamburg, where at the end of autumn, they were used to train the first Naval air crews. At the end of this training period, Hansa was flown over the High Seas Fleet Parade and the naval maneuvers that followed it. Ironically, Zeppelin’s civilian operation had managed to capture the military’s interest more so than any direct appeal.
By the start of the 1913 season, DELAG was an international sensation, and in Germany, a technological achievement of immense pride. Shortly after Hansa and Viktoria Luise had entered service, they were joined by LZ-17 Sachsen. This ship, named for the region it would service, was slightly shorter than its contemporaries though built with a wider diameter, and held the highest lifting capabilities of the three . It was completed on May 3, 1913 and was sent to a shed at Leipzig where it operated from thereafter (Robinson 333). During the summer season all three ships were in service, and each operated out of its own region. Hansa left Hamburg for Potsdam, to service Berlin, and Viktoria Luise was sent to Frankfurt.
These regional flights would ensure the airships were seen over and around most of Germany’s largest cities. What was once a curiosity that rarely strayed from the Bodensee was now a common sight for millions of Germans, one that stirred both patriotic fervor, and a curiosity and optimism for what the future held. While a relatively small proportion of Germans would ever fly aboard these airships, they drew massive crowds around the cities they visited and at the sheds where they were stored. Sadly, the entire enterprise was cut short by the beginning of the Great War, and the airships were turned over to the military during the period of general mobilization. Practically overnight, DELAG had ceased to exist, and in the end, it’s difficult to know how successfully DELAG would have been had it continued to operate its three airships. When its airships were pressed into military service, the company was still operating in the red, though its operating costs were plummeting and the proportion of paying versus invited passengers had climbed steadily. Regardless of its financial forecast, DELAG’s technical achievements would not be rivaled again for over twenty years. Its airships carried a total of 34,208 passengers over a distance of 1,172,529 kilometers, nearly five times the Earth’s circumference (Rose153).
The Zeppelin at War
Despite the Count’s enthusiasm that his airships would prove a decisive weapon in any war to come, this would not prove to be the case. In the years DELAG was operating, the German military had received a number of airships, though they never effectively developed their offensive capabilities. Both the Army and the Navy possessed a small fleet of Zeppelin airships, each with very different missions in mind, with the Army placing an emphasis on bombing, and the Navy on reconissance. In contrast with the well coordinated and professional civilian operation, both the Army and the Navy would suffer numerous accidents, the worst of which befalling the Navy’s L.2. The ship burned as a result of design choices from the Naval representative, Felix Pietsker, who was at Friedrichshafen to oversee its construction. He demanded the airship’s keel be placed within the hull to streamline it and bring the engines in closer to the hull, both choices being strongly criticized by Dürr as being unsafe. During a test flight, the inner keel collected leaking hydrogen, which otherwise would have exited through the top of the airship, and was subsequently set alight by the heat of the engines. All 28 aboard would be the first to die on a burning airship, and with the war on the horizon, they would not be the last (Rose 151).
Most surprisingly, no specialized weapons were developed for the airships, which as bombers first carried 15 and 21cm artillery shells which were ejected from the airship over the target. These were used by the Army’s Zeppelins in the opening weeks of the war, but it soon became clear that these low flying airships were too vulnerable to groundfire to be of any real use (Robinson 86). This realization would push airship design evolution faster than any previous motivator. Among the first major new additions were the cruciform tail sections added to the M-Class airships. This feature had been pioneered by the rival Schuttz-Lanz airship company, and would markedly improve the handling and aerodynamics of the airship. Previously, Zeppelin’s had blunt tail sections, which were initially believed to be aerodynamically superior, but the taper on the newer models allowed for far better stability at speed. Enclosed gondolas were also added, being more or less essential for long patrols over the sea. Perhaps the most important of all was the introduction of duralumin on LZ 26 which enabled the construction of larger and stronger airship hulls (Robinson 89). The first airships to combine all of these features were the P-Class ships, which were very capable maritime patrol aircraft and were used on the first raids on London.
As strategic bombers, the Zeppelins were ineffective. While at first they were surprisingly resilient to bullets and artillery splinters, the introduction of better training for anti aircraft crews and special phosphorus-core bullets for aircraft would see them fight a losing battle that would only end weeks before the war itself did. Zeppelins were built to fly ever higher to try and avoid these threats, and they flew their raids at night to try and avoid detection and artillery spotters. They would fail, but they would produce much more robust and versatile airships which remained very capable maritime patrol aircraft. The prime of these being the R-Class.
These ships entered service in 1916 with a host of new improvements. The new class did away with the long, inefficient cylindrical sections in favor of a teardrop shape which both reduced drag and vastly increased internal capacity. They were also the first to carry six engines, these being Maybach HSLu motors capable of producing 240Hp which gave them a trial speed of roughly 60 kilometers an hour. The hydrogen controls too were improved, with a responsive electric control system allowing for more precise and sensitive inputs, which were necessary when the airship operated at or above its maximum loaded ceiling of 3962 meters. In all, virtually every aspect of these ships had been improved (Robinson 120. Stahl 84-89). Unbeknownst to the German Navy, who were looking for better bombers to wage their ineffectual nightly war, Zeppelin had built a truly exceptional intercontinental aircraft.
On the night of July 26, 1917, Captain Ernst Lehmann set out on the longest patrol of the war thus far. With the standard R-Class airship, LZ 120, he patrolled the Baltic Sea for 101 hours. This ‘experiment’ was conducted with a considerable load of 1202 kilograms of bombs, 16918 kilograms of fuel, with a crew of 29. With his men divided into three watches, and running only three engines at a time, LZ 120 endured poor weather and successfully enacted engine repairs, all while dodging thunderstorms. When they returned to their base at Seerappen, the airship remained in good condition with enough fuel in its tanks for 14 more hours (Robinson 251, Stahl 89). As astounding as this feat was, it would soon be outdone.
In light of Lehmann’s record setting patrol, the German army now looked to the Zeppelin to undertake a truly groundbreaking mission. It seemed to all that General Lettow-Vorbeck’s troops, alone in Africa and low on supplies, were fighting on borrowed time. It was clear that the only way to reach them, and deliver vital supplies, was by airship. Thus a specially modified R-Class airship was prepared, L-59, which was lengthened and lightened to carry out the special mission. The 750 foot airship was to fly to Lettow-Vorbeck from Jamboli, Bulgaria, to the beleaguered general some 7000 kilometers away. It carried approximately 16,238 kilograms of cargo, and would be disassembled with its aluminum and fabric repurposed into radio towers and bandages. KorvettenKapitan Ludwig Bockholt set off from Jamboli on November 21, 1917 under strict radio silence. They passed through thunderstorms over the Mediterranean before crossing into North Africa, which would prove even more treacherous due to the updrafts which threw the ship about over the deserts. The heat too caused excessive hydrogen loss which had to be offset by dumping large amounts of ballast. They would cross the desert and receive a signal from Berlin, advising them to turn back as Lettow-Vorbeck’s forces had been defeated. In reality, the guerrilla general had pressed on into Portuguese Mozambique, where he had gathered the supplies he needed. Bockholt ordered the ship back with some arguments among the crew, and was back in Jamboli on November 25. In all his ship had been airborne for 95 hours and had traveled some 6760 kilometers, and upon its return still carried enough fuel for 64 hours more (Robinson 253-255, Stahl 90-91). Theoretically, L59 could have traveled to Chicago one way from Friedrichshafen, or potentially to New York and back.
The rapid advancements in airship design during the war were incredible, though their use against civilians would leave a black mark which they could never truly wash away. England in particular bore deep scars as a result of the ‘baby-killers’, and as if to mark the end of an era, Zeppelin had passed away in March of 1917 at the age of 78. Despite the dark turn his invention had taken, many still viewed the count favorably, and in a May 1917 edition of the New York times he was placed as an equal alongside the Wright Brothers and praised for the years of dedication and disappointment he had spent honing his creation (Rose177). In the end, the war would cripple airship production and design in Germany, as the state was subsequently banned from operating large airships, and many of its Zeppelins were turned over to the Allies or destroyed by their crews. Many airship veterans, and even historians, would continue to state decades after the war, that the raids over England held down ‘a million men’ from being deployed to the continent. In reality, by June of 1918, Britain had exactly 6,136 men devoted to home air defense, and the total wartime damages from strategic bombing amounted to 1.5 million GBP. This compares rather poorly to the equivalent of 13.25 million GBP spent on airship construction, to say nothing of the hundreds of Gotha and Zeppelin Staaken biplane bombers built (Rose 173).
The Crossroads
Without their primary customer, and more or less totally banned from building their main product, the Zeppelin company was seemingly at the end of the line. Colsman, seeking to rapidly increase revenue, attempted to pivot the enterprise away from airships towards cars and consumer goods, regardless of the anger from the true believers in the firm. However, the economic crises that emerged in Germany after the war rendered the plan hopeless; there would one day be a market for luxury Maybach cars, but it was very far off.
A brief power struggle in the company ensued with Dr. Eckener becoming its head over the firebrand Captain Lehmann, who had taken part in destroying several Navy airships which were to be turned over to the Allies. Dr. Eckener found a loophole in the treaty which threatened to destroy the company; while Germany wasn’t allowed to possess an airship, the Versailles treaty did not explicitly prevent any private enterprise from building or operating airships of their own (Rose 194). With this in mind, Eckener approached Dürr and his engineers to design a new airship, one which could in no way be used for military purposes. Thus it seemed that DELAG was poised to return almost as suddenly as it had vanished back in 1914. Initially, there were plans for a trans-atlantic airliner based on a massive wartime X-class airship, but its proximity to a military design was too problematic, not to mention expensive. They accordingly settled on a small design with regional ambitions.
The design work for LZ-120 Bodensee, named for the lake from which the first Zeppelin’s flew, was completed on March 10, 1919 and first flew that August. Its design was the most efficient of any airship built up to that point, as despite being considerably shorter than the airliners that preceded it, at around 120 meters, it possessed an incredible useful lift of 44,678 kilograms and had a trial speed of 132 km/h, thanks to its four 245hp Maybach IVa motors. Perhaps most impressively of all, it could fly in all but the worst weather (Eckener 201). When fitted out for service, it was laid out in a manner similar to a passenger train within the combined cabin and control car. It possessed five compartments seating four, and one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be fitted if the partitions were removed. As with the previous airliners the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. At the rear of the gondola were the washroom and buffet (Robinson 258 Rose 196).
When DELAG resumed service in the fall they began operating on fixed scheduling, which was made possible owing to Bodensee’s reliability and ability to fly through rain and wind. The sightseeing flights were done away with and replaced with a regular passenger route which ran from Friedrichshafen to Berlin with a stop in Munich. Generally speaking, the lax margins for luggage that existed in the pre-war DELAG were also done away with fees being added after 13 kilograms. On one occasion, a woman wearing extravagant furs brought nearly a dozen trunks aboard and tried to protest the fees which greatly exceeded that of the original ticket. In order to make up for slack during slow periods, mail was carried in place of passengers. Overall, Bodensee proved very effective, earning 500,000 marks in its first month, placing it on the road for long term profitability (Rose 196). Typical passengers were state officials, Zeppelin company personnel, and foreign visitors who could not depend on the rail network, which had been racked by strikes, coal shortages, and damaged infrastructure during the revolutions of that year.
Eckener saw these routes as only the beginning and traveled with the airship to Stockholm in October. There he received an enthusiastic reception where he sold tickets for flights on the yet-to-be completed LZ 121 Nordstern. This was to be just the start, for the real destination for his airline was Spain. In the long term, however, his hope was in crossing the Atlantic. The Zeppelin’s long haul capabilities were well proven and shorter flights could be serviced by more modern planes, which by the mid 20’s could be flown with some semblance of safety and comfort. With long term plans seeming coming to fruition, DELAG completed the season’s operations in December, having flown on 88 out of 98 days for 532 hours, over 51,981 kilometers, and servicing 4,050 passengers. LZ 120 was placed in maintenance to be lengthened and have its control surfaces altered to compensate for its oversensitive yaw characteristics (Eckener 200, 201 Rose 198). However, these plans were not to be, as the loophole that allowed these operations was closed.
The Allied commission had ruled in January of 1920 that DELAG was not authorized to fly airships under the Versailles treaty, and they were instructed to turn their two airships over to France and Italy, who were to have received Navy Zeppelins that had been destroyed by their crews. Dr. Eckener would claim this was a protectionist ruling, given that the Allied commissioner, Air Commodore Masterman, was also in charge of Britain’s own flagging airship program. In any case, LZ 121 was christened Mediterranee in French service, and subsequently dismantled in roughly a year. Bodensee however, would spend many years in Italian service as the Esperia. While it never returned to regular passenger service, it made flights from time to time at numerous civil and military events from its shed in Ciampino near Rome. Most notably it accompanied the polar exploration airship N1 as it traveled to Barcelona, Spain, flew from Rome to Tripoli and back in 24 hours, and was shown to Japanese Crown Prince Hirohito during his visit in 1921. While most reparation airships were neglected and dismantled in the years following the Great War, Esperia seems to have been well maintained until it was decommissioned on July 18, 1928 (Robinson 350).
With Bodensee and Nordstern out of their hands, Zeppelin seemed to be running on borrowed time once again.
The Zeppelin, Banned
Zeppelin was in trouble, but there would soon be an opportunity for them to get back on their feet. While the British airship program was largely dysfunctional, it had managed to garner interest in the technology. Their own R.34, which was largely a reverse engineered R-Class Zeppelin, had managed to cross the Atlantic, though with worrying slim margins for fuel. For the time being, the British built on this achievement with the pending sale of R.38 to the US, which subsequently was renamed ZR 2. Given American interest in the technology, Dr. Eckener offered to build the United States an airship to compensate them for the one which was promised to them under the Versailles treaty, but which its crews destroyed. The US Navy jumped at the offer and offered to pay 3.56 million gold marks for the airship, though they were stopped by Air Commodore Masterman who refused to allow the construction of the airship in Germany. This block would remain until the US Navy was preparing to receive the ZR 2.
While the British were able to replicate German airship technology, they understood it exceedingly poorly. R.38/ZR-2 was based on a high altitude airship design with a hull that was designed to be maneuvered only at high altitudes, as its beams were made thin to reduce weight. While ZR-2 was proceeding with its final trial flight, its hull shattered during a low altitude turn at 99 kilometers an hour and it exploded. Of its 42 crew and passengers, only 5 survived. The US Navy was outraged. They directly accused the British of protectionism with the intent to force them to purchase their dangerous aircraft, and in the maelstrom of backlash, the German airship ban was lifted. The US Navy and Dr. Eckener soon agreed to an airship specified to be only used for civilian purposes, and that Zeppelin would shift production to consumer goods after it would be completed. All involved knew that neither clause would be observed, but Masterman was forced to accept their terms regardless (Rose 221, 222).
The US Navy soon sent representatives to Friedrichshafen to oversee the design and production of LZ 126/ZR-3. The partnership between Zeppelin and the US Navy proved amicable in 1922, and eventually it was agreed to establish a US based entity for airship production, Goodyear-Zeppelin, the following year. Work on the new airship progressed as smoothly as one could have hoped during such difficult times.
ZR-3 was launched in 1924, the large airship looking akin to a much larger, and stretched LZ 120. The airship was not merely a means of keeping the company afloat but to test the new technologies that could very well make trans-Atlantic air travel safe and reliable. Eckener himself flew ZR-3 out of Friedrichshafen on October 12, 1924, and despite some concerns about the airship’s maximum range, ZR-3 made the flight from Germany to the U.S. handily, despite running into a storm and encountering a headwind which slowed the ship down to 48 kilometers an hour. The airship flew over New York for several hours before proceeding to its shed at Lakehurst, New Jersey where it was met by a tremendous crowd. The ship would soon become the USS Los Angeles, and its success did more than save the company, it proved intercontinental air travel was more than achievable, it could be done safely and comfortably (eckener 27, 28).
ZR-3 also proved to be somewhat of a political litmus test. In the early Weimar period, its politics were especially volatile and Eckener had to brave these winds in order to accomplish anything. Whereas Count Zeppelin played the Imperial Court, Eckener faced liberals, conservatives, and political extremists of almost every variety. He did exceedingly well. The Zeppelin itself, a symbol of ‘the good old days’, played well with conservatives, liberals were satisfied with his ability to reinvent and grow the company in hard times, and the company’s large industrial workforce and generous benefits saw him receive congratulations from socialists and some communists. In terms of the far-right, he ranged from disinterest to outright hostility. Among the Nazis there was little interest in airships in general. Herman Goering, one of the movement’s leaders and former ace fighter pilot, saw airships as quaint and dated, with most in the party sharing his sentiments. Some members of even more extremist organizations claimed Eckener and Zeppelin had sold Germany out by giving ZR-3 to the US. Ultranationalists would go on to accuse the company of being controlled by a Jewish cabal and Eckener himself was the target of a young man with a rifle who had sworn to kill him, who was subsequently arrested (Rose 232). Eventually, some nationalists would be satisfied by Zeppelin’s all German operation and the ZR3 “controversy” would be left in the past. Despite this, the work at Zeppelin would proceed apace, especially as the German economy stabilized in the mid 20’s and many of the most dangerous fringe political groups had burnt out or had fallen out of public view, if only for the time being.
With a more or less stable political footing, and as the US Navy began to work their new airship into service, Dr. Eckener planned the next major step for Zeppelin.
The Graf
Eckener wanted an airship to build on the promise ZR-3 showed in its cross Atlantic outing. However, a roadblock appeared between Eckener and his new airliner, he hadn’t the money. The start-up capital to build and operate a new airship amounted to some 7 million marks, and to try and reach this figure he would attempt to repeat the miracle of Echterdingen. The press campaign began in July of 1925, and through donations and the sale of memorabilia, he was only able to amass 2.5 million marks, suitable enough for only the ship’s construction and nothing more. In short, the average German was far less secure in their finances, while the affluent noble class, once patrons of the old count, were gone (Rose 249). To make matters worse, airplanes had made significant strides in both safety and passenger capacity. Gone were the temperamental and fragile canvas and wooden biplanes, now in their place were solid plywood marvels like the Fokker F.VII and the all metal Junkers F.13, which rapidly took over intercity air travel during the mid 20’s.
Regardless, Eckener pressed on, and between 1925 and 26 he gave nearly a hundred lectures on a press circuit which bolstered fundraising efforts. Once it was clear appeals to the public had reached their limit, he would make a personal request to President Paul Hindenburg, which brought a state contribution of 2 million more marks. The last of the money was found in selling assets from Zeppelin’s subsidiary companies (Eckener30, Rose 287). With the funds in hand, the design work was finalized with the new airship being what was, more or less, a larger derivative of LZ 126 with some cutting edge features. However, the new LZ 127 would not be the largest and most efficient airship the company was capable of building, but rather it was a proof of concept that would show that commercial, oceanic air travel was possible. While they had the funds for a new airship, they were still restricted by the size of their hangar at Friedrichshafen, which would prevent them from building airships much larger than the wartime X-Class for years to come.
By early 1927, LZ 127’s design work had been completed, and while built along the same lines as ZR3, it was fully furnished for passenger comfort. The combined gondola would contain the control and navigation facilities, along with the passengers rooms and amenities. The fore section contained the control room, a radio room, and a navigation room for use for the crew, and behind it was the kitchen, dining room and lounge, and passenger quarters. At the rear of the gondola were the stairs which led to the main crew quarters which contained mostly the same amenities, though with none of the fineries which existed below. The style of the passenger quarters evoked that of the famous and luxurious American Pullman railcars, though with some clever features. The passenger berths served dual purposes, by day they were lounges where passengers could take meals and relax in private, and by night they could be converted to a two bunk cabin.
While LZ-127 could mostly be described as an enlarged version of the company’s previous airship, it did feature a number of innovations. Chief among these were its new Maybach VL2 engines, which in addition to producing a respectable 530PS, were multifuel engines that could run on either gasoline or Blaugas. The former was a fuel specially designed for airship use, as it possessed a density very close to air and could be stored in its own gas cells below the hydrogen. This enabled them to cut weight and conserve ballast hydrogen over long trips, as unlike gasoline, when the Blaugas was burned it did not significantly alter the weight of the airship and did not require the venting of hydrogen to regain equilibrium. Gasoline usage was kept to a minimum and would typically be reserved for takeoffs. Despite much of the design being brought over from a previous project, the airship was far better equipped for long flights. Its 37 tons of Blaugas could provide fuel for around 100 hours of flight, with a similar weight of gasoline providing only 67 hours (Rose 289).
The airship was completed in early July 1928, it being brought into service on the 8th and named Graf Zeppelin, in honor of the late Count. Shortly after a series of shorter test flights, Eckener arranged for a thirty six hour endurance flight across Germany on September 18th. The original course took the ship over Leipzig, Dresden and Berlin, before proceeding to Hamburg to practice oceanic navigation at night over the North Sea. However, the low cloud cover would have prevented the public from seeing the airship along that route and so they diverted to Frankfurt and Mainz before heading on to Cologne and Dusseldorf before reaching the North Sea via the Rhine valley. As was the case so many years ago, they were met by massive crowds as they passed these cities before finally heading out to sea. On the next day their course home took them over Hamburg, Kiel, and Berlin before they proceeded south back to Friedrichshafen (Eckener 32). However, not all were pleased. During further flights in October, French authorities protested the flight over the politically contentious Rhine territories, and subsequently provided directions for the use of airships over their own territory, forcing LZ 127 to fly at night and away from any military installations. The airship’s flight over southern England would also prove rather unsettling to those living there as it brought up unpleasant memories, and the airship would only rarely travel to Britain thereafter (Rose 289).
These early flights would prove extremely promising, the only major issues which arose were political in nature, and the airship itself proved superb. Naturally, Eckener pushed for a flight to Lakehurst, New Jersey.
To Lakehurst
Eckener was prepared to fulfill the promise long dreamed of since the invention of the balloon and kindled during DELAGs best years, he was going to prove air travel could deliver passengers anywhere across the world. 40 crewmen and 20 passengers were assembled for the flight, though few paid for their tickets as they were mostly there to drum up publicity. This included journalist Lady Drummond-Hay, who had come on behalf of the media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who had exclusive reporting rights in the US for the voyage. One of the four who did pay the small fortune of $3000 for a ticket was one Frederick Gilfillan, an American financier who had a plane crash and two shipwrecks under his belt (Rose 295). To add to the foreboding, the weather reports were bleak. Storms and strong winds pervaded most of the approach to New York and numerous older steamships were in distress, while more modern liners were reporting considerable delays to their arrival (Eckener 34).
Eckener took the airship out of Wilhelmshaven on October 11, 1928, opting for a longer, but hopefully calmer Southern approach. The other captains, Fleming and Schiller, agreed to take a course South to the Mediterranean via the Alps, then to Gibraltar, followed by the Azores, and finally proceeding across the Atlantic to the airfield at Lakehurst. This earliest section of the voyage proved the most enjoyable as passengers and crew overflew the scenic Northern Mediterranean with largely agreeable weather. This however, was not to last. As after they flew west off the Azores, they ran into a storm front, and in the midst of exchanging the deck crew for the most experienced members, the nose dipped. Pots and pans clattered to the floor, the breakfast table settings slid from the cloth, and thunder rang out. While the crew remained in control through the rough weather, the passengers were no less terrified (Eckener 39). However, more shockingly, the crew would discover a wide swath of fabric had been torn from the lower port elevator and stabilizing fin, and threatened to jam the controls. By the time this was recognized, the Graf Zeppelin was in the middle of the Atlantic and three days from US navy assistance. After Eckener reported the incident to the Navy, he dispatched a repair team, which included his own son, and informed the passengers of the situation.
The repair team luckily found the damage to be less threatening than they had worried, and that they would be able to reattach the third of fabric that had remained , while cutting away the fluttering edges. The repairmen wore safety tethers while they clung to the outside of the airship and endured the roughly 80 kilometer an hour slipstream as the ship bobbed up and down as the control crew compensated for the increase in weight brought on by the rain. The repair crew worked for around five hours until the ship could rely on the fin once more (Eckener 41).
While the ship was no longer in danger, the new problem became boredom and discomfort. Safety precautions prevented the kitchen from using its electric stoves, lukewarm coffee was served in glasses, as all the china cups had broken in the morning, and, perhaps most distressingly, the beer and wine had run out. The passengers, with the exception of Lady Drummond-Hay who brought plenty of warm clothes, learned just how chilly the Atlantic could get, as the airship had little insulation. Though, the passengers discomfort was eclipsed by the elation of the crowd that gathered to see the ship as it flew over Washington DC, Baltimore, and Philadelphia before it went on to New York. This would prove prudent, as it showed the public that despite the damage it had taken, it was in no danger and capable of traveling wherever its crew saw fit (Rose 299, Eckener 43).
The discomfort of many of the passengers was quickly overshadowed by the Graf Zeppelin’s arrival at Lakehurst. Some 150,000 people had traveled to Lakehurst, where they were policed only by some 76 marines, 50 sailors, and 40 state troopers. While Eckener received congratulations from President Hindenburg via telegram, he embarked on a number of press ventures and all manner of celebratory events in New York. All the while, he was kept informed of the repairs being made to the airship, which would take 12 days and delay their return to Freidrichshafen until October 28.
In all, the trip was successful but with mixed results. On a financial basis, the trip was successful in that it was profitable going one way. The operating costs were judged at $54,000 one way, with cargo and passenger revenues bringing in roughly $70,000; beyond that were the press deals which saw Zeppelin receive some $83,000, though these were likely to be considerably reduced for a regular commercial route. Eckener would claim a profit of $100,000, which considering the one million plus price of the airship, meant long term profitability was feasible.
The performance of the airship in the press was seen as both groundbreaking, yet unimpressive. From Germany to the US, the cross Atlantic voyage took some 111 hours, which actually compared poorly to the world’s fastest ocean liner, RMS Mauretania, which managed the crossing in 107. However this would be dispelled when Graf Zeppelin made the return trip in better weather, without detours, and arrived 72 hours later (Rose 301). Passenger comforts too were an issue compared with the ocean liner, though with a larger liquor cabinet and a gramophone with an ample selection of records, things were markedly improved on subsequent voyages.
Chief of all were safety concerns, as despite the airship being capable of handling the storm and subsequent damage better than any plane, it was still extremely concerning to any serious customer base. There was however, one feat which could allay these concerns for good, a world tour. However with the winter fast approaching, such a trip would be put off until a more favorable season.
Egypt Bound
While a world tour was not feasible for several more months, a trip eastward was planned to raise publicity and bring in much needed capital. To promote the airship, a number of high level government officials and members of the press were invited. The choice of location would be Eastern Mediterranean, and much like the pre-war DELAG flights, the emphasis was on sightseeing. A particularly frigid winter would delay the flight four weeks until March 21, 1929, whereafter the Graf Zeppelin flew to a more hospitable region. It made its way down the French Riviera, after which it passed over Corsica and Elba on its way to Italy.
As they over flew Rome, with its ancient and modern sights alike, they sent a telegram to the head of Italy, Benito Mussolini. “Filled with admiration as we look down on Eternal Rome with its timeless remembrance of a glorious past, and its lively activity as a flourishing modern metropolis, we respectfully send our greetings and our good wishes to the genius of this splendid city.” Eckener would derisively say that he wondered if Mussolini would believe himself to be the “genius” of the city. The response would read “Many thanks for your friendly greeting! I wish you a happy journey. Mussolini.” (Eckener 59). From Rome it was on to Napoli, then Eastward across the sea to the Isle of Crete. Their arrival in the Eastern Mediterranean came with the end of the chill that had followed them since their departure from Friedrichshaven. With the last of the coats coming off, the airship made its way to Tel Aviv, and on to Jerusalem with the ship spending the night above the Dead Sea.
Unfortunately, the Graf Zeppelin was denied passage over Egypt by the British Foreign Office. This was likely because they wished to be the first with their own airships, which in a few years time were to fly from England, to Egypt, and then on to India. Eckener would be forced to tell King Fuad of Egypt that the weather prevented any landing there. However in 1930, the Graf Zeppelin would repeat this flight and would carry aboard a number of distinguished Egyptian passengers who were flown over the Pyramids and north, over the coast to Palestine.
During the first flight however, the airship overflew the coasts before heading Northward to Greece. They reached Athens at 6 am, there flying over the ancient Acropolis and then on to Mount Olympus. The planned overflights of Romania and Istanbul were canceled after deep cloud cover was reported over much of the region, and thus they returned to Athens, to the enthusiasm of those who slept through the airship’s first visit. From there it was West to Corinth before making the return trip to Friedrichshaven. The route home was to be over the Dinaric Alps, on to Pressburg and Vienna, before heading west and home. Apart from some passes through narrow clearings, and a blizzard which came on as they passed over Vienna, the return trip was uneventful. In fact, Eckener himself was glad for the poor weather as he was able to impress upon his passengers the safety of the airship and its ability to handle the elements (Eckener 65).
The Egypt flight of 1929 would prove an incredible and undeniable success in comparison to the admittedly rough Atlantic voyage. In addition to the views of some of the most ancient sites across the region, there were no hiccups in regards to lapses in comfort or entertainment, as the ship passed over the less exciting spaces in the dead of night. Perhaps most importantly of all, the ship’s reliability shone through with no major mechanical issues being reported during the flight.
Around the World
With the sight seeing trip behind him, Eckener now had the ideal Autumn weather to prove once and for all the safety and reliability of his airships. The route was largely predetermined as the Graf Zeppelin would need to stop at suitably sized hangers to take on new supplies and undergo any serious maintenance should trouble arise. The ship could take on fuel, ballast, and hydrogen at a simple airship tether, but there it would also be at the mercy of the weather. As such, Graf Zeppelin would fly East over the Soviet Union and make a brief appearance in Moscow, then proceed to Kasumigaura Air Base near Tokyo, where a former wartime zeppelin shed had been transferred and rebuilt. From there it was across the Pacific to America, then to Lakehurst outside of New York, and home again after crossing the Atlantic. However, a wrinkle formed in this plan when William Randolph Hearst, who would pay $100,000 for exclusive media rights in the US and Britain, requested that Eckener begin the journey from Lakehurst. His deal covered a good amount of the overall operating expenses of the trip, valued at around $225,000, much of the sum being spent on shipping 25,003 cubic meters of blau gas to Tokyo. Eckener’s solution was simple: fly Graf Zeppelin to Lakehurst, announce the voyage to the English speaking press there, and then fly back to Friedrichshaven and announce it again to the German press. In doing so he placated Hearst and the more nationalist elements within his own country.
The rest of the expenses were largely paid through passenger and mail fares, though again, few bought their own tickets. The overwhelming majority of passengers were there on behalf of newspapers and a variety of media groups whose focus was on travel, though a single ticket could cost upwards of $2,500. Beyond that was a hefty $50,000 gained through German media deals, and a number of limited postage stamp sets which sold very well among collectors. Despite the record setting nature of the flight, it was to bring in some $40,000 after covering the considerable supply hurdles (Eckener 68, 69).
The Graf Zeppelin departed for Lakehurst on August 1, 1929. This was to be a fairly unremarkable flight save for its two special passengers, Sue, a baby gorilla, and Louis, a chimpanzee, who were being brought to their new home in the US. 95 hours later, they were in Lakehurst and the true voyage began (Rose 307). Graf Zeppelin would return to Friedrichshafen after an overflight of Paris. The trip so far would prove to have a markedly different atmosphere, as in addition to the card games, conversations, and the record player, which often hosted Eckener’s own collection of Beethoven and Mozart, the air was busy with the clatter of the reporter’s typewriters.
The airship would spend five days in Friedrichshafen preparing for the journey ahead, which was to cover some 20,116 kilometers. During the layover, a number of new passengers boarded including Commander Rosendahl of the US Navy, Professor Karlkin, a Soviet meteorologist, and Commander Fuiyoshi of the Imperial Japanese Navy who was accompanied by two members of the Japanese press. With a crew of 41, and 20 passengers on board, Graf Zeppelin flew east (Eckener 72, Robinson 272).
Now prepared for the flight ahead, they departed and flew north east over East Prussia and the Baltics. The approach to Moscow saw the trip’s first real challenge, a low pressure area developed north of the Caspian sea and was moving north. This would create strong headwinds along the original route and could potentially strain the airship’s fuel supply, however if they chose to fly on a more northerly course they would have a favorable westerly wind. To the anger of the Soviet representative, and to the disappointment of the crowds that had gathered in Moscow, Graf Zeppelin flew north. Upon flying past the city of Perm and past the Ural mountains, it quickly became clear why they had to bypass Moscow. The immensity of the far east would have proven disastrous had they run out of fuel, it was a land which was mostly untouched and beyond human civilization. Regardless, the frustrated Soviet Press devoted a good deal of energy criticizing Eckener and leveling a number of conspiratorial allegations at his decision (Rose 309).
Beyond Central Russia was the expansive taiga which Eckener described, “Like an extraordinary, decorative carpet it blazed up at us in all its colors-green, yellow, blue, red, and orange-horribly beautiful when we thought we might have to land on this carpet and be trapped helpless and lost amid the swamps and countless criss-crossing little streams” (Eckener 75). Navigation here and across Northern Asia would prove difficult owing to the few landmarks, even the smallest villages were noted and used to chart a course, the smallest being made up of a number of tents. Among the many incredible sights on those northern latitudes were the distant villages of the Yakut people and the aurora borealis which shone over the horizon. As they neared edge of Siberia they visited the city of Yakutsk, where they dropped a wreath over the cemetery where German prisoners of the Great War were buried. From there they proceeded to the sea of Okhotsk where their trek through Siberia ended (Eckener 76-81).
Graf Zeppelin reached Hokkaido, Japan at dawn, and with good weather proceeded southward on to the Japanese mainland. The airship overflew Tokyo for some time and performed a series of maneuvers over Yokohama Harbor above the massed onlookers. When they came in to land at Kasumigaura, they were met by an immense crowd, as thousands had traveled across the country to see the airship.
While the airship was impressive to crowds on both sides of the Atlantic, it hardly compared to the fanfare it received in Japan. While Graf Zeppelin shaved roughly two days off the next fastest way across the Atlantic, it had bridged Japan and Europe in less than four. The next fastest, and still rather exclusive method, the Trans-Siberian Railway, took two weeks. Otherwise, by fast steamer, it took nearly month. One local newspaper would claim the trip as one of mankind’s finest achievements, and the event would receive more column space than any other event in Japanese history until that point. Those aboard the airship would spend six days in Tokyo, with key members of the crew being invited to a series of events hosted by the Japanese government. Eckener and his officers would attend a lavish state banquet at Tokyo’s grandest hotel along with Japan’s highest ranking ministers and the Chief Admiral of the Navy. This however, could not compare to Eckener joining Emperor Hirohito for tea at the Imperial palace, after which he was presented with a pair of silver cups, a ceremonial sword and dagger, silk embroideries, and porcelain vases. The stay in Japan culminated in the entire crew having afternoon tea at the German embassy, with nearly every German in Japan being in attendance (Eckener 83, Robinson 273, Rose 309).
With their stay over, the crew prepared for the flight across the Pacific, though an accident in removing the airship from its hangar resulted in a delay until the following morning on August 23, 1929. The airship would depart minus its Soviet representative, and its Japanese contingent would be rotated out for Naval representatives Lt. Commander Ryunoske Kusaka, Major Shibata, and a reporter. The journey across the Pacific was fairly unremarkable apart from the distance traveled, and the views were often obscured by clouds and fog. Graf Zeppelin reached San Francisco on the early morning of August 25 where it was greeted by a number of airplanes and ships which had come out of the harbor to meet it. They then proceeded South to Los Angeles where it would land at Mines Field, the airship arrived late at night and went largely unseen, save for those who traveled to see it the following morning. Interestingly, the landing was made difficult due to a low altitude temperature inversion which required they valve off hydrogen as the denser layer of air otherwise prevented the ship from descending (Robinson 273). This effect is partially responsible for the region’s agreeable climate, and its smog.
Unlike Tokyo, the stay would not be a long one, and after an evening with Mr. Hearst, whose massive mansion was in Los Angeles, the airship was preparing to leave again. However, upon trying to leave they were short on hydrogen and were forced to proceed at very low altitude with very little ballast, southward around the Rocky Mountains. Initially, it flew so low that it nearly struck power lines as it departed the airfield. From San Diego they traveled through New Mexico and, like the crew of the L 59 almost ten years earlier, experienced extreme updrafts which could drag the ship over a 300 meters upward. Eckener considered this the most difficult point in the journey, and he believed the region made traversing America by airship a serious gamble should one wish to travel from coast to coast. Apart from the Texas homesteader who took potshots at the airship, the flight proceeded smoothly after they reached El Paso, after which they swung north on a course that would take them over Kansas before reaching Chicago. While the airship was greeted by crowds wherever it went, Chicago’s excitement rivaled San Francisco’s as a handful of planes joined it in the air and massive crowds cluttered the roads and gathered in parks to see the airship overfly their city. On its departure, it visited the Goodyear-Zeppelin headquarters at Akron Ohio before making its way to New York to complete the journey (Eckener 90).
The world flight was completed when Graf Zeppelin returned to the hangar at Lakehurst on August 27, 1929. While the airship had visited the city several times before, its reception on that date surpassed all the rest. On that day New Yorkers shredded more phone books for confetti than ever before, and after a massive reception at city hall, Eckener was invited to a meeting with President Hoover. There Hoover would tell him “I thought that the day of the great adventurers, like Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and Magellan, was in the past. Now such an adventurer is in my presence. I am happy, Dr. Eckener, that the American people have greeted you so warmly, and today would like to extend my personal good wishes for your enterprise.” (Eckener 93, 94)
Graf Zeppelin had made the 11,104 kilometers from Friedrichshafen to Tokyo in 102 hours, had crossed the 8851 of the Pacific in 79, and crossed the 5,632 of America in 52 (Rose 314). All of these were new records, and the lack of any major mishap would prove beyond a shadow of a doubt the safety and reliability of Eckener’s airship. With it completed it seemed it would be simple enough to begin a regular passenger service, though this was not to be. A massive stock market crash in the US in just a month’s time would spill over and leave the entire world economy in shambles, aviation in particular would be hit hard. All but the largest aircraft manufacturers were out of business, and what few fledging airlines existed were hit equally as hard.
The Desert and the Future
With the world in the grips of an economic catastrophe, Eckener had to redress his plans. Further airship construction would need to be put on hold and new streams of capital would need to be established. The admittedly lackluster successor to Graf Zeppelin, LZ 128, was canceled. With its cancellation also went the hope of a triangle airline scheme by which DELAG was to sell tickets which granted passengers access to North and South America and Germany. However, Graf Zeppelin completed a trial run with a complement of paying passengers and freight in 1930, flying from Friedrichshafen to Recife Brazil, and then to Lakehurst. It proved impractical, as the volatile and unpredictable North Atlantic weather made comfortable passenger travel impossible without a specially designed airship. While no additional triangle flights were conducted with Graf Zeppelin for some time, it made a profit of over $100,000. Owing to having only 11 passengers aboard, air mail and stamp sets made up most of the earnings (Rose 350).
In 1930 Graf Zeppelin made a number of publicity flights across the UK where tickets were offered for short sightseeing flights. By this point the British aversion to the Zeppelin had clearly run its course, perhaps this can be seen no clearer than when the Graf Zeppelin overflew Wembley Stadium during the FA Cup. Beyond this the Egyptian tour was revisited again, and with the tragic demise of the British Imperial Airship scheme after the crash of R-101, Zeppelins were allowed full reign over the region.
In the meantime, Graf Zeppelin was hired out to complete a scientific survey of the North Pole in 1931. Without passenger fare, reporting rights and stamp sets would bring in most of the profits. Incredible concerns were raised over the Arctic weather and icing, which could disturb the airship’s equilibrium. Despite being seriously damaged by a hail storm, Graf Zeppelin completed the survey along with the Soviet icebreaker, Malygin.
Zeppelin survived these financially tumultuous years by very narrow margins, and oddly enough, was kept afloat by stamp collectors who drove up the price of the limited edition sets the company commissioned. However, in 1931, there were bright spots on the horizon for DELAG. Graf Zeppelin was to begin a regular international service to South America, and a new airship was being developed for cross Atlantic service.
Regular Service to South America
While regular triangle passenger flights between the three continents were well beyond the capabilities for Graf Zeppelin, it could chart a service to South America with ease. While the North Atlantic was frigid and temperamental, and had previously proven extremely uncomfortable for passengers, the tropical and relatively warm waters of the South were ideal. After the Arctic flight, three passenger flights to South America were conducted in the late summer and autumn of 1931. These early flights were fairly limited, after leaving Friedrichshafen they proceeded over Southern France, Spain, the South Atlantic, and arrived in Recife, Brazil where an airship mast allowed them to service their vessel. This sole mast and its fairly remote location required DELAG to partner with the German Condor Airline to service other major cities across South America (Robinson 279). In spite of this, these initial flights would prove so successful, that all publicity flights were terminated so that all efforts could be taken to focus on the South American line.
The following year would see nine passenger flights, the last three of which saw the airship fly down to Rio de Janeiro in order to draw interest to build a hangar there. Beyond this the flights were improved in the choice of view. When the airship departed or returned to Europe, it often did so through the French Rhone Valley and over the Bay of Biscay, or it proceeded south over Spain and then to the Cape Verde Islands off of Africa. Occasionally, there were also scheduled stopovers in Barcelona and Seville, where the excellent weather often permitted the airship to remain outdoors for sometime (Robinson 280). While the 1931 flights were more or less experimental, those of the following year were routine, all of which sold out, and beyond ticket sales the revenue from freight and mail was not inconsiderable (Ecekener 115).
As successful as these flights were, they were overshadowed by events in Germany. The Nazis were gaining greater prominence, with the regime exerting an ever more dominating force over the country, though Zeppelin and DELAG remained independent for the moment. In the backdrop of such developments, Eckener was able to see that the Rio hangar was built. The year would see another nine trips, the last being a triangle flight that would take the airship to the 1933 Chicago World’s Fair.
By the summer of 1933, the aviation authorities in Germany required all registered aircraft to display the Nazi swastika. The Graf had swastikas painted on the port side of its vertical stabilizers, the other emblazoned with the older Imperial style flag. Displeased with having to carry the symbol, Eckener flew the airship around Chicago on a clockwise course which hid the swastikas from crowds. He was, however, unable to prevent it being photographed by circling planes, with the subsequent images being printed in newspapers images world wide. This would not be the first time he attempted to act against the new regime. Prior to this, he forbade the Nazis from holding events at the new massive hangar at Freidrichshafen (Rose 357, 364). These marked the first in a number of protests Eckener had against Nazi propaganda minister Josef Goebbels, who wished to use the Zeppelins to carry the flag of the new regime. Beyond this, Goebbels often took to chartering the airship for political events and publicity flights, much to the annoyance and displeasure of Eckener and many airship crewmen who hated the politics of the new regime and saw these “circus flights” as a waste of time.
In spite of the ongoing feud, DELAG continued to improve its services to South America. Graf Zeppelin flew twelve round trips to South America in 1934, the third flying as far as Buenos Aires where Eckener unsuccessfully tried to convince the Argentinian government to build an airship hangar. Buenos Aires was to be a major hub for DELAG, as it was hoped that they would be able to make sales amongst the sizable German enclave there. However this was not to be, and instead they bolstered their partnership with the Condor Airline which could fly the airship’s passengers from Rio de Janeiro by seaplane.
The political environment became more contentious during this time, as Goebbels’ propaganda ministry and Goering’s Air ministry began to feud over the airships. Both offices devoted large sums to the production of LZ 129 and chartered increasing usage of Graf Zeppelin. Despite his long standing personal disinterest in the airship, Herman Goering recognized it as an important and internationally recognized symbol of German aviation. A symbol which he knew improved the standing of his new office, in contrast with Goebbels ideological zeal. In any case, both men knew they could force Eckener’s cooperation through the resources they devoted to his company, despite what trouble he would occasionally cause them.
The year 1935 would continue to see a business boom for the Brazil route, and saw 16 round trip flights across the Atlantic. There was also considerable growth in passenger travel which peaked in that year at 720 with an additional 14,061 kilograms of freight carried, including some 900,000 letters (Eckener 116). In short, DELAG had pioneered the international airline just as it had in 1919 when it achieved regular air service with Bodensee. However, just as it had been in 1919, DELAG would be dissolved again.
Political Troubles and the End
Just as DELAG was honing its international air service, it was dissolved. Air Minister Goering would reorganize most German airlines, and he would visit this on DELAG on March 25, 1935. The new Deutsche Zeppelin Reederei (DZR), or German Zeppelin Shipping Company, would take its place, this new entity being state owned. In doing so, Goering would have final say on airship use, largely putting an end to the quiet feud with Goebbels.
With this change came a transfer of command, Eckener was replaced with Lehmann, of Great War fame. Lehmann was an able commander and fiercely nationalistic, which made him a far more palatable choice over the decidedly liberal and world trotting Eckener. The former became chairman of the Board of Directors and still held some influence, but his control over the airline and the Zeppelin company, which he still presided over, slackened. Eckener continued to work for the airline in order to ensure safe operations, and to do his best to keep the Nazis from becoming too intertwined with the business. Initially, he was successful, as LZ 129 entered service to become the second airship on the South American route, after he had first flown it to the United States. Its name too, Hindenburg, was chosen for its lack of ties to the new regime.
This state of affairs was not to last as the political tides grew more volatile. As a result of Ecekener’s open and continued complaints about Goebbels’ use of the airships, the Reichsminister would issue an order to remove all mention of Eckener in any future news publications. This would backfire spectacularly when President FDR assumed and looked forward to Eckener being the captain of the Hindenburg on its first Atlantic voyage to the United States. Rather than admit a blunder on the world stage, the publication moratorium was lifted temporarily, with Goering subsequently intervening between the two and meeting with Hitler to have the moratorium lifted entirely (Rose 393, 395). In any case, and in spite of his own convictions, Eckener’s work would continue to benefit the Nazis and he would continue to stay, and work in Germany.
The final straw came a year later in 1937, when Hindenburg caught fire over Lakehurst in the most infamous airship disaster. While accidents were common in air travel at this point, never had one so spectacular been caught on film and so publicized. In spite of DELAG never having lost a passenger in its decades of operation, passenger airship travel would end there. As a result of a flashy landing stunt to bring the airship in quickly, Captain Lehman overstressed one of the rear structural rings and snapped a bracing wire. The wire tore a hydrogen cell, and a static discharge ignited the air mixture near an aft ventilation shaft (Rose 440, Eckener 173). Following the accident, what interest the state and public had in the airships quickly dissipated, and Graf Zeppelin, after nearly ten years in the air, was decommissioned and later dismantled. Eckener himself would largely go into retirement, though on paper he remained a key figure at Zeppelin and some of its subsidiaries.
Conclusion
The airships built by Count Zeppelin and the airlines which operated them can be said to be among the most groundbreaking endeavors in the history of aviation. In terms of long range aviation, many of their efforts would outpace their competitors for upwards of a decade. In regards to air travel, nearly every major milestone was achieved first using their airships. DELAG would be the first to pioneer passenger air travel, establish regular, scheduled transportation flights, and build the first transcontinental airline. While the passenger airship was dealt a fatal blow with the destruction of the Hindenburg under the DZR, ironically, few endeavors can claim to have done so much with so few injuries as the DELAG airline.
Advanced Technical Descriptions
LZ 1-1900
LZ 1 had a symmetrical, cylindrical hull formed from 16 transverse, wire braced, rings composed of 24 polygons that were connected by 24 longitudinal beams. The rings were spaced 7.98 m apart, save for those around the two control gondolas, which were 4 meters apart. The hull was made from unalloyed aluminum, and thus was very soft and contributed to the airship’s structural issues. The beams, which comprised the hull were practically openwork I-beams and offered little resistance to compression or bending loads, resulting in the center hull bending downwards during its test flights. The hull measured in at a length of 128 m with a diameter of 11.74 m. (robinson 23)
There were 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells made from rubberized cotton. This material was composed of thin laminated sheets of lightweight cotton and rubber. Each cell was fitted with a relief valve, with 5 being fitted with control valves which allowed the crew to adjust for lift. The airship was covered in cotton treated with pegamoid to reduce drag and friction within the hull. Pegamoid was also used as a basic waterproofing material, its use was continued on Zeppelin’s until more suitable doping materials were employed during WWI.
The airship lacked large control surfaces, there being only a small pair of rudders above and below the nose, and a rear set which were connected to the sides of the hull. Pitch was changed by means of a 100 kg lead weight that was moved along the rail between the gondolas. This proved to be a very cumbersome and unreliable system, with the weight jamming on at least one occasion.
LZ 1 was controlled from two cars along the underside of the airship. These were both made of aluminum and designed to float in case of emergency. These were connected via metal piping which served to act as a walkway. Each carried a Daimler 4 cylinder engine which produced 14.2 horsepower at 680 rpm, with a weight of 385 kilograms. These each drove a pair of propellers on the upper hull above the cars, which they were connected to via bevel gears and shafts. These turned at a maximum RPM of 1200, considerably faster than the engine, in order to follow one of the Count’s theories. He would later find large diameter propellers operated at lower RPMs to be more efficient. The propellers themselves were made of simple flat sheets of aluminum and had four blades with a diameter of 1.22 meters(Robinson 24, Eckener 191).
Golden Years Airliners 1911-1914
LZ 10 Schwaben-1911
LZ 10 Schwaben was the first specially designed airliner and almost fully divorced from the LZ 3 derivative airships. It was shorter and carried less hydrogen than the initial, and very unsuccessful Deutschland, but was far more efficient. The framework was made of a strengthened aluminum alloy, and used the tried and tested triangular girders that Dürr developed for airship use. The hull was 140.2 long and 14 m in diameter, containing 17 rubberized cotton hydrogen cells. This would be the last Zeppelin airship to use them, as they constituted a fire hazard and were responsible for the loss of this airship.
Schwaben was powered exclusively by three 6 cylinder inline Maybach C-X engines, these being developed specifically for airship use. Each engine provided up to 145 horsepower and weighed 652kg. These water cooled motors had a displacement of 20.5L, and had a bore and stroke of 160 mm x 170 mm. Overall, they measured 129.5 x 182.9 x 86.4cm (Smithsonian). The forward engine was coupled to a pair of two bladed hard aluminum propellers, with the rear two being coupled to a pair of four bladed propellers. The rear propellers were a pair of two bladed propellers affixed to one another on the same drive shaft. They could propel the airship to a trial speed of 76.6 km/h.
The airship was controlled from the forward car which contained one of the three engines. Controls were improved as all the control surfaces had been moved aft, with the rudders and elevators being installed in a box like configuration at the rear of the airship. Ballast bags were installed fore and aft.
As with all DELAG airships, it did not lack for amenities and comforts. The passengers were seated in a gallery amidships. This compartment was composed of an outer frame sheet aluminum with inner wood supports and decorative framing. The inner compartment was covered in wood paneling that consisted of high layer plywood covered in mahogany sheeting. Pillars and decorative elements were decorated with mother of pearl inlays and the floors were carpeted. Ahead of the gallery was a small space for the attendant and an ice box with an accompanying liquor cabinet. To the rear of the gallery was a lavatory with a latrine made from aluminum fittings to save weight. The entire compartment was affixed to the hull with reinforced aluminum girders and cables.
LZ 11 Viktoria Luise & LZ 13 Hansa- 1911&1912
These two airships were built roughly to the same specifications though Hansa was the heavier of the two owing to some minor difference in construction. These were very similar to the Schwaben in their overall layout, though they differed markedly in that they used goldbeater skins in place of rubberized cotton for their hydrogen cells. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine. It proved to be both lighter and could not accumulate a dangerous static charge and was used on all subsequent airships (Chollet 6).
The two also featured a crude cruciform tail section, from which the elevators and rudders hung. These were smaller than those mounted on Schwaben, but were no less effective. These evidently reduced drag considerably, as despite being 7.90 meters longer than Schwaben, both airships made for a trial speed of approximately 80 kilometers an hour. This added length allowed for an expansion of the passenger compartment (Stahl 66).
LZ 17 Sachsen-1913
This airship was built much to the same standards as the previous two but it was built to a shorter length and wider diameter. When designing previous airships, or in enlarging existing models, the common technique was simply to add a lengthening section. It was initially believed that nearly all drag was created by the frontal cross section, with very little being induced by the surface area of the rest of the vessel. The aim with Sachsen was to increase the volume of its gas cells, and thus its cargo capacity, while also keeping drag to a minimum. It was quite successful, but it entered service only a year before DELAG was dissolved at the start of the Great War, and thus had the shortest passenger service of these early airliners.
LZ 120 Bodensee-1919
Bodensee was built with a number of new design features which had become commonplace during the war. Chief of these were its teardrop shape, which cut down on drag while retaining a large hydrogen capacity; and its cruciform tail section, which improved stability and maneuverability. Despite having roughly the same hydrogen capacity as the Sachsen, built years earlier, Bodensee boasted a much higher top speed and lifting capacity, all while being considerably shorter.
The hull of the Bodensee was constructed of 17 sided rings of various dimensions, the largest being 18.6 meters in diameter. The hull was made of a more modern duralumin which made it far more resilient, and likely contributed to the long service life of the airship. Along the underside of the hull was a catwalk which gave the crew access to the engines and command gondola. Above the catwalk were the ship’s 11 hydrogen cells. The entire airship, including the gondola, was skinned in a doped cotton fabric which gave excellent weatherproofing.
The gondola itself was divided into a forward command section and a rear passenger section. The command section featured modern controls which had been commonplace for some years, most notably an electric control panel for hydrogen release. Its passenger space could be divided into five compartments seating four, with one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be, and often were, fitted if the partitions were removed and the space was consolidated. As with the previous airliners, the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. The decor was fairly subdued compared to the more lavish furnishings of past DELAG airships. Aft of the passenger compartment was a buffet staffed with an attendant who prepared meals with an electric hotplate. The last gondola compartment contained the restroom. (Robinson 258 Rose 196). Flights typically lasted seven or eight hours on its typical Friedrichshafen-Berlin Route. Owing to the short nature of the flights, the airship was crewed by only a dozen or so men.
The airship was propelled by four Maybach Mb IVa engines which were high altitude motors and were mass produced during the Great War for the R-Class, and later “height climber” Zeppelins. Owing to the lack of superchargers, they instead used incredibly high compression ratios, which meant they could not be run at high throttle below 6000ft. Some examples approached 300hp at high altitudes, but in the case of the low altitude Bodensee, they could be expected to top out at 245 hp under normal conditions. These were water cooled 23.1L inline 6’s with a bore and stroke of 165 mm and 180 mm, and a weight of 417.8 kg (Smithsonian, Robinson 258). Two motors were mounted in their own individual cars on each side of the hull, with a rear, centerline car containing two motors, side by side, and were geared to the same propeller. These were geared to a wooden 5.2 meter propeller with a reverse gear that could be used slow and maneuver the airship as it came in to land. Each engine car had a skeletal aluminum frame that was fabric skinned. The engineers worked in the cars to adjust their output, with commands being telegraphed from the control room, and to maintain them throughout long flights. In most cases this amounted to supplying them with more oil. The engines could propel Bodensee up to 132km/h, making it the fastest airship thus built. They also made it considerably overpowered and the crew had to be wary of oversteering when the engines were running near their highest output. The ship was later lengthened to extend its range and help compensate for this issue.
LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin 1928
Graf Zeppelin was the largest and most advanced airship to serve with DELAG, with most of its features being tested and tried aboard the ZR 3. Graf Zeppelin’s hull was built to the restrictions of its hangar in Friedrichshafen with the 236.6m long and 30.5m airship having the familiar teardrop shape of its predecessors. Its structure was conventional, though made use of improved duraluminium and had built up sections around the gondola and the struts supporting the engine cars. The hull included two catwalks, one along the bottom, to give access to the engines, crew quarters, and gondola; and a center catwalk which gave access to the gas cells and the exterior of the airship should repairs need to be made. There were 17 hydrogen cells with a volume of about 85,000 cubic meters set above the fuel gas cells, which contained some 26,000 cubic meters of blau gas. Depending on the configuration of the airship, the combined gas capacity of hydrogen and fuel was normally 105,000 cubic meters (Robinson , Eckener 207). The use of blau gas meant a lower lifting gas capacity, but it freed up several tons of weight by eliminating the use of gasoline, and meant the airship needed less water ballast to offset the burning of a denser fuel source. The lower ballast requirements also made the airship easier to fly over long distances, as it meant the crew needed to make only minor adjustments to the airship’s trim and ballast. A small amount of liquid fuel was carried to bring the airship out of its airport, as burning it lightened the ship and aided in climbing without sacrificing any ballast water. The entire airship was skinned in treated fabric, its waterproofing treatment now containing aluminum, which gave the airship its iconic metallic sheen.
The lower hull contained the amenities for the crew, including the bunks, which were spaced out along the lower corridor, their restrooms, and a small lounge space where they rested and took their meals. The gondola itself was divided among the forward control rooms, and rear passenger quarters. The forwardmost was the control room, followed by a navigation room, the radio room, and kitchen. Control of the airship was managed through similar, but improved means compared to the LZ 120. The elevator controls in particular were improved by the use of a boost motor to make the difficult and physically straining job of the elevator man easier. A fully automatic gyro for rudder control was also installed, but often went unused as it was felt its impulses were too heavy and clumsy, in comparison to hand control from an experienced helmsman. Landing was done without the use of either system but was aided by the use of bubble pointers geared to both controls which accurately displayed the inclination of the airship relative to the inputs of its controllers ( ONI Lt. Cmdr. Kenworthy 3). In practice, both systems were typically only used when controllers were changing course against the wind. Navigation aboard the ship was often done through dead reckoning and star sighting, though it was also capable of radio direction-finding as well. A powerful 3 million candlepower searchlight was mounted aft of the passenger section which enabled altitude checks and drift readings in the dead of night (ONI Fulton 3,4). These systems were powered by a pair of auxiliary power units which took their fuel from the Blaugas reserves.
The kitchen was well stocked and the cook and his assistant prepared meals through the use of electrical stoves. Food was served on the airline’s own signature dishes and cutlery. There were ten two-passenger cabins, a pair of washrooms, and a lounge area that could be rearranged for dining or leisure. The original decor evoked the luxury of Pullman railcars, though the traditional, and fairly dated, wallpaper was later replaced with a coat of white paint to give the airship a more nautical feel. Passengers were less than thrilled over the fairly confined nature of their quarters and the lounge, though the annoyance of not being able to smoke was the chief complaint. After the first several voyages, the airship began to stock a larger liquor cabinet, impromptu tours of the airship were given, and a gramophone, which often played Eckener’s own extensive collection of Beethoven and Mozart, was brought aboard. Smoking however, was never allowed and the lack of insulation required passengers wear coats in cold weather.
Graf Zeppelin was propelled by five Maybach VL-2 motors, these being multifuel 33.3L V-12s which could run off gasoline or Blau Gas. The VL-2 was a specialized engine designed to run for long periods and to be easy to repair in flight by airship engineers. Each engine produced up to 570 hp at 1,600 RPM and weighed 1,148 kg. They had a bore and stroke of 140 mm and 180 mm. These were water cooled engines, with their radiators being at the front of the engine car where a pair of shutters controlled air flow. They were all geared to propellers via planetary 2:1 reduction gears, and like Bodensee, were reversible. They were initially all geared to two bladed wooden propellers, though all but the lower gondola would be fitted with larger four bladed 3.4 meter propellers. The lower car retained the shorter propeller as it would have otherwise run into ground clearance issues. The engines also had the benefit of a silica absorber which reduced moisture exposure and allowed them to reclaim fresh water, which proved very useful as the airship frequently crossed oceans (LT. Cmdr. TGW 3). These engines overall proved very reliable for their day, though on occasion they would encounter minor breakdowns which required a brief stoppage of all engines to fix it. They could propel the airship as fast as 128km/h, though the airship typically traveled at 112km/h which was ideal for fuel economy.
For any considerably long voyage, a crew numbering at least thirty was required, and for regular passenger service, some 40 crewmen were aboard. On a flight from Germany to Pernambuco, Brazil on October 9, 1932, Graf Zeppelin was commanded and flown by the following: 1 commanding officer, 3 watch officers, 3 junior officers, 1 chief engineer, 1 assistant engineer officer, 1 leading engine man, 15 engine men, 2 electricians, 3 riggers, 3 radio men, 3 rudder men, 3 elevator men, and 3 stewards, these being a flight attendant and the two cooks. The longest watches belonged to the watch officers, the radiomen and riggers, and the leading engineering officers who all had a watch of four hours. Every crewman had their own bunk by the time of the regular South America flights (ONI Lt. Cmdr. T.G.W 1,2)
Eckener, Hugo. My Zeppelins. Putnam & Co. Ltd, 1958.
Von Zeppelin, Ferdinand. Die Luftschiffahrt Und Die Modernen Luftfahrzeuge. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1909.
Capt. Chollet, L. Balloon Fabrics made of Goldbeater’s Skin. NACA, 1922.
Curtis, Thomas E. The Zeppelin Airship. Smithsonian Report for 1900. 1901.
Dr. Dürr, Ludwig. The American Airship ZR-3. Zeitschrift des Vereines Deutscher Ingenieure. May 31, 1924, Vol. 68, No. 22. 1924.
Fulton, G., J. L. Kenworthy, James L. Fisher, and Edwin F. Cochrane. “LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin: Flight Reports by US Navy Officers,” October 1933, November 1934.
Mills, George H, Meister Von F.W. LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin correspondence relating to George H. Mill’s flights. 1934.
Ebner, Hans. The Present Status of Airship Construction, Especially of Airship Framing Construction. Zeitschrift fur Flugtechnik und Motorluftschifftfahrt Vol. 24, Nos. 11 and 12, June 6 and June 28, 1933 Verlag von R. Oldenbourg, Munchen und Berlin. 1933.
When the Me 163B entered service, it was a unique aircraft by virtue of its rocket engine. It was used as a short range interceptor for German air defense, and while it could achieve extremely high speeds, its overall design left much to be desired. These faults included a highly restrictive view from the cockpit, a lack of retractable landing gear, and limited operational endurance. In order to address some of these issues, Messerschmitt engineers developed the Me 163C.
History
While the Me 163B Komet proved to be a remarkable design, it was quite dangerous to fly and there was plenty of room for improvement. In order to make the whole aircraft as cheap as possible, some limitations had been introduced. To save weight, the aircraft had rather small dimensions which, in turn, limited the fuel load that could be stored inside. This led to a limited powered flight time of fewer than 8 minutes. In combat operations, this proved to be insufficient, but there was little that the German engineers could do to improve this. Adding internal or external auxiliary fuel tanks was not possible given the design restrictions.
The position and layout of the cockpit also offered a number of issues. Most importantly, it provided the pilot with a limited field of view behind his aircraft. Another issue was the lack of retractable landing gear. The Me 163 was instead forced to use a two-wheeled detachable dolly. This was intentionally done in order to reduce weight.
Once the aircraft was in the air, the dolly was jettisoned. There were accidents regarding this system when, for example, the dolly refused to be detached from the aircraft, or even worse, when it bounced off the ground and hit the aircraft from below. On landing, the Me 163 was to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. After landing, the aircraft was immobile and became an easy target for enemy fighters. For this reason, a normal retracting landing gear unit was desirable, but once again for the same reason as the fuel load, this could not be implemented.
To redress the previously mentioned issues, engineers at Messerschmitt began working on an improved version, the Me 163C. It incorporated a longer fuselage, an improved cockpit, and had an engine with two combustion chambers. The development of this version likely started in late 1944 or early 1945.
Production and service
The precise development history, and how many aircraft of this version were built, are the subject of considerable speculation. The fact that there are no photographs of it complicates the matter further. Most sources mentioned that only a few incomplete airframes were built by the Germans. In some sources, for example B. Rose’s Secret Projects Flying Wings and Tailless Aircraft, it is mentioned that three prototypes were completed and flight-tested in early 1945. Source E. T. Maloney and U. Feist on the other hand, mentions that only a few pre-prototype airframes were built by the time the war ended in Europe. So there are two completely different accounts in the sources.
Technical characteristics
The Me 163C, like its predecessor, was designed as a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing, tailless aircraft. Given its experimental nature and its late development into the war, not much is known about its precise technical characteristics. Its overall construction would probably be similar to the previous version, with its fuselage being built of metal, and possessing wooden wings. The semi-monocoque fuselage was longer and was now 7 m compared to the original 5.84 m length.
The Me 163C was to be powered by an improved Walter 109-509C or an HWK 109-509A-2 rocket engine. In the case of the first engine, it could generate a thrust of some 1.500 kg. An auxiliary HWK 509 rocket engine would be used to provide additional endurance once the aircraft reached its cruising altitude. The maximum speed of the Me 163C was estimated at 915 km/h while the operational range was 125 km.
While the introduction of retractable landing gear was desirable, the Me 163C was not to be equipped with one, but it still received some modifications in this regard. It was to have a fully retractable tail wheel located at the bottom of the tail assembly.
The cockpit was completely redesigned. It received a fully glazed bubble-type canopy. This offered the pilot a much improved all-around view. In addition, there were provisions for pressurization equipment.
The armament used on this aircraft is not quite clear in the sources. It would have consisted of either two 2 cm MG 151 with 100 rounds of ammunition for each cannon, two 30 mm MK108 cannons with 60 rounds, or less realistically, four 30 mm MK108 cannons with 40 rounds of ammunition.
Cancelation of the project
While the precise development of this aircraft is unclear, most sources agree on the reasons why it was not adopted, beyond the obvious end of the war. Basically, there were two main reasons for this. First, was the lack of landing gear. The Me 163C still had to take off and land using the take-off dolly and the landing skid. This was far from perfect as the dolly, as mentioned, could potentially damage the aircraft itself after release, and the use of a sliding skid made the aircraft immobile after landing. Lastly, the auxiliary engine only extended the operational flight by an additional 1-minute, which was deemed insufficient. It was for these reasons that the Me 163C would not be adopted, and instead the development of the much improved Me 163D was prioritized.
Conclusion
Given its experimental nature, it’s late introduction, and the disagreement between sources, it is quite difficult to make the final decision on the general properties of this aircraft. Given that the project was canceled by the Germans, it is likely that besides a few experimental prototypes, no actual production aircraft were be assembled. Regardless it served as a stepping stone for the next version, the Me 163D, which was built, but it too would not be adopted for service due to the end of the war.
Me 163C Specifications
Wingspans
32 ft 2 in / 9.8 m
Length
23 ft 1 in / 7 m
Height
3 m / ft in
Wing Area
220 ft² / 20.41 m²
Engine
Walther HWL 509C-1 liquid fuel rocket engine with a max thrust of 1.500 kg
Empty Weight
4,850 lbs / 2,200 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
11,680 lbs / 5.300 kg
Maximum Speed
570 mph / 915 km/h
Operational range
78 mil / 125 km
Engine endurance
12 minutes
Maximum Service Ceiling
40,000 ft / 12,200 m
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 20 cm MG 151 (100) / Two 30 mm MK108 cannons 60
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. and Medicman11
Ported by Marko P.
Illustrations by Carpaticus
Source:
D. Nešić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemcaka. Beograd.
E. T. Maloney and U. Feist (1968) Messerschmitt Me 163, Fallbrook
M. Emmerling and J. Dressel (1992) Messerschmitt Me 163 “Komet” Vol.II, Schiffer Military History
J.R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German AIrcraft of the Second World War, Putnam
W. Spate and R. P. Bateson (1971) Messerschmitt Me 163 Komet, Profile Publications
M. Ziegler (1990) Messerschmitt Me 163 Komet, Schiffer Publishing
D. SHarp (2015) Luftwaffe secret jets of the Third Reich, Mortons Media Group
M. Griehl (1998) Jet Planes of the Third Reich, Monogram Aviation Publication
B. Rose (2010) Secret Projects Flying Wings and Tailless Aircraft, Midland
Few aspects of the Second World War have been so misunderstood, misrepresented, and pushed into near mythology as the Luftwaffe’s test programs. Their discussion in less academic circles is dominated by rampant speculation from those who indulge in sensationalist historical stories. With respect to that, one might be surprised to find the bizarre photographs of a Spitfire Mk. VB with a Daimler Benz engine to be one of the few remaining genuine artifacts from an obscure Luftwaffe test program. With so little information publicly available, naturally, the odd plane’s origins, purpose, and performance have been drowned in a sea of speculation. However, while it is often erroneously claimed that the so-called ‘Messerspit’ was some bizarre attempt to combine the best aspects of the two planes, in reality, the aircraft was converted to settle a technical argument which had been raging in Luftwaffe research and development circles since 1942.
Engine Trouble
The history of fighter engine development is one of ceaseless improvement in power and weight which are largely achieved through improving methods of design, production, and the use of better materials. In the case of the Luftwaffe, it was not long until the chase for power was subsumed by the need to develop engines which could more reliably run on inferior materials. Following the end of the battle of Britain in the autumn of 1940, the Luftwaffe soon found itself short of several key materials necessary in building heat and corrosion resistant alloys, most notably nickel, tin, and, later, chromium and cobalt. Nearly all of these materials were available only in limited quantities across Europe, with tin, used in heavy duty piston bearings, being almost totally unavailable. This was further exacerbated by the transition to synthetic gasoline and lubricants, whose properties differed enough from their petroleum counterparts to cause trouble.
In order to cope with the restricted access to these materials, Sparrmetall economy alloys were introduced to ensure the aviation industry would have access to enough materials, albeit ones which would cause a slate of problems. The Bf 109E had nearly finished its production run before the transition to the new materials began and was soon being phased out by the new F model in late 1940, and there the trouble began. The new production DB 601N engines in these would make use of high octane C3 synthetic fuel. However, the engine was neither designed nor properly tested around this, and had instead been developed around the petroleum based C2. Beyond this, its nickel-poor, and thus corrosion prone exhaust valves, coupled with its more fragile piston and crank bearings, would soon create a web of issues that would take weeks to sort out.
The C3 fuel reacted chemically with the 109F’s rubber bag tank, and, if stored in the tank long enough, would ruin the anti-knock qualities of this fuel. When run on this degraded fuel, these engines soon suffered absolutely horrible mechanical problems, chief of which were violent vibrations which could thoroughly wreck them. The C3 fuel could also cling to the chamber walls after failing to thoroughly disperse through the fuel injectors, and then escape into the oil system. In most other aircraft, the fuel would simply boil away, but the Daimler Benz engine ran cooler than most, and thus the fuel would eventually dilute the oil until it failed to act effectively as a lubricant, resulting in increased wear or catastrophic engine failure in the worst cases.
Expecting the issue to be one of a mechanical nature, the fuel and bag were not seen as the obvious culprit. Rather, the engine mount, the air intake position, and the cooling system were suspect. This guess would be partially correct in the case of the intake. Eventually, they tracked the fuel degradation to the tank and adjusted the fuel injectors. The unreliable engine was then phased out for the DB 601E, which ran on the more common B4 fuel and was installed in the subsequent Bf 109F-3 and 4 models. Almost all Bf 109’s built after this point were run on this more common, lower performance fuel. Prior to this, the F series were restricted from running at emergency power and were at a considerable handicap in combat for much of 1941 and 42. Regardless of this impediment, many Luftwaffe fighter squadrons often found these their most successful years.
Problems would resurface again when it came time to re-engine the 109 with the new DB 605A. Developed from the DB 601E, the new engine was to be a marked improvement, with its larger displacement, improved supercharger, and higher compression ratios promising a considerable increase in power. However, new material restrictions would sharply curtail the use of molybdenum, tungsten, and especially cobalt. Supplies of which practically dried up when Germany’s largest source in French North Africa had been lost after Operation Torch. Problems new and old emerged, the most egregious of which were exhaust valve failures, which were due to the low nickel content of the components, resulting in rapid corrosion and cracking. There were also lubrication failures, which were made worse after the switch was made from ball to sleeve bearings. The first Gustavs would enter service in early 1942, though they soon had their performance limited, off and on, to prevent engine failure rates from reaching unmanageable levels. As a result of these limitations, the Gustav was initially slower than the plane it was supposed to replace.
Problems were made even worse when the materials in the engines at Daimler Benz’s testing and development facilities did not match those on the production line, leading to considerable delays in destructive testing. It would eventually receive the improvements to allow it to use its emergency power setting, as exhaust valves were chrome plated and the oil scavenge system was improved, but it was clear that any major future increase in engine performance was only possible after a costly and extended development cycle. The DB 605A would finally be released from all restrictions in August of 1943, almost two years after the first Gustav left the factory.
The Blame Game
Continued development of the Bf 109 was in a very precarious place, as performance improvements were expected without any major increases in engine power. These goals were largely unachievable for the time being, and thus most of those involved would try placing the fault with some other party when the unrealistic plans fell through. Willy Messerschmitt would place the blame with Daimler Benz, whose engines, he claimed, had cooling requirements that were too high, and thus required the use of larger, drag inducing radiators. In part, he was correct in that Daimler Benz’ engines ran cooler, though in doing so, he seems to have neglected issues with the plane’s radiators, which were supplied by other firms. The Bf 109 was fitted with radiators that operated under considerably lower pressures and temperatures than those used on Allied fighters, and were thus very robust, but less efficient. To his frustration, Messerschmitt was unable to increase the efficacy of the system without more efficient, high pressure radiators, which his suppliers were unable to provide.
In 1942, Messerschmitt began an increasingly adversarial correspondence with Fritz Nalinger of Daimler Benz on the state of his engines, and would request that he permit the engine to run at higher temperatures. In a letter sent in December of that year, he would draw a comparison between the ailing DB 605A and the powerful Merlin 61, then in service with the RAF. He placed particular emphasis on the higher operating temperatures and its use of radiators that were 55% smaller than those in service on the Bf 109. He would leave out that British aircraft designers were working with high pressure radiators which were far more efficient than those on his own aircraft.
At a conference with Göring at Carinhall in March of 1943, Messerschmitt would openly lay blame on Daimler Benz and Nalinger, largely reiterating the points from his correspondence. Nalinger would defend the firm by stating they had put their primary focus in designing the engine in reducing the frontal area and maintaining a high power to weight ratio, but he largely side stepped Messerschmitt’s Merlin 61 comparison by extolling the promise of the still in development DB 628. At the end of the meeting, it had become clear that both men would need to work against one another to defend their own reputations. By then, the Bf 109G had been flying for well over a year under strict engine power restrictions.
The Hybrid
To try and prove Messerschmitt wrong, Daimler Benz planned a simple and clear demonstration. They would install one of the firm’s engines in a Spitfire to show that the DB 605A did not require a large radiator to run. The Spitfire in question was EN830, a Mark Vb which had crash landed in the German occupied Jersey Islands in November of 1942. Its pilot, Lieutenant Bernard Scheidhauer, crash landed his plane after being struck by ground fire during a rhubarb raid over Northern France and a fuel leak prevented him from returning to Britain. After ditching his plane, Lieutenant Scheidhauer attempted to destroy the aircraft when it became clear that he was not on a British held channel island, however, there was insufficient fuel to burn the Spitfire. Scheidhauer was subsequently sent to Stalag Luft III, in Poland. He was among those murdered by the Gestapo after the legendary mass escape.
The plane was subsequently taken in hand by the Luftwaffe, repaired, and used for trials at the Rechlin test center. It was later pulled from storage for Nallinger’s tests sometime in late 1943. The plane was re-engined with a DB 605A, though much of the rest of the aircraft was left as it was, save for the radio and armament, which were stripped out. All of the work was done at the Daimler Benz Untertürkheim factory in Stuttgart, after which it was delivered to the Luftwaffe for testing at the nearby airfield at Echterdingen. It was no simple effort to re-engine an aircraft, but it seemed to have been managed well. Testing began in the spring of 1944, with the report on the aircraft being finished May 10th.
The plane flew quite well and proved Nallinger right in that the DB 605A could work using a significantly smaller radiator area. It also made for an interesting comparison with the Bf 109’s radiators, as it was found that the high pressure model fitted to the Spitfire Mk V was 50% smaller but provided only 4% less cooling capacity. The tests also showed that the ‘Messerspit’ was about 25 km/h faster at lower altitudes than the original Spitfire Mk Vb thanks to its fluid coupling supercharger, which proved more efficient at low altitude. Between 4 and 6 km in altitude, the standard Mk V proved faster, before its single stage supercharger again proved less capable than the fluid coupling type on the DB 605A. The hybrid aircraft proved to be between 10 to 20 km/h slower than a Bf 109G-6 at all altitudes save for above 10.5 km, where the ‘Messerspit’ held a slightly higher speed and service ceiling. The experimental aircraft also out climbed the Bf 109 at all altitudes, however, this data is not particularly useful as the plane was unarmed and no ballast to account for its absence was installed.
Overall, the experiment produced mixed results, but proved Messerschmitt right. On one hand, the DB 605 ran effectively throughout the tests using radiators significantly smaller than were found on the Bf 109G. On the other, the type of high pressure radiator used on the Spitfire was not something that could be replicated, owing to numerous material and industrial limitations. In the end, it was Daimler Benz’s requirements that the DB 605 run cooler, and the inability of German radiator manufacturers to produce high temperature, high pressure models, that kept the Bf 109 from achieving greater performance. Following the end of the tests, the aircraft was placed in storage and was likely written off after an 8th Airforce bombing raid on the airfield at Etcherdingen on August 14, 1944.
The Ultimate Fighter?
Unfortunately, due to this unique aircraft’s strange appearance and obscurity, it has been at the center of a number of bizarre theories. Perhaps the most popular of these theories is that the Germans were trying to build a plane that blended the strengths of both the Spitfire and the Bf 109. Some go as far as to claim that the Germans had managed to build something superior to both. This first theory can immediately be written off. By early 1944, neither the Bf 109 nor the Spitfire were considered state of the art, or at the forefront of design in either country. They simply would not be considered an acceptable starting point for any new aircraft design.
However, beyond that, the ‘Messerspit’s’ performance was not particularly impressive for its day. In the official tests, it was compared to both an early Spitfire Mk Vb, which was thoroughly obsolete by the end of 1943, and a Bf 109G-6, which was mediocre by the standards of early 1944. Even then, it compared rather poorly with the G-6, possessing only a higher service ceiling while being considerably slower at almost all but the most extreme altitudes, where it held a slim advantage. To add to this, this low altitude performance gap with the Mk Vb only exists when its Merlin 45 engine is limited to +9 lbs of manifold pressure. When that engine was cleared to run at +16 lbs in November 1942, the Mk V exceeded the DB 605A powered ‘Messerspit’ at altitudes below 5.5 km in linear speed by a margin similar to the Bf 109G-6.
Aircraft (Manifold pressure)
Top Speed at Sea level (km/h)
Low blower/Speed (km/h)
high blower/Speed (km/h)
Maximum Output (hp)
Spitfire LF Mk IX Spring 1944 (18 lbs)
540
617 at 3.2km
655 at 6.7km
1720
Spitfire Mk VB Mid 1942 (9lbs)
460
N/A (single stage, single speed)
605 at 6.1km
1415
‘Messerspit’ Late Spring 1944 (1.42 ata)
488
N/A (variable speed SC)
610 at 6.5km
1454
Bf 109G-6 Mid 1943 (1.42 ata)
510
N/A (variable speed SC)
620 at 6.5km
1454
Bf 109G-6AS Early 1944 (1.42 ata)
506
N/A (variable speed SC)
653 at 8.3km
1415
Fw 190A-8 Early 1944 (1.42 ata)
558
578 at 1.5km
644 at 6.3km
1726
P-51B-15 w/ wing racks Early 1944 (67” Hg)
586
656 at 3.1km
685 at 7.2km
1720
*Values for the Spitfire Mk IX and Mustang indicate use with 100 Octane fuel and not high performance 150 octane, which became fairly common after mid-summer 1944 amongst the strategic fighter forces based in England. Likewise, Bf 109G-6 and Fw 190 performance does not reflect the use of MW50 or higher power clearances, respectively, as they were not in widespread use at the time of the tests. Unrelated, the P-51B-15 made for 627 km/h at 6.5 km with wing racks.
Compared to other contemporary frontline fighters of its day, its performance was far less impressive. The contemporary Spitfire Mk IX, with its Merlin 66 running at 18 lbs manifold pressure, outstripped the hybrid aircraft at all altitudes by a much wider margin than the Bf 109G-6. A further comparison with the Fw 190A-8 and P-51B-15 also demonstrates the continued extreme disparity in linear speed against more modern fighters. While the aircraft did demonstrate a very high climb rate, approximately 21 m/s at sea level (a Spitfire Mk IX made for 23 m/s), this can be explained by the lack of any weapons aboard. The Mk Vb was initially equipped with 2 Hispano 20 mm cannons and four .303 caliber Browning machine guns. The absence of these, and other pieces of equipment, reduced its weight by over 300 kg compared to the Mk Vb used in RAF and Luftwaffe performance trials. This resulting lightening of the aircraft, and the subsequent loss of drag with the removal of the protruding wing cannons, more than explains its high climb rate. The plane’s performance overall was very modest, and frankly did not compare well to any of its contemporaries. In the end, despite being a fusion of the Bf 109 and Spitfire, it compared rather poorly to either one.
Another theory presupposes that the plane was part of an effort to actually produce Spitfires for the Luftwaffe. The foundations for nearly all of these claims rest with an often misunderstood quote from the battle of Britain. When Reichsmarschall Herman Göring asked fighter group commander Adolf Galland if there was anything he needed, Galland responded “I should like an outfit of Spitfires for my squadron”. Galland would later clarify in his memoirs that he meant this rhetorically. In truth, he wanted a plane which could serve better as a bomber escort, something he felt the RAF’s Spitfires were better suited to, with their better visibility and low speed handling, than his own Bf 109’s, which he felt were more capable on offensive patrols. Beyond that, reverse engineering and then manufacturing an aircraft which was designed around the industrial standards and practices of another country was totally unfeasible. It also seems rather implausible that anyone would go to the trouble of building an airplane on the basis of an off hand remark made three years earlier.
Construction
The ‘Messerspit’ was built using the airframe of a later production Spitfire Mk Vb. The Mk V differed from earlier models in that it used a heavier engine mount to keep up with increases in output from new engines. It was otherwise much the same as the Mk I’s and II’s which preceded it. These planes were fairly innovative during the interwar period, being all-metal and using a semi-monocoque structure, though these features were soon made commonplace in the earliest days of the Second World War.
The fuselage contained the engine, behind which sat the fuel tank, the firewall, and then the cockpit. The tail boom was of a semi monocoque construction and contained the oxygen bottles, and radio. Aboard the ‘Messerspit’, the engine mount had to be reworked to accommodate a DB 605A, the fuel tank was likely changed to fit the new volume, and the instruments and most of the electronics were swapped for German versions. The radio appears to have been removed entirely. In all likelihood, Lt. Scheidhauer most likely smashed the instrument panel when he knew his plane was in enemy territory. Beyond that, they would have needed to convert the voltage to the German standard, and simply replacing all the equipment would have proven easier than modifying all of the existing components. There were also some instruments, like the DB 605’s RPM governor readout, that would not have had a British analogue.
The wings were elliptical with a large surface area, which granted the aircraft an excellent rate of climb and low wing loading. On the ‘Messerspit’, the inboard pair of 20 mm cannons and the outboard four .303 caliber Browning machine guns were removed and the ports were faired over. Most importantly, the radiator under the starboard wing was connected to the DB 605A engine’s oil and coolant lines. The wings were otherwise unchanged. Generally speaking, the better wheel brakes, greater visibility out the bubble canopy, and its wider wheel base would have likely made this a far more pleasant plane to fly than a Bf 109G.
The engine was a Daimler Benz DB 605A, an inverted, 35.7 liter, V-12. The reason for it being inverted was to ensure the propeller shaft was as low as possible. This would enable a low mounted, centerline cannon to fire through its center without its recoil seriously jeopardizing the aircraft’s stability. They were able to achieve this using direct fuel injection, which was fairly common practice in German aviation by the start of the war, though rare elsewhere. The engine also possessed a high level of automation, which let the pilot manage the engine and most of its associated systems just through the throttle lever. These were essentially a series of linkages between components that adjusted one another as the pilot increased or decreased engine power. As such, it did not possess a true engine control unit, as was used in the BMW 801. Perhaps most impressively, the engine used a single stage, centrifugal supercharger which used a hydraulic coupling for variable transmission. The fluid coupling supercharger automatically adjusted itself barometrically, and was easily the most impressive feature of the engine, allowing it to smoothly adjust for boost as the plane climbed or descended. This allowed the aircraft to avoid the engine performance gaps between certain altitudes that were otherwise encountered with engine superchargers with multiple stages and fixed speed settings. These gaps were the result of running the supercharger at fixed, unnecessarily high speeds for a given altitude.
The engine used B4 87 octane aviation gasoline, as most of the C3 high performance stock was dedicated to squadrons flying Fw 190s. In comparison to the Merlin 45, which was originally in the Spitfire Mk.Vb, it produced 150 bhp more at sea level thanks to the fluid coupling supercharger, which saw lower pumping losses compared to the Merlin 45. The Merlin 45’s supercharger was geared to medium altitude use, and allowed the engine to outperform the DB 605A between approximately 4 and 6 km.
In spite of these innovative features, the engine’s output was fairly modest for its day. It produced up to 1475 PS, though this was only possible after several major modifications, such as replacing the exhaust valves for chrome plated sets and modifying the oil scavenge system by adding additional pumps and a centrifuge to improve flow and reduce foaming, respectively. Between 1942 and late 1943, the high power settings on almost all of these engines were disabled in order to keep failure rates manageable. The supercharger too would eventually lag behind its contemporaries, as despite its smoothness, its volume became a bottleneck. This was most apparent in comparison to the two-stage, intercooled models of the Rolls Royce Merlin engine. Some later models would mount an enlarged supercharger, taken from the larger DB 603, though the upgrade was not universal. Nearly all would be equipped with an anti-knock boost system in the form of MW50 in the weeks after the ‘Messerspit’s’ tests, which would boost output up to 1800 PS, though the corrosive mixture of methanol and water decreased the engine’s lifespan. Engines with the larger supercharger were designated DB 605AS, those with the boost system being DB 605M, and those with both were 605ASMs. These upgrades gave late war Bf 109’s a good degree of performance after nearly three years of mediocrity. Neither of these upgrades were present on the ‘Messerspit’.
The engine measured 101.1 × 71.9 × 174 cm, had a bore and stroke of 154 mm (6.1 in.) x 160 mm (6.3 in.), and weighed 745 kg (1,642 lb). The aircraft was equipped with the prop spinner from a Bf 109G, used the same supercharger scoop, and was likewise fitted with a two meter VDM propeller. The engine cowling of this aircraft seems to have been built for requirement.
Spitfire Mk V with DB 605A
Specification
Engine
DB 605A
Engine Output
1475PS
Gross Weight
2740kg
Maximum speed at Sea Level
488 km/h
Maximum speed at Critical Altitude
610 km/h
Max climb rate at sea level
21 m/s
Max climb rate at FTH at ~6.5km
11 m/s
Crew
Pilot
Wingspan
11.23 m
Wing Area
22.5 m^2
Conclusion
In the end, the ‘Messerspit’ was built to serve a single, fairly mundane purpose. It was never meant to set records, achieve any kind of technical breakthrough, or somehow be an unbeatable synthesis of two planes that had already seen their day in the sun. Above all, it was never meant to see combat nor produce a plane that would. Its only battlefield would be a corporate one.
Illustration
Sources:
Primary:
Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand Juni 1942).Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November 1942.
Bf 109G-4 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. September 1943.
Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. October 1943.
Daimler-Benz DB 605 Inverted V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum Collection. Inventory number: A19670086000.
Flugzeug Flugleistungen Me 109G-Baureihen. Messerschmitt AG Augsburg. August 1943.
Horizontalgeschwindigkeit über der Flughöhe: Normaljäger Fw 190A-8. Focke-Wulf Flugzeugbau G.m.b.H. November 1943.
Leistungen Me 109G mit DB 605 AS. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 22, January 1944.
P-51B-15-NA 43-24777 (Packard Merlin V-1650-7) Performance Tests on P-38J, P-47D and P-51B Airplanes Tested with 44-1 Fuel. (GRADE 104/150). 15 May, 1944.
Spitfire V Steigleitungen. Daimler Benz. Versuch Nr. 1018105428. Baumuster DB.605A. May 1944.
Spitfire Mk. VB W.3134 (Merlin 45) Brief Performance Trials. Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. June 1941.
Spitfire Mk. VC AA.878 (Merlin 45) Climb, speed, and cooling tests at combat rating. Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 25 November, 1942.
Spitfire L.F. IX. RAF Aircraft Data Card, 2nd Issue. 28, October 1943. The performance of Spitfire IX aircraft fitted with high and low altitude versions of the intercooled Merlin engine. Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. March 1943.
USAAF 8th Airforce Bombing Raid Records.
Secondary:
Scheidhauer, Bernard W.M. Traces of War.
Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.
C. Douglass, personal communication, November 25, 2022.
Price, Alfred. The Spitfire Story. Silverdale Books. 2nd Edition, 2002.
Radinger, W. & Otto W. Messerschmitt Bf 109F-K Development Testing Production. Schiffer Publishing. 1999.
Spitfire EN 830. Lostaircraft.com
Galland, Adolf. The First and the Last. Bantam. 1979.
Nazi Germany (1933)
Anti-Aircraft Gun – 19,650 Built
With the growing use of aircraft during the First World War, many nations developed their own anti-aircraft weapons. Initially, these were mostly crude adaptations of existing weapons systems. During the interwar period, the development of dedicated anti-aircraft guns was initiated by many armies. Germany, while still under a ban on developing new weapons, would create the 8.8 cm Flak 18 anti-aircraft gun. The gun, while originally designed for the anti-aircraft role, was shown to possess excellent anti-tank firepower. This gun would see action for the first time during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and would continue serving with the Germans up to the end of World War II.
This article covers the use of the 8.8 cm Flak gun in the original anti-aircraft role. To learn more about the use of this gun in its more famous anti-tank role visit the Tank Encyclopedia website.
World War One Origins
Prior to the Great War, aircraft first saw service in military operations during the Italian occupation of Libya in 1911. These were used in limited numbers, mostly for reconnaissance, but also for conducting primitive bombing raids. During the First World War, the mass adoption of aircraft in various roles occurred. One way to counter enemy aircraft was to employ one’s own fighter cover. Despite this, ground forces were often left exposed to enemy bombing raids or reconnaissance aircraft that could be used to identify weak spots in the defense.
To fend off airborne threats, most armies initially reused various artillery pieces, sometimes older, or even captured guns, and modified them as improvised anti-aircraft weapons. This involved employing ordinary artillery guns placed on improvised mounts that enabled them to have sufficient elevation to fire at the sky. These early attempts were crude in nature and offered little chance of actually bringing down an enemy aircraft. But, occasionally, it did happen. One of the first recorded and confirmed aircraft kills using a modified artillery piece happened in September of 1915, near the Serbian city of Vršac. Serbian artilleryman Raka Ljutovac managed to score a direct hit on a German aircraft using a captured and modified 75 mm Krupp M.1904 gun.
On the Western Front, the use of these improvised and crude contraptions generally proved ineffective. Dedicated anti-aircraft guns were needed. This was especially the case for the Germans who lacked fighter aircraft due to insufficient resources and limited production capacity. The Germans soon began developing such weapons. They noticed that the modified artillery pieces were of too small a caliber (anything smaller than 77 mm caliber was deemed insufficient) and needed much-improved velocity and range. Another necessary change was to completely reorganize the command structure, by unifying the defense and offensive air force elements, into a single organizational unit. This was implemented in late 1916. This meant that the anti-aircraft guns were to be separated from ordinary artillery units. The effect of this was that the new anti-aircraft units received more dedicated training and could be solely focused on engaging enemy aircraft.
The same year, trucks armed with 8 to 8.8 cm anti-aircraft guns began to appear on the front. While these had relatively good mobility on solid ground, the conditions of the Western Front were generally unsuited for such vehicles, due to difficult terrain. With the development of better anti-aircraft gun designs, their increased weight basically prevented them from being mounted on mobile truck chassis. Instead, for mobility, these were placed on specially designed four-wheeled trailers and usually towed by a K.D.I artillery tractor.
Both Krupp and Ehrhardt (later changing their name to Rheinmetall) would develop their own 8.8 cm anti-aircraft guns, which would see extensive action in the later stages of the war. While neither design would have any major impact (besides the same caliber) on the development of the later 8.8 cm Flak, these were the first stepping stones that would ultimately lead to the creation of the famous gun years later.
Work after the War
Following the German defeat in the First World War, they were forbidden from developing many technologies, including artillery and anti-aircraft guns. To avoid this, companies like Krupp simply began cooperating with other arms manufacturers in Europe. During the 1920s, Krupp partnered with the Swedish Bofors armament manufacturer. Krupp even owned around a third of Bofors’ shares.
The Reichswehr (English: German Ground Army) only had limited anti-aircraft capabilities which relied exclusively on 7.92 mm caliber machine guns. The need for a proper and specialized anti-aircraft gun arose in the late 1920s. In September 1928, Krupp was informed that the Army wanted a new anti-aircraft gun. It had to be able to fire a 10 kg round at a muzzle velocity of 850 m/s. The gun itself would be placed on a mount with a full 360° traverse and an elevation of -3° to 85°. The mount and the gun were then placed on a cross-shaped base with four outriggers. The trailer had side outriggers that were raised during movement. The whole gun when placed on a four-wheeled bogie was to be towed at a maximum speed of 30 km/h. The total weight of the gun had to be around 9 tonnes. These requirements would be slightly changed a few years later to include new requests such as a rate of fire between 15 to 20 rounds per minute, use of high-explosive rounds with a delay fuse of up to 30 seconds, and a muzzle velocity between 800 to 900 m/s. The desired caliber of this gun was also discussed. The use of a caliber in the range of 7.5 cm was deemed to be insufficient and a waste of resources for a heavy gun. But despite this, a 7.5 cm Flak L/60 was developed, but it would not be adopted for service. The 8.8 cm caliber, which was used in the previous war, was more desirable. This caliber was set as a bare minimum, but usage of a larger caliber was allowed under the condition that the whole gun weight would not be more than 9 tonnes. The towing trailer had to reach a speed of 40 km/h (on a good road) when towed by a half-track or, in case of emergency, by larger trucks. The speed of redeployment for these guns was deemed highly important. German Army Officials were quite aware that the development of such guns could take years to complete. Due to the urgent need for such weapons, they were even ready to adopt temporary solutions.
Krupp engineers that were stationed at the Sweden Bofors company were working on a new anti-aircraft gun for some time. In 1931, Krupp engineers went back to Germany, where, under secrecy, they began designing the gun. By the end of September 1932, Krupp delivered two guns and 10 trailers. After a series of firing and driving trials, the guns proved to be more than satisfactory and, with some minor modifications, were adopted for service in 1933 under the name 8.8 cm Flugabwehrkanone 18 (anti-aircraft gun) or, more simply, Flak 18. The use of the number 18 was meant to mislead France and Great Britain that this was actually an old design, which it was in fact not. This was quite commonly used on other German-developed artillery pieces that were introduced to service during the 1930s. The same 8.8 cm gun was officially adopted when the Nazis came to power. In 1934, Hitler denounced the Treaty of Versailles, and openly announced the rearmament of the German Armed forces.
Production
While Krupp designed the 8.8 cm FlaK 18, aside from building some 200 trailers for it, was not directly involved in the production of the actual gun. The 8.8 cm Flak 18 was quite an orthodox anti-aircraft design, but what made it different was that it could be mass-produced relatively easily, which the Germans did. Most of its components did not require any special tooling and companies that had basic production capabilities could produce these.
Some 2,313 were available by the end of 1938. In 1939, the number of guns produced was only 487, increasing to 1,131 new ones in 1940. From this point, due to the need for anti-aircraft guns, production constantly increased over the coming years. Some 1,861 examples were built in 1941, 2,822 in 1942, 4,302 in 1943, and 5,714 in 1944. Surprisingly, despite the chaotic state of the German industry, some 1,018 guns were produced during the first three months of 1945. In total, 19,650 8.8 cm Flak guns were built.
Of course, like many other German production numbers, there are some differences between sources. The previously mentioned numbers are according to T.L. Jentz and H.L. Doyle (Dreaded Threat: The 8.8 cm FlaK 18/36/47 in the Anti-Tank role). Author A. Radić (Arsenal 51) mentions that, by the end of 1944, 16,227 such guns were built. A. Lüdeke (Waffentechnik Im Zweiten Weltkrieg) gives a number of 20,754 pieces being built.
Year
Number produced
1932
2 prototypes
1938
2,313 (total produced at that point)
1939
487
1940
1,131
1941
1.861
1942
2.822
1943
4,302
1944
5,714
1945
1,018
Total
19,650
Design
The gun
The 8.8 cm Flak 18 used a single tube barrel that was covered in a metal jacket. The barrel itself was some 4.664 meters (L/56) long. The gun recuperator was placed above the barrel, while the recoil cylinders were placed under the barrel. During firing, the longest recoil stroke was 1,050 mm, while the shortest was 700 mm.
The 8.8 cm gun had a horizontal sliding breechblock which was semi-automatic. It meant that, after each shot, the breach opened on its own and ejected the shell casing, enabling the crew to immediately load another round. This was achieved by adding a spring coil, which was tensioned after firing. This provided a good rate of fire of up to 15 rounds per minute when engaging ground targets and up to 20 rounds per minute for aerial targets. If needed, the semi-automatic system could be disengaged and the whole loading and extracting of rounds done manually. While some guns were provided with a rammer to help during loading the gun, it was sometimes removed by the crew.
For the anti-tank role, the 8.8 cm Flak was provided with a Zielfernrohr 20 direct telescopic sight. It had 4x magnification and a 17.5° field of view. This meant a 308 m wide view at 1 km. With a muzzle velocity of 840 m/s, the maximum firing range against ground targets was 15.2 km. The maximum altitude range was 10.9 km, but the maximum effective range was around 8 km.
The dimensions of this gun during towing were a length of 7.7 m, width of 2.3 m, and height of 2.4 meters. When stationary, the height was 2.1 m, while the length was 5.8 meters. Weight in firing position, it weighed 5,150 kg, while the total weight of the gun with the carriage was 7,450 kg. Due to some differences in numbers between sources, the previously mentioned 8.8 cm Flak performance is based on T.L. Jentz and H.L. Doyle (Panzer Tracts Dreaded Threat The 8.8 cm FlaK 18/36/47 in the Anti-Tank role).
The Gun Controls
The gun elevation and traverse were controlled by using two handwheels located on the right side. The traverse handwheel had an option to be rotated at low or high speed, depending on the need. The lower speed was used for more precise aiming at the targets. The speed gear was changed by a simple lever located at the handwheel. To make a full circle, the traverse operator, at a high-speed setting. needed to turn the handwheel 100 times. while on the lower gear, it was 200 times. With one full circle of the handwheel, the gun was rotated by 3.6° at high speed and 1.8° at low speed.
Next to it was the handwheel for elevation. The handwheel was connected by a series of gears to the elevation pinion. This then moved the elevation rack which, in turn, lowered and raised the gun barrel. Like the traverse handwheel, it also had options for lower and higher rotation speed, which could be selected by using a lever. During transport, in order to prevent potential damage to the gun elevating mechanism, a locking system was equipped. In order to change position from 0° to 85°, at high speed, 42.5 turns of the handwheel were needed. One turn of the wheel at high speed changed the elevation by 2°. At lower speed, 85 times turns of the handwheel were needed. Each turn gave a change of 1°.
Sometimes, in the sources, it is mentioned that the traverse was actually 720°. This is not a mistake. When the gun was used in a static mount, it would be connected with wires to a fire control system. In order to avoid damaging these wires, the guns were allowed to only make two full rotations in either direction. The traverse operator had a small indicator that informed him when two full rotations were made.
The 8.8 cm fuze setter is located on the left side of the gun. Two rounds could be placed for their time fuse settings. These were usually done manually but the gun controls could also be connected to an external control system.
The Kommandogerat 36
The fire control system Kommandogerat 36 (Stereoscopic Director 36) was an important device when using the 8.8 cm guns in an anti-aircraft role. This piece of equipment actually is a combination of a stereoscopic rangefinder and a director. It uses a 4-meter-long, stereoscopic rangefinder. It has a magnification of 12 to 14x with a reading case ranging from 500 to 50,000 meters. When the unit was being transported, the stereoscopic rangefinder would be disengaged and placed in a long wooden box. If for some reason the Stereoscopic Director 36 was not available or not working, a smaller auxiliary Stereoscopic Director 35 could be used instead.
The 8.8 cm guns were usually used in a square formation consisting of four guns. Inside this squire was a command post, which would usually have additional range-finding equipment and instruments. These four gun’s positions were also connected to the battery unit command.
Mount
The mount which held the gun barrel itself consisted of a cradle and trunnions. The cradle had a rectangular shape. On its sides, two trunnions were welded. In order to provide stability for the gun barrel, two spring-shaped equilibrations were connected to the cradle using a simple clevis fastener.
Carriage
Given its size, the gun used a large cross-shaped platform. It consisted of the central part, where the base for the mount was located, along with four outriggers. The front and the rear outriggers were fixed to the central base. The gun barrel travel lock was placed on the front outrigger. The side outriggers could be lowered during firing. These were held in place by pins and small chains which were connected to the gun mount. To provide better stability during firing the gun, the crew could dig in the steel pegs located on each of the side outriggers. This cross-shaped platform, besides holding the mount for the main gun, also served to provide storage for various equipment, like the electrical wiring. Lastly, on the bottom of each outrigger, there were four round-shaped leveling jacks. This helped prevent the gun from digging in into the ground, distributing the weight evenly, and to help keep the gun level on uneven ground.
Bogies
The entire gun assembly was moved using a two-wheeled dolly, designated as Sonderanhanger 201. The front part consisted of a dolly with single wheels, while the rear dolly consisted of a pair of wheels per side on a single axle. Another difference between these two was that the front dolly had 7, and the rear had 11 transverse leaf springs. The wheel diameter was the same for the two, at 910 mm. These were also provided with air brakes. While these units were supposed to be removed during firing, the crew would often not remove them, as it was easier to move the gun quickly if needed. This was only possible when engaging targets at low gun elevations. Aerial targets could not be engaged this way, as the recoil would break the axles. The front and rear outriggers would be raised from the ground by using a winch with chains located on the dollies. When raised to a sufficient height, the outriggers would be held in place by dolly’s hooks. These were connected with a round pin, located inside of each of the outriggers.
Later, a new improved Sonderanhanger 202 model was introduced (used on the Flak 36 version). On this redesigned version, the two towing units were redesigned to be similar to each other. This was done to ease production but also so the gun could be towed in either direction when needed. While, initially, the dolly was equipped with one set of two wheels and the trailer with two pairs, the new model adopted a doubled-wheeled dolly instead.
Protection
Initially, the 8.8 cm Flak guns were not provided with an armored shield for crew protection. Given its long-range and its intended role as an anti-aircraft gun, this was deemed unnecessary in its early development. Following the successful campaign in the West against France and its Allies in 1940, the Commanding General of the I. Flakkorp requested that all 8.8 cm Flak guns that would be used at on the frontline receive a protective shield. During 1941, most 8.8 cm Flaks that were used on the frontline were supplied with a 1.75 meter high and 1.95 meters wide frontal armored shield. Two smaller armored panels (7.5 cm wide at top and 56 cm at bottom) were placed on the sides. The frontal plate was 10 mm thick, while the two side plates were 6 mm thick. The recuperator cylinders were also protected with an armored cover. The total weight of the 8.8 cm Flak armored plates was 474 kg. On the right side of the large gun shield, there was a hatch that would be closed during the engagement of ground targets. In this case, the gunner would use telescopic sight through the visor port. During engagement of air targets, this hatch was open.
Ammunition
The 88 mm FlaK could use a series of different rounds. The 8.8 cm Sprgr. Patr. was a 9.4 kg heavy high-explosive round with a 30-second time fuze. It could be used against both anti-aircraft and ground targets. When used in the anti-aircraft role, the time fuze was added. The 8.8 Sprgr. Az. was a high-explosive round that had a contact fuze. In 1944 the Germans introduced a slightly improved model that tested the idea of using control fragmentation, which was unsuccessful. The 8.8 Sch. Sprgr. Patr. and br. Sch. Gr. Patr. were shrapnel rounds.
The 8.8 cm Pzgr Patr was a 9.5 kg standard anti-tank round. With a velocity of 810 m/s, it could penetrate 95 mm of 30° angled armor at 1 km. At 2 km at the same angle, it could pierce 72 mm of armor. The 8.8 cm Pzgr. Patr. 40 was a tungsten-cored anti-tank round. The 8.8 cm H1 Gr. Patr. 39 Flak was a 7.2 kg heavy hollow charge anti-tank round. At a 1 kg range, it was able to penetrate 165 mm of armor. The 8.8 cm ammunition was usually stored in wooden or metal containers.
Crew
The 88 mm Flak had a crew of 11 men. These included a commander, two gun operators, two fuze setter operators, a loader, four ammunition assistants, and the driver of the towing vehicle. Guns that were used on a static mount usually had a smaller crew. The two gun operators were positioned to the right of the gun. Each of them was responsible for operating a hand wheel, one for elevation and one for the traverse. The front operator was responsible for traverse and the one behind him for elevation. The front traverse operator was also responsible for using the weapon gun sight for targeting the enemy. On the left side of the gun were the two fuse operators. The loader with the ammunition assistants was placed behind the gun. A well-experienced crew needed 2 to 2 and a half minutes to prepare the gun for firing. The time to put the gun into the traveling position was 3.5 minutes. The 8.8 cm gun was usually towed by an Sd.Kfz. 7 half-track or a heavy-duty six-wheel truck.
Flak 36 and 37
While the Flak 18 was deemed a good design, there was room for improvement. The gun itself did not need much improvement. The gun platform, on the other hand, was slightly modified to provide better stability during firing and to make it easier to produce. The base of the gun mount was changed from an octagonal to a more simple square shape. The previously mentioned Sonderanhanger 202 was used on this model.
Due to the high rate of fire, anti-aircraft guns frequently had to receive new barrels, as these were quickly worn out. To facilitate quick replacement, the Germans introduced a new three-part barrel. It consists of a chamber portion, a center portion, and the muzzle section. While it made the replacement of worn-out parts easier, it also allowed these components to be built with different metals. Besides this, the overall performance of the Flak 18 and Flak 36 was the same. The Flak 36 was officially adopted on the 8th of February 1939.
As the Germans introduced the new Flak 41, due to production delays, some of the guns were merged with the mount of a Flak 36. A very limited production run was made of the 8.8 cm Flak 36/42, which entered service in 1942.
In 1942, the improved 88 mm Flak 37 entered mass production according to T.L. Jentz and H.L. Doyle. On the other hand J. Ledwoch (8.8 cm Flak 18/36/37 Vol.1 Wydawnictwo Militaria 155) state that the Flak 37 was introduced to service way back in 1937. Visually, it was the same as the previous Flak 36 model. The difference was that this model was intended to have better anti-aircraft performance, having specially designed directional dials. The original gunner dials were replaced with the “follow-the-pointer” system. It consists of two sets of dials that are placed on the right side of the gun. These received information about the enemy targets from a remote central fire direction post connected electrically. This way, the gun operator only had to make slight adjustments, such as elevation, and fire the gun.
The necessary information about the enemy targets was provided by a Funkmessgerate ( Predictor) which was essentially a mechanical analog computer. Once the enemy aircraft were spotted, their estimated speed and direction were inserted into this computer which would then calculate the precise position and elevation. This information would be sent to any linked anti-aircraft batteries by a wire connection. One set of the dials would then show the crew the necessary changes that need to be done to the elevation and direction of the enemy approach. The crew then had to manually position the gun elevation and direction until the second dials indicators matched the first one. The funkmessgerate computer also provided correct fuse time settings. In principle, this system eased the aiming task of the crew and at the same time improved accuracy. When used in this manner the Flak 37 could not be used for an anti-tank role.
The last change to this series was the reintroduction of a two-piece barrel design. Besides these improvements, the overall performance was the same as with the previous models. From March 1943 only the Flak 37 would be produced, completely replacing the older models.
Organization
German air defense was solely the responsibility of the Luftwaffe, with the majority of 8.8 cm guns being allocated to them. The German Army and Navy also possessed some anti-aircraft units, but these were used in quite limited numbers. The largest units were the Flak Korps (Anti-aircraft corps). It consisted of two to four Flak Divisionen (Anti-aircraft divisions). These divisions, depending on the need, were either used as mobile forces or for static defense. These were further divided into Bigaden (brigades ) which consisted of two or more Regimenter (Regiments). Regiments in turn were divided into four to six Abteilunge (Battalion). Battalion strength was eight 8.8 cm guns with 18 smaller 2 cm guns. To complicate things a bit more, each Battalion could be divided into four groups: Leichte (Light, equipped with calibers such as 2 cm or 3.7 cm), Gemischte (mixed light and heavy), Schwere (Heavy equip with a caliber greater than 88 mm) and Scheinwerfer (Searchlight).
Mobile War
Initially, operations and crew training was carried out by the Reichswehr. They were organized into the so-called Fahrabteilung (Training Battalion) to hide their intended role. By 1935, the German Army underwent a huge reorganization, one aspect of which was changing its name to the Wehrmacht. In regard to the anti-aircraft protection, it was now solely the responsibility of the Luftwaffe. For this reason, almost all available 8.8 cm guns were reallocated to Luftwaffe control. Only around eight Flak Battalions which were armed with 2 cm anti-aircraft guns were left under direct Army control.
In Spain
When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936, Francisco Franco, leader of the Nationalists, sent a plea to Adolf Hitler for German military equipment aid. To make matters worse for Franco, nearly all his loyal forces were stationed in Africa. As the Republicans controlled the Spanish navy, Franco could not move his troops back to Spain safely. So he was forced to seek foreign aid. Hitler was keen on helping Franco, seeing Spain as a potential ally, and agreed to provide assistance. At the end of July 1936, 6 He 51 and 20 Ju 57 aircraft were transported to Spain under secrecy. These would serve as the basis for the air force of the German Condor Legion which operated in Spain during this war. The German ground forces operating in Spain were supplied with a number of 8.8 cm guns.
These arrived in early November 1936 and were used to form the F/88 anti-aircraft battalion. This unit consisted of four heavy and two light batteries. Starting from March 1937 these were allocated to protect various defense points at Burgos and Vittoria. In March 1938, the 8.8 cm guns from the 6th battery dueled with an enemy 76.2 cm anti-aircraft gun which were manned by French volunteers from the International Brigades. While the 8.8 cm guns were mainly employed against ground targets they still had a chance to fire at air targets. For example, while defending the La Cenia airfield, the 8.8 cm guns from the 6th battery prevented the Republican bombing attack by damaging at least two SB-2 bombers on the 10th of June 1938. Three days later one SB-2 was shot down by an 8.8 cm gun. In early August another SB-2 was shot down by the same unit. The performance of the 8.8 cm gun during the war in Spain was deemed satisfying. It was excellent in ground operations, possessing good range and firepower.
During the Second World War
Prior to the war, the 8.8 m guns could be often seen on many military parades, exercises, and ceremonies. The first ‘combat’ use of the 8.8 cm Flak in German use was during the occupation of the Sudetenland in 1938. The entire operation was carried out peacefully and the 8.8 cm gun did not have to fire in anger.
The Polish campaign saw little use of the 8.8 cm guns. The main reason for this was that the Polish Air Force was mostly destroyed in the first few days of combat. They were mainly used against ground targets. In one example, the 8.8 cm guns from the 22nd Flak Regiment tried to prevent a Polish counter-attack at Ilza. The battery would be overrun while the crew tried to defend themselves, losing three guns in the process. The 8.8 cm Flak gun also saw service during the battles for Warsaw and Kutno.
The 8.8 cm followed the Germans in their occupation of Denmark and Norway. One of the key objectives in Norway was the capture of a number of airfields. Once captured, the Germans rushed in Flak guns including the 8.8 cm, to defend these as they were crucial for the rather short-ranged German bombers. On the 12th of April 1940, the British Air Force launched two (83 strong in total) bombing raids at the German ships which were anchored at the Stavanger harbor. Thanks to the Flak and fighter support, six Hampden and three Wellington bombers were shot down.
Following the conclusion of the Polish campaign, the Germans began increasing the numbers of the motorized Flak units. Some 32 Flak Batteries were available which the Germans used to form the 1st and 2nd Flak Corps. 1st Corps would be allocated to the Panzergruppe Kleist, while the second was allocated to the 4th and 6th Army. The Luftwaffe, as in Poland (September 1939), quickly gained air superiority over the Allied Air Forces. Despite this, there was still opportunity for the 8.8 cm guns to fire at air targets. During the period from the 10th to 26th May 1940, the following successes were made against enemy aircraft by flak units that were part of the XIX Armee Corps: the 83rd Flak Battalion brought down some 54, 92nd Flak Battalion 44, 71th Flak Battalion 24, the 91st Flak Battalion 8, 36th Flak Regiment 26, 18th Flak Regiment 27, and 38th Flak Regiment 23 aircraft. During the notorious German crossing near Sedan, a combined Allied air force tried to dislodge them. The strong Flak presence together with air fighter cover, lead to the Allies losing 90 aircraft in the process.
Following the Western Campaign, the 8.8 cm guns would see extensive service through the war. Ironically they would be more often employed against enemy armor than in the original role. Given the extensive Allied bombing raids, more and more 8.8 cm would be allocated to domestic anti-aircraft defense. One major use of 8.8 cm Flak was during the German evacuation of Sicily, by providing necessary air cover for the retreating Axis soldiers and materiel to the Italian mainland.
In the occupied Balkans, the 8.8 cm Flak was a rare sight until late 1943 and early 1944. The ever-increasing Allied bombing raids forced the Germans to reinforce their positions with a number of anti-aircraft guns, including the 8.8 cm Flak. Some 40 8.8 cm Flak guns were used to protect German-held Belgrade, the capital of Yugoslavia. Most would be lost after a successful liberation operation conducted by the Red Army supported by Yugoslav Partisans. The 8.8 cm Flak guns were also used in static emplacements defending the Adriatic coast at several key locations from 1943 on. One of the last such batteries to surrender to the Yugoslav Partisans was the one stationed in Pula, which had twelve 8.8 cm guns. It continued to resist the Partisans until the 8th of May, 1945.
Defense of the Fatherland
While the 8.8 cm Flaks would see service supporting the advancing German forces, the majority of them would actually be used as static anti-aircraft emplacements. For example, during the production period of October 1943 to November 1944, around 61% of the 8.8 cm Flak guns produced were intended for static defense. Additionally, of 1,644 batteries that were equipped with this gun, only 225 were fully motorized, with an additional 31 batteries that were only partially motorized (start of September 1944).
When the war broke out with Poland, the Luftwaffe anti-aircraft units had at their disposal some 657 anti-aircraft guns of various calibers. The majority were the 8.8 cm with smaller quantities of the larger 10.5 cm and even some captured Czezh 8.35 anti-aircraft guns. An additional 12 Flak Companies equipped with the 8.8 cm guns were given to the navy for the protection of a number of important harbors. The remaining guns were used to protect vital cities like Berlin and Hamburg. The important Ruhr industry center was also heavily defended.
One of the first enemy aircraft shot down over German skies were British Wellington bombers. This occurred on the 4th of September 1939 when one or two enemy bombers were brought down by heavy Flak fire. These intended to bomb vital German naval ports. In early October 1939, in Strasbourg, a French Potez 637 was shot down by the 84th Flak Regiments 8.8 cm guns. One Amiot 143 and a Whitley aircraft were shot down in Germany in mid-October. During December 1939 British launched two bombing raids intended to inflict damage on German ports. Both raids failed with the British losing some 17 out of 36 Wellington bombers.
After Germany’s victory over the Western Allies in June, the Germans began forming the first Flak defense line in occupied territories and coastlines. These were not only equipped with German guns but also with those captured from enemy forces.
Due to the poor results of their daylight bombing raids, the British began to employ night raids. These initially were quite unsuccessful with minimal damage to Germany’s infrastructure and industry. The Flak defense of Germany was also quite unprepared for night raids, unable to spot enemy bombers at night. The situation changed only in 1940 with the introduction of ground-operated radar. Thanks to this, the first few months of 1941 saw German Flak units bring down 115 enemy aircraft.
In 1942 the British military top made a decision to begin the mass bombing of German cities. The aim was to “de-house” (or kill) workers, damage infrastructure to make urban industrial areas unusable, and try and cause a moral collapse as was the case in 1918. Implementation of this tactic was initially slow due to an insufficient number of bombers. In addition, vital targets in occupied Europe were also to be bombed. In May 1942, the British launched a force that consisted of over 1,000 aircraft causing huge damage to Germany, killing 486 and injuring over 55,000 people.
In 1943 several huge events happened. The German defeats in East and North Africa led to huge material and manpower losses, while the Allies were preparing to launch massive bombing raids mainly intended to cripple Germany’s production capabilities. In response, the Germans began increasing their number of Flak units. At the start of 1943, there were some 659 heavy Flak batteries, which were increased to 1,089 by June the same year. Due to a lack of manpower, the Germans began mobilizing their civilians regardless of their age or sex. For example, in 1943 there were some 116,000 young women who were employed in various roles, even operating the guns. Near the end of the war, it was common to see all-female crews operating Flak batteries. In addition in 1944 some 38,000 young boys were also employed in this manner. Ironically, while all German military branches lacked equipment, the anti-aircraft branch had spare equipment and guns, but lacked the manpower to operate them. To resolve this, foreign Volunteers and even Soviet prisoners of war were pressed into service. The downside was the general lack of training, which greatly affected their performance.
In the first few months of 1944, the Allied 8th and 15th Air Forces lost some 315 bombers with 10,573 damaged, all attributed to the heavy Flak. In 1944 (date unspecified in the source) during an attack on the heavily defended Leuna synthetic oil refinery, some 59 Allied bombers were brought down by the heavy Flak guns. By 1944 the number of heavy anti-aircraft guns that were intended for the defense of Germany reached 7,941. By April 1945 the Flak guns managed to shoot down 1,345 British bombers. The American 8th lost 1,798, while the 15th Air Force lost 1,046 bombers due to German Flak defence by the end of the war.
The last action of the 8.8 cm Flak guns was during the defense of the German capital of Berlin. Due to most being placed in fixed positions, they could not be evacuated and most would be destroyed by their own crews to prevent capture. Despite the losses suffered during the war, in February 1945, there were still some 8,769 8.8 cm Flak guns available for service.
Effectiveness of the 8.8 cm Guns in Anti-aircraft Role
Regarding the effectiveness of the 8.8 cm anti-aircraft guns with the necessary number of rounds needed to bring down enemy aircraft. Author E.B. Westermann (Flak German Anti-Aircraft Defenses 1914-1945) gives us a good example and comparison between three main German anti-aircraft guns. The largest 12.8 cm Flak on average fired some 3,000 rounds to take down an enemy aircraft. The 10.5 cm gun needed 6,000 and the 8.8 cm 15,000 rounds (some sources mentioned 16,000). This seems at first glance like a huge waste of available resources, but is it right to conclude that?
According to an Allied war document dated from early 1945, they mentioned a few interesting facts about German flak defense. According to them, in 1943 some 33% of bombers destroyed by Germany were accredited to heavy Flak gunfire. In addition, 66% of damage sustained by their aircraft was also caused by the heavy Flak fire. In the summer of 1944, this number increased. The majority (some 66%) shot down enemy bombers were accredited to the heavy Flaks. And of 13,000 damaged bombers some 98% were estimated to be caused by the Flaks. Here it is important to note that by this time, Luftwaffe fighters lacked the ability to attack bomber formations en mass. Therefore this increase of aircraft shot down by the Flaks may be explained by this.
In addition, we must also take into account two other functions that these guns had which are often overlooked. They did not necessarily need to bring down enemy bombers. It was enough to force the enemy fly at higher altitudes to avoid losses. This in turn led to a huge loss of accuracy for the bombers. Secondly, the enemy bombers were often forced to break formation when sustaining heavy Flak fire, which left them exposed to German fighters. The shrapnel from the Flak rounds could not always directly bring down a bomber, but it could cause sufficient damage (fuel leaks for example) that the aircraft, later on, had to make an emergency landing, even in enemy territory. The damaged aircraft that made it back to their bases could spend considerable time awaiting repairs. Lastly, the Flak fire could incapacitate, wound or even kill bomber crews. Thus there was a huge psychological effect on enemy bomber crews. B-17 gunner Sgt W. J. Howard from the 100th Bomb Group recalled his experience with the German Flak. “All the missions scared me to death. Whether you had fighters or not you still had to fly through the flak. Flak was what really got you thinking, but I found a way to suck it up and go on.”
Hitler was quite impressed with the 8.8 cm performance. On the 28th of August 1942, he stated: “The best flak gun is the 8.8 cm. The 10.5 has the disadvantage that it consumes too much ammunition, and the barrel does not hold up very long. The Reich Marshall Göring continually wants to build the 12.8 into the flak program. This double-barreled 12.8 cm has a fantastic appearance. If one examines the 8.8 from a technician’s perspective, it is to be sure the most beautiful weapon yet fashioned, with the exception of the 12.8 cm”.
Despite the best German efforts, the Flak’s effectiveness greatly degraded by late 1944. The reason for this was the shortage of properly trained crews. At the start of the war, the Germans paid great attention to crew training, which lasted several months. As the Flak guns were needed on the front, less experienced and trained personnel had to be used instead. In the later stages of the war, these crews received only a few weeks of training, which was insufficient for the job they had to perform. Lastly, Allied bombing raids eventually took their toll on German industry, greatly reducing the production of ammunition, which was one of the main reasons why the anti-aircraft defense of Germany ultimately failed. Of course, a proper analysis and conclusion could not be easily made and would require more extensive research, a wholly different topic on its own.
Self-Propelled Versions
When used as anti-aircraft weapons, the 8.8 cm guns were in most cases used as static defense points. Despite this, the Germans made several attempts to increase their mobility by placing the 8.8 cm guns on various chassis. One of the first attempts was by mounting the 8.8 cm gun on a VOMAG 6×6 truck chassis. The small number built was given to the 42nd Flak Regiment which operated them up to the end of the war.
The truck chassis offered great mobility on good roads, but their off-road handling was highly problematic. So Germans used half-tracks and full-track chassis. Smaller numbers of Sd. Kfz 9 armed with the 8.8 cm gun were built. Attempts to build a full-track vehicle were made but never went beyond a prototype stage. The 8.8 cm Flak auf Sonderfahrgestell was a project where an 8.8cm gun was mounted on a fully tracked chassis with a folding wall, but only one vehicle would be built. There are some photographs of Panzer IV modified with this gun, and while not much is known about them they appear to be a field conversion, rather than dedicated design vehicles. There were even proposals to mount an 8.8 cm gun on a Panther tank chassis, but nothing would come from it in the end.
Usage after the war
With the defeat of Germany during the Second World War, the 8.8 cm Flak guns found usage in a number of other armies. Some of these were Spain, Portugal, Albania, and Yugoslavia. By the end of the 1950s, the Yugoslavian People’s Army had slightly less than 170 8.8 cm guns in its inventory. These were, besides their original anti-aircraft role, used to arm navy ships and were later placed around the Adriatic coast. A number of these guns would be captured and used by various warring parties during the Yugoslav civil wars of the 1990s. Interestingly, the Serbian forces removed the 8.8 cm barrel on two guns and replaced them with two pairs of 262 mm Orkan rocket launcher tubes. The last four operational examples were finally removed from service from the Serbian and Montenegrin Army in 2004.
Conclusion
The 8.8 cm Flak was an extraordinary weapon that provided the German Army with much-needed firepower during the early stages of the war. The design as a whole was nothing special, but it had a great benefit in that it could be built relatively cheaply and in great numbers. That was probably its greatest success, being available in huge numbers compared to similar weapons of other nations.
Its performance in the anti-aircraft role was deemed satisfying, but still stronger models would be employed to supplement its firepower. The 8.8 cm anti-air gun’s effectiveness was greatly degraded toward the end of the war, which was caused not by the gun design itself but other external forces. These being mainly the lack of properly trained crews and shortages of ammunition.
8.8 cm Flak 18 Specifications:
Crew: 11
(Commander, two gun operators, two fuze setter operators, loader, four ammunition assistants, and the driver)
Weight in firing position:
5150 kg
Total weight:
7450 kg.
Dimensions in towing position:
Length 7.7 m, Width 2.2 m, Height 2.4 m,
Dimensions in deployed position:
Length 5.8 m, Height 214 m,
Primary Armament:
8.8 cm L/56 gun
Elevation:
-3° to +85°
Gallery
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by by Ed Jackson & Henry H.
Illustrations by David B.
Sources
J. Norris (2002) 8.8 cm FlaK 16/36/37/ 41 and PaK 43 1936-45 Osprey Publishing
D. Nijboer (2019) German Flak Defences Vs. Allied Heavy Bombers 1942-45, Osprey Publishing
T.L. Jentz and H.L. Doyle Panzer Tracts No. Dreaded Threat The 8.8 cm FlaK 18/36/41 in the Anti-Tank role
T.L. Jentz and H.L. Doyle (2014) Panzer Tracts No. 22-5 Gepanzerter 8t Zugkraftwagen and Sfl.Flak
W. Muller (1998) The 8.8 cm FLAK In The First and Second World Wars, Schiffer Military
E. D. Westermann (2001) Flak, German Anti-Aircraft Defense 1914-1945, University Press of Kansas.
German 88-mm AntiAircraft Gun Materiel (29th June 1943) War Department Technical Manual
T. Anderson (2018) History of Panzerwaffe Volume 2 1942-45, Osprey publishing
T. Anderson (2017) History of Panzerjager Volume 1 1939-42, Osprey publishing
S. Zaloga (2011) Armored Attack 1944, Stackpole book
W. Fowler (2002) France, Holland and Belgium 1940, Allan Publishing
1ATB in France 1939-40, Military Modeling Vol.44 (2014) AFV Special
N, Szamveber (2013) Days of Battle Armored Operation North of the River Danube, Hungary 1944-45
A. Radić (2011) Arsenal 51 and 52
While A. Lüdeke, Waffentechnik im Zweiten Weltkrieg, Parragon
J. Ledwoch 8.8 cm Flak 18/36/37 Vol.1 Wydawnictwo Militaria 155
S. H. Newton (2002) Kursk The German View, Da Capo Press
W. Howler (2002 France, Belgium and Holland 1940, Ian Allan
J. S. Corum (2021) Norway 1940 The Luftwaffe’s Scandinavian Blitzkrieg, Osprey Publishing
Germany (1937) Rocket Powered Aircraft – 1 Prototype Built
Prior to, and during the war, the German aviation industry developed a series of operational and prototype aircraft designs. Among the leading new technologies, rocket-powered aircraft were being developed. The concept was initially tested prior to the war on a smaller scale, including limited theoretical tests and prototyping. But further development would lead to the creation of the first rocket-powered aircraft known as the He 176. While it wasn’t accepted for service, it proved that such a concept was feasible and set the stage for the later Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft.
History of Rocket Engine Development in Germany
Following the end of the Great War, Germany was forbidden to have an Air Force. This also included the development of aircraft designs, though this did not stop the Germans from experimenting with new aviation technology. One such new technology was rocket propulsion. One of the first such flights using rocket propulsion occurred in June of 1928, when aviation enthusiast Fritz Stramer took to the sky his rocket-powered glider. Another pioneer in rocket-powered flight occurred at the end of September 1929. A pilot named Fritz von Opel managed to take to the sky in his rocket-powered glider, named Ente (Duck). Von Opel was assisted by another prominent aircraft designer Alexander Martin Lippisch. While technically speaking these were not real rocket-powered flights, given that these gliders did not take to the sky using purely the rocket engine but were towed to altitude. Nevertheless, these flights showed that flight using rocket engines was possible.
Over the following years, Lippisch became quite interested in rocket technology and would join the Deutsche Forschungsinstitut DFS, where he worked as an engineer. There, he developed a series of new glider designs, like the DFS 40. This work would eventually lead to the creation of the Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft. The Junkers Aircraft company also was interested in rocket development as they built and tested rocket take-off boosters. One such engine was ground tested in 1936.
Another stepping stone in rocketry research was the work of Wernher von Braun. In 1932 and 1934 von Braun managed to successfully launch two rockets using liquid-fuel rocket engines. In 1935 he managed to come into contact with Dr. Ernst Heinkel 1935. After von Braun presented his work, Dr. Ernst was highly impressed and promised to provide von Braun with any assistance in his work. For this, he appointed a young and energetic aircraft engineer named Walter Wenzelunzel to assist von Braun. In order to properly test the installation of rocket engines in aircraft designs, a special test center was established at Kummersdorf in 1936.
Dr. Ernst supplied this research team with a few He 112 airframes. The first He 112 was used for ground testing. For this reason, its fuselage was retained while its wings and the original engine were removed. The rocket engine, which ran on a combination of liquid oxygen and alcohol, would be placed in the rear of the fuselage, with the engine nozzle being placed just beneath the tail unit. Von Braun’s team installed the oxygen tanks in front of the cockpit, with the alcohol tank behind the pilot seat. The engine (the sources do not specify its precise designation) could provide a thrust of 1,000 kg (2,200 lb) with an endurance of 30 seconds. During the testing the engine exploded, destroying the aircraft in the process.
Despite this setback, the project went on. By this time, German Army Officials were becoming interested in the project. In order to maintain its secrecy, von Braun and his team were instructed to find a remote auxiliary airfield where these tests could continue to be conducted away from prying eyes. The team, wanting to be close to Berlin, chose a small field at Neuhardenberg, which was covered on most sides by dense forest. Temporary housing, cabins, and tents were quickly set up in 1937 and the work could finally go on.
In 1937 von Braun began close cooperation with another enthusiast of rocket engine development, Helmuth Walter. This cooperation was partly initiated by the German Air Ministry (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM) who intended to use the rocket engines for other proposals, like assistance during take-offs. Walter was a young scientist who was highly interested in rocket propulsion. He managed to obtain military funding, which greatly helped in his work. In 1936 he used a Heinkel He 72 to test this engine. In 1937, he even managed to get the attention of the RLM. The RLM formed a Special Propulsion System department (Sondertriebwerke) with the aim of experimenting with rocket engines in the aircraft industry. While this department was mainly focused on developing rocket engines for short take-off assistance, Walter wanted more than that. He intended to develop a strong rocket engine that could replace the standard piston engines of the day. Walter managed to develop such an engine, named Walter TP-1, which was fueled by the so-called ‘T-Stoff’ (hydrogen peroxide) and ‘Z-Stoff’ (water solution of either calcium or sodium permanganate).
Von Braun requested another aircraft which Henkel provided, this was the He 112 V8 (during these trials it received a slightly changed designation V8/U). The test pilot Erich Warsitz managed to take it to the sky using the aircraft’s original piston engine. Warsitz was a crucial pilot for the German early rocket and jet engine development, being heavily involved in testing and helping with the overall design of both the He 176 and He 178. At about 450 meters Warsitz activated the rocket engine, and during the 30 seconds of the engine burn phase, a speed of nearly 400 km/h (or 460 km/h (286 mph) depending on the source) was reached. Due to the dangerous leakage of the engine, the flight had to be aborted, but otherwise, the flight has deemed a success. This He 112 V8 would be returned to Heinkel, but two more aircraft (H7/U and A-03) would be donated to the rocket research program.
After this flight, all further tests were conducted using the Walter TP-1 rocket engine. In contrast to the von Braun engine which used alcohol and liquid oxygen as fuel, Walter’s own engine used hydrogen-peroxide and calcium permanganate as a catalyst. This engine was deemed safer too, which is somewhat ironic given the corrosive and volatile fuel. To avoid accidentally coming into contact with the Walter engine fuel, the pilot had to wear a highly protective suit. If exposed to the corrosive fuel, it caused disintegration without actually burning.
More tests were conducted at this location until the end of 1937, when the research was to be moved to Peenemunde. Due to some delays, the tests on the He 112 continued on from April 1938.
Heinkel’s First Rocket-Powered Aircraft
Following the series of tests on the He 112, some officials from the RLM began showing great interest in the prospect of using a rocket-powered aircraft interceptor. It was originally hoped that this aircraft would be capable of vertical, or nearly vertical take-off. When sufficient altitude was reached, the aircraft was then to make a swift dive on its target, firing a volley of its full weapon load. After this attack run, it was simply to glide away once it was out of fuel, to its base of operation.
The work on the project was conducted under a veil of secrecy and began in 1936 at the Heinkel Rostock-Marienehe work. The following year the first drawings of the He 176 V1 (derived from “Versuchsmuster 1” meaning “Experimental Model”) were completed by Hans Regner. Interestingly the designers set a huge task in front of them, by actually trying to reach a blistering speed of 1000 km/h (620 mp/h). An astonishing and difficult feat to achieve with such a novelty design. This set a number of challenges that had to be overcome. One of them was a proper wing design able to withstand the pressure of such high speed. For this reason, it had to be designed to be flat, at only 90 millimeters thick, with very sharp leading edges. This in turn caused further problems, as this design would cause the aircraft to stall at low speeds. In addition, the installation of wing fuel tanks would be difficult.
In order to make the whole design smaller and thus save weight, the pilot had to be placed in a rather unpleasant semi-recumbent position, with his legs stretched out in front and the pilot’s seat reclined. This was also done to help the pilot better cope with the extreme G-forces that he would be subjected to during the extremely high forward acceleration. The fuselage had a very small diameter of only 0.8 meters (2ft 7in) and was specially designed according to the height of the test pilot, Warsitz.
The construction of the first prototype was undertaken at the Heinkel’s aircraft works in Marienehe. Once the aircraft was completed, it was to be transported to Peenemunde. The aircraft’s testing was conducted under great secrecy and was transported there via military escort in June 1938. Just prior to the actual testing, Warsitz was informed by RLM officials that given the experimental nature of the design, and Warsitz’s valued status as an experienced test pilot, he was advised not to fly it. Warsitz, who was heavily involved in the He 176 design, protested to Air Minister (Reichsluftfahrtministerium) Ernst Udet, who gave him permission to undertake the first flight. After this was settled, there were some delays with the assembly and engine adjustment.
The initial tests were undertaken on the ground. Due to unsuitable terrain and lack of a proper towing vehicle, ground testing proved ineffective. So it was decided to use the aircraft’s own engine for these tests, which were conducted at the end of 1938. Using the He 178’s own engine on the ground presented a new problem, namely the rudder could not provide steering during take-off. As the aircraft had no propellers to generate airflow, steering the aircraft using the rudder on take-off was ineffective, thus the only way to maintain the aircraft’s heading was by using the left and right brakes on the main wheels. This was quite dangerous for the pilot and the aircraft, as an imbalanced braking force could potentially lead to an accident. The result of the initial testing showed that some changes to the overall structural design were needed. For this, the Heinkel crews spent the winter of 1939 modifying the He 178.
First Flights
During the Spring of 1939, a series of small test flights were conducted with the He 178. Somewhat unexpectedly, the Heinkel team was visited by an RLM delegation led by Udet himself. After observing the He 178 on the short flight they were quite impressed, but surprisingly for the Heinkel team, Udet forbade any more flights on it. Mostly due to fear for the pilot’s life. After some delays, Warsitz visited Udet in Berlin and filed a plea that the project should go on. Udet finally accepted this and gave a green light.
While the first official flight of the He 176 was to be conducted under the supervision of many RLM officials, feeling that something might go wrong, Erich Warsitz and Heinkel’s team (without the knowledge of Dr. Erns) decided to perform the flight in secrecy. The date for this was set on the 20th of June, 1939. After a rough take-off, the pilot managed to take the He 176 to the sky. Given the small fuel load, the flight lasted around a minute. Overall, the first test flight was deemed a success. The following day, Udet and his delegation visited the site and observed another test flight.
The Fuhrer Inspects the He 176
A couple of days later Warsitz and Heinkel’s team were informed that any further flights were forbidden. The reason was that Hitler himself became interested in the project and wanted to personally see the aircraft. The He 176 was to be transported to the Rechlin Secret Test Center and shown to many high-ranking members of the Luftwaffe. On the 3rd of July 1939, the aircraft was to be demonstrated to a large delegation including Hitler himself. First, a flight of a He 111 equipped with rocket-assisted take-off was shown to Hitler, which greatly impressed him. Another Heinkel innovative design, the He 178 jet-engine powered aircraft, was also present. While it was not yet capable of taking to the sky it was used for ground testing. Next in the line for inspection was the He 176, after a brief examination of its interior by the delegation, the stage was set for it to take to the sky. The flight initially went well, but the pilot miscalculated and shut down the engine too soon. While still at high speed, he began descending rather rapidly. After several attempts to restart the engine, he finally succeeded, just before hitting the ground. The plane took an almost vertical climb of some 50 meters before the pilot regained control and landed it safely. Hitler and his delegation were under the impression that the pilot performed this maneuver intentionally to demonstrate the aircraft’s potential. For his flight, the pilot was awarded 20,000 Reichsmarks.
The End of the Project
After this exhibit, Heinkel’s team tried to prepare the He 176 for reaching speeds up to 1,000 km/h. Structural analysis of the design, on the other hand, showed that this would not be possible. For this reason, preparation for the construction of a second prototype was underway. It was to be powered by a von Braun rocket engine, which suggested that the aircraft could be launched vertically. This was possible thanks to weight reduction efforts sufficient to enable vertical take-off.
Ultimately the whole project would be canceled. The order was given by Adolf Hilter, who insisted that designs that could not enter production in less than a year, be canceled. Despite Heinkel’s attempt to win over Udet’s support, it went nowhere and the project was officially terminated.
The He 176 V1 was disassembled and transported to the Aviation Museum in Berlin to be exhibited. Sadly it would be later on destroyed in one of many Allied bombing raids. The He 176 V2 was almost complete, but its parts were eventually scrapped. The V3 had also been under construction, but was ultimately abandoned in its early stages.
Technical Characteristics
The He 176 was designed as an all-metal, high-wing rocket-powered experimental reconnaissance aircraft. Its fuselage had a simple circular cross-section design. The wings had an asymmetrical profile and were quite thin. During take-off, there was a significant chance of the wingtips contacting the ground, due to the fuselage’s small diameter and extreme vibrations during take-off. To avoid damaging them, Heinkel engineers added a “U” shaped metal bar under each wingtip as a temporary solution. The wings were also initially to act as fuel tanks, but this feature had to be abandoned on the prototype, and fuel was instead stored behind the cockpit. The tail and rudder design was more or less conventional.
The rocket engine chosen for the He 176 was the Walter RI type. It provided thrust ranging between 45 kg to 500 kg (100 to 1,1100 lb) with an endurance of one minute. Due to the weight issues combined with a relatively weak propulsion unit, the desired speed of 1,000 km/h (620 mph) was never reached. The maximum speed reached by this aircraft differs greatly between sources. For example, D. Nešić mentioned that the maximum speed was only 345 kmh, while authors J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay quoted a figure of 700 kmh. Lastly, the test pilot himself in his own logbook mentioned that he managed to reach a speed of 800 kmh (500 mph).
The landing gear consisted of one front smaller wheel, two larger wheels 700 mm in diameter, and one more to the rear. While the front wheel was fixed the remaining three were completely retractable.
The cockpit provided the pilot with an excellent forward view and was made of plexiglass. Given the experimental nature of this aircraft, great attention was given to pilot safety. As in case of emergency, bailing out of the fast-moving and cramped aircraft was almost impossible. Heinkel engineers designed the entire cockpit section to be jettisonable. The cockpit assembly was connected to the fuselage by four locks which were equipped with small explosive charges. When the pilot was jettisoned from the fuselage his parachute would open automatically and allow him to land safely. This system was tested by using a wooden cockpit containing a dummy pilot. This trial cockpit was then taken to the sky by a He 111 and at sufficient height, it was released. The parachute opened without an issue and it landed on the ground intact. The results of the dummy pilot showed that this system was safe if the cockpit landed on soft ground.
The small size of the cockpit prevented the use of a standard instrument panel, as it would severely affect the pilot’s forward visibility. Instead, the instruments were placed to the left and the right of the pilot. Interestingly, while Heinkel did not intend to arm the aircraft, RLM officials insisted that two machine gun ports be placed beside the pilot. Due to the cramped cockpit interior, the two machine guns had to be placed where the pilots’ side controls were positioned. As this would cause delays and much-needed redesign work, the Heinkel engineers simply placed machine gun ports (without the actual machine guns equipped) and kept the original control units in place. The RLM officials, when visiting the work, were told that these were just temporary measures.
The Only Photograph
Given the secretive nature of the project, RLM officials effectively gathered all films and photos for themselves. All persons involved in the project were also forbidden from taking any pictures. At the war’s end, the Soviets either destroyed or captured these and their final fate is unknown. Sometime after the war, many artists attempted to produce sketches of how the He 176 may have looked. These greatly differed from the original design, but given the lack of information and general obscurity of the He 176, this is understandable.
Conclusion
The He 176 project arose as a collaboration of several different parties. It was heavily influenced by rocket engine testing and development done by von Braun and Walter. Heinkel Flugzeugwerke provided the necessary resources and production capabilities, while test pilot Erich Warsitz provided valuable feedback which guided necessary changes and improvements to the design.
It was a novel idea to use rockets to power aircraft, which offered numerous advantages, such as reaching high speed and altitude very quickly. Given that this project was more or less a Heinkel private venture in the development of new technologies it likewise did not find a place in German military service. It, however, did set the stage for future designs like the Me 163, which actually saw some combat during the war.
He 176 Specifications
Wingspans
4 m / 13 ft 1 in
Length
5 m / 16 ft 4 in
Height
1.4 m / 4 ft 7 in
Wing Area
8 m² / 53 ft²
Engine
Walter RI rocket engine
Empty Weight
1,570 kg / 3,455lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,000 kg / 4,400 lbs
Maximum Speed
700 km/h / 435 mph
Endurance flight Range
60 seconds
Crew
One Pilot
Armament
None
Gallery
Illustration by Godzilla
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustration by Godzilla
Sources
D. Nešić (2008), Naoružanje Drugog Svetskog Rata Nemačka Beograd
M. Griehl (2012) X-Planes German Luftwaffe Prototypes 1930-1945, Frontline Book
D. Mondey (2006). The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
D. Donald (1998) German Aircraft Of World War II, Blitz Publisher
J. R Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009), Aircraft Of The Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland & Company Inc
L. Warsitz (2008) The First Jet Pilot The Story of German Test Pilot Erich Warsitz Pen and Sword Aviation
Germany (1943) Experimental Circular Wing Aircraft – 1 Prototype Built
In the history of aviation there were many designers who had ambitious ideas and concepts for new designs, but never had the chance to bring their ideas to fruition. On the other hand, there were those who had radical or even completely impractical designs that did manage, at least to some extent, to be built. Germany had a fair share of such individuals, especially during the later stages of the Second World War. These designers may have proposed their projects out of desperation to save their country or in fear of being sent to the front. There were also those that were simply enthusiasts in aircraft development but lacked a better understanding of how aerodynamics actually work. One such person was Arthur Sack (1900-1964), who prior to the war came up with the idea of building a circular-wing aircraft known simply as the Sack AS-6.
History
Prior to the war, Germans were prohibited from developing and building military aircraft. The Germans simply bypassed this prohibition by instead focusing on gliders, but also on civilian aircraft which if needed would be quickly converted for military use and conducted secret experiments. They especially took great care in the development and investment of manned gliders, but also scale model-building competitions and organizations. While this may seem like a waste of time and money, it actually helped gain initial and valuable experience in aircraft development which proved vital for the later Luftwaffe.
One such model competition was the National Contest of Aero Models with combustion engines, held in late June 1939 at Leipzig-Mockau. Here, aviation enthusiast Arthur Sack presented his model of an unusually circular-wing-shaped aircraft named AS-1. It is sadly unclear why Sack pursued the design of such an unusual aircraft design. Due to engine problems, the AS-1 was unable to take off from the ground, so the small model had to be launched by hand instead. The Air Minister (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM) Ernst Udet, who was present at the event, seemed to be impressed with this design and advised Sack to continue its development.
Thanks to financial support from the RLM, Sack was able to proceed with the development and even the construction of a few scale models, a process that lasted some three years. In 1943 he submitted a fully operational model SA-5 to the RLM. The presentation went well for Sack and the RLM commission provided the necessary funds for the construction of a fully operational prototype. Interestingly, at some point Sack came into contact with another unusual aircraft designer Dr. Alexander Lippisch. While not completely clear, it appears that Sack received some design tips from Lippisch, to better improved his work.
With the order secured, Sack initiated the construction of a prototype. He named this aircraft the AS-6 V1 (Versuchs – version). As he had no proper workshop to build the aircraft himself, the glider manufacturer Mitteldeutsche Metallwerke was tasked with this instead. The initial work for the assembly of the aircraft began in the autumn of 1943. It took nearly half a year to complete the working prototype. Interestingly, due to the general shortage of materials, the AS-6 was constructed by utilizing a considerable amount of salvaged components from other damaged aircraft. For example, the cockpit canopy and parts of the interior were taken from a Bf 109B. Once the prototype was ready, it was allocated to the Luftwaffe for initial tests in early 1944.
Technical Characteristics
The AS-6 was designed as an experimental prototype to test the idea of using circular-wing design. Sadly, this aircraft is quite obscure and poorly documented so not much is known about its overall design. It was a single-seater aircraft that was mostly built out of wood. It did not have a classical fuselage, instead, the majority of the aircraft consisted of two large circular wings. The internal design is more or less conventional with a wooden construction frame being covered with canvas. Two large elevators were installed on the rear of the wings. The tail assembly is a conventional design as well, consisting of one vertical stabilizer and two horizontal stabilizers.
The AS-6 was powered by a 240 hp Argus As 10C-3 engine driving a two-blade wooden propeller. The engine was housed in a metal frame, which was then bolted to the AS-6 fuselage. The engine was salvaged from a Bf 108 aircraft.
The cockpit canopy and its interior, as already mentioned, were taken from a Bf 109B. The cockpit was slightly elevated above the fuselage and provided the pilot with an excellent all-around view. The landing gear was also salvaged from a Bf 109B, but in the case of the AS-6, it was fixed. Initially, a landing skid was used on the rear, which was later replaced with a landing wheel instead.
Testing the Prototype
Initial evaluation tests of the AS-6 prototype were conducted at the Luftwaffe Brandis Airbase. The flight tests were conducted by Rolf Baltabol Junkers test pilot. While several short take-offs were made, there were no attempts to actually take the aircraft to the sky. The test pilot noted that the aircraft had an overall poor design and was difficult to control. He urged that the control surfaces and rudder be completely redesigned. The engine was also deemed too weak. During the last short take-off, one of the two landing gear assemblies was damaged.
The AS-6, following its unsuccessful start, spent several weeks in repairs and received a number of modifications in an attempt to improve its performance. These included adding an additional 70 kg of weight to the rear, installation of brakes taken from a Ju 88, and repositioning the landing wheels to the rear by about 20 cm. Sack proposed moving the landing wheels further back, but the test pilot Rolf simply refused to fly it if this change was implemented. He argued that placing the landing gear to the rear would imbalance the aircraft potentially leading to tipping forward during a take-off. For this reason, the modification was not implemented. While the engine was underpowered, there were simply no alternatives available at that time.
The next test was scheduled for April 1944. During these tests, Rolf tried to take it to the sky, but failed again to do so. This time it was noted that the wings were simply too short. Further tests were canceled, the AS-6 was to await more modifications, and was to be tested in a wind tunnel; if possible with a completely new engine.
The fate of the AS-6
Following the unsuccessful testing, the AS-6 was stored at the Brandis airfield. In the summer of 1944, this airfield became the main operational base for the experimental Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft. The pilots of the I./JG 400 (charged with testing the Me 163) found the AS-6. One of its pilots, Franz Rossle, expressed a desire to attempt flying the unusual plane. But when the ground crew was preparing the aircraft for take-off, one of its landing gear units simply broke due to rough terrain, effectively preventing the test flight to be conducted. After this, it was once again stored at Brandis. It would remain there until early 1945 when it was lost in an Allied bombing raid.
The AS-7 project
While not clear when (possibly during early 1945), Sack approached Messerschmitt company with a proposal to use his circular-wing design on the Bf 109K-4 aircraft. The aircraft marked as SA-7 would be powered by a DB 605 2,000 hp engine. Fitted with circular wings it was theorized that it would be capable of carrying more armament inside the wings. It is believed (but not clear) that Messerschmitt was interested in this proposal and designated the project Me 600. Due to the war’s end, nothing really came from this project.
Conclusion
While certainly an unusual and interesting design, due to poor quality and salvaged materials used during its construction, the AS-6 performed poorly and never actually achieved flight. We will never know if the AS-6 circular-wing design offered any major advantage over more conventional wing designs. It appears that Arthur Sack did not continue with his idea after the war and passed away in the mid-1960’s. While his work was never implemented in mass production, his unusual design was often mistakenly taken as some advanced and secret German World War II project, which ironically, it never was.
Germany (1944) Rocket-Powered Interceptor Prototype – 1 Built
The Me 163 showed to have great potential as a fast rocket-powered interceptor, but its design had some shortcomings. These included a limited view from the cockpit, lacking of landing gear, increased fuel storage, etc. The German companies Messerschmitt and later Junkers tried to resolve this by implementing a number of improvements to its design leading to the Me 163D of which only a few prototypes were built given the late start of the program.
History
The Me 163 small size, while reducing the overall cost of the aircraft, enforced limitation of the fuel that could be stored inside which in turn led to a limited operational powered flight time of fewer than 8 minutes. In combat operations, this proved to be insufficient but no auxiliary tanks could be added to the Me 163 wings not inside of it. Another issue was the lack of proper landing gear. The Me 163 was instead forced to use a two-wheel dolly. Once the aircraft was in the air, the dolly was jettisoned. On occasion, there were accidents regarding this system when for example the dolly refused to be detached from the aircraft or even worse when it bounced off the ground and hit the aircraft from below. On the landing, the Me 163 were to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. After landing the aircraft was immobile and essentially an easy target for enemy crafts. For this reason, a normal retracting landing gear unit was desirable but once again due to Me 163 small size impossible to install.
To redress the previously mentioned issues engineers at Messerschmitt began working on an improved version named Me 163C. It incorporated a longer fuselage, extended cockpit, having an engine with two combustion chambers, and other modifications. The work on this version was rather slow and by war end not much was done on it besides a few incomplete airframes.
Parallel with the Me 163C development another project was carried out in early 1944 once again by Messerschmitt. This project was initially designated as Me 163D and was to have substantial numbers of improvements mostly regarding the overall shape of the aircraft, engine use, weaponry etc. For testing this new concept of substantially extending the aircraft fuselage if it was feasible at all. One or two (depending on the source) Me 163 (BV13 and BV18) was to be experimentally modified with an extended fuselage. In addition, experimental landing gear was also to be added. The testing of this rebuilt aircraft proved to be feasible and so the work on a fully built prototype began in earnest.
Name
The Me 163D project, due to Messerschmitt being simply overburdened with the Me 262 production, would instead be given to Junkers company. Once in their hands, the project was renamed Ju 248. The Me 163D obviously had an identity crisis as in late 1944 it was once again given back to Messerschmitt. Once back to its original designers, the project once again changed its name, this time to Me 263. As all three designations are basically correct for this aircraft, this article will use the original Me 163D designation for the sake of simplicity and to avoid any possible confusion.
First Prototype
Despite being originally designed by Messerschmitt, it was actually assembled in Junkers factories sometime during August 1944 or in early 1945 (the sources are not clear here). After that it would be returned to Messerschmitt where it was planned to examine and test its overall performance. While it was intended to have an increase in fuel capacity and an improved engine, the first prototype had actually no engine installed at that time. The Me 163D V1 (DV-PA) prototype was also provided with a new retractable tricycle landing gear which was to help with the mobility during the ground drive.
Given that no engine was fitted to the Me 163D, first flight testing was done as a glider, in late 1944. After these were conducted the prototype was in a series of wind-tunnel testings. The results of these two test trials (flight and wind tunnel) showed that the Me 163D was not capable of safely achieving dive speeds that were greater than its normal flight speed. In this regard, it was inferior to the original Me 163 aircraft which could achieve extensive dive speed but still managed to preserve good flight controls. The Messerschmitt engineers at this phase even considered redesigning the rear tail unit, but nothing came of it. The tricycle landing gear units did not offer good mobility on the ground, this was mainly due to it being too narrow. The Germans had plans to test using a parachute that was to be released during landing to help reduce the need for a long airfield. If this was tested or even installed on a Me 163D is unknown.
Technical characteristics
The Me 163D like its predecessor was designed as a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing tailless aircraft. Given its experimental nature and its late development into the war, not much is known about its precise technical characteristics. Its overall construction would probably be similar to the previous versions, with a fuselage being built of metal and wooden wings.
The semi-monocoque construction fuselage was longer and was now 7.88 m ( 25 ft 10 in) compared to the original 5.84 m (9 ft 2 in) length. It had a good overall aerodynamic shape. The wings were swept to the back at a 19° angle, compared to the Me 163B 23.3° angle.
The pilot cockpit received a new ‘bubble-shaped canopy. This provided the pilot with a much greater field of view. Given that it was intended to operate at great heights, the Me 163 D cockpit was to be pressurized and for this was bolted to the fuselage.
The Me 163D was to be powered by an improved Walter 109-509C rocket engine. It was provided by two combustion chambers. While the sources are not clear if this engine was ever installed in the Me 163D, the estimated maximum speed was noted to be 950 km/h (590 mph) or up to 1,000 km/h (620 mph) depending on the source. It should also provide more economical consumption of fuel providing an operational range of some 160-220 km (100-140 mile) once again depending on the source. The operational flight endurance was increased from 7 minutes and 30 seconds to 15 minutes.
To overcome the previous Me 163B version’s lack of proper landing gear, the Me 163D was provided with the retractable tricycle landing gear. It consisted of a forward smaller and two larger wheels in the rear, just below the wing roots. All three of these retracted to the rear into the fuselage.
The fuel load consisted of 1040 liters (229 gallons) of T-Stoff and 492 liters of C-Stoff. The Me 163 was notorious for having only a limited endurance flight ofOnce the fuel was spent the pilots were to simply glide the aircraft back to the base.
The armament consisted of two 30 mm (1.18 in) MK 108 cannons, which were placed in the wing roots. Depending on the source the ammunition storage for each cannon ranged between 40 to 75 rounds.
Production
It is often mentioned in the sources that one complete and one partially complete prototype were built, by the war’s end. According to M. Griehl (Jet Planes of the Third Reich) on the other hand, mentioned that at least three prototypes were built with less than 20 aircraft being in various states of construction when these were captured by the Allies in 1945.
Service
The limited operational test use of the Me 163D and the German plans for it is not clear. Once again depending on the sources, there are mostly two versions. It appears that despite some faults in its design the Germans were willing to proceed with its further development. Given the end of the war, it should not be surprising that this was ever achieved. In another version, the work on the Me163D after some testing flight in February 1945 was officially terminated by the Luftwaffe officials. Mostly due to the fact that production of its unique and dangerous fuel is no longer possible.
The fate of these aircraft is not clear, given either information that these were either destroyed or captured by the Soviets. The latter option seems more likely as some sources suggest that the Soviets based on the Me 163D after the war developed their own version of it, the I-270. The project led nowhere and it would be abandoned.
Me 163D V1 – Completed prototype
Me 163D V2 – Incomplete second prototype
Me 163D V3 – Possible third prototype being built with additional 18 airframes
Conclusion
Given its experimental nature and its late introduction, it is quite difficult to make the final decision on the general properties of this aircraft. While it introduced some improvements in comparison to the previous version it also had issues regarding its reaching speed during dive flights. Despite offering the Germans a relatively cheap aircraft the whole Me 163 project by 1945 was essentially over given the general impossibility of production of its unique fuel. Nevertheless despite its downsides, the Me 163 whole series was certainly an interesting concept that had some merits that unfortunately for the Germans were never completely implemented.
Me 163D V1 Specifications
Wingspans
31 ft 2 in / 9.5 m
Length
25 ft 10 in / 7.88m
Height
ft in / 3.17 m
Wing Area
192.6 ft² / 17.91 m²
Engine
HWL 509 rocket engine
Empty Weight
4,400 lbs / 2,000 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
11,660 lbs / 5.300 kg
Maximum Speed
590 mph / 950 km/h
Operational range
100 mil / 160 km
Engine endurance
15 minutes
Maximum Service Ceiling
52,480 ft / 16,000 m
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 30 mm MK108 cannons
Gallery
Artist Conception of the Me 263 – by Carpaticus
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed J.
Illustrated by Carpaticus
Source:
D. Nešić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemcaka. Beograd.
E. T. Maloney and U. Feist (1968) Messerschmitt Me 163, Fallbrook
M. Emmerling and J. Dressel (1992) Messerschmitt Me 163 “Komet” Vol.II, Schiffer Military History
J.R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German AIrcraft of the Second World War, Putham
Nazi Germany (1944) Rocket Powered Fighter – Around 370 Built
Following the successful testing of the previous Me 163A series, the Germans began developing a new improved version that was intended for operational use. This would lead to the Me 163B series, which was the first, and last, operational rocket-powered aircraft to be used in active combat. In comparison to its predecessor, the Me 163B offered a number of improvements to its design and shape. By the war’s end, less than 400 aircraft of this type would be built.
History
Work on the second series of the Me 163, which would be built in greater numbers than the experimental A-series, began at the start of September 1941. In comparison to the predecessor, the B-version had a number of modifications. The most obvious change was the completely redesigned fuselage, which was larger and had an overall more aerodynamic shape. Its armament was installed in the wing roots, the engine was replaced with an improved version, and the pilot cockpit was enlarged.
Initial plans for this aircraft were quite ambitious, as Messerschmitt had predicted that the production of four operational prototype aircraft with additional airframes should commence in October 1941. Once the first few prototypes were completed, a small series of 66 aircraft were to follow. The actual responsibility of building these was given to Messerschmitt production plants at Regensburg with assembly at Obertraubling. It was estimated by RLM (Reichsluftfahrtministerium – Ministry of Aviation) officials that, after the first batch of 70 aircraft was built, it would take some 7 months to actually begin mass production of fully operational aircraft.
As was the case with many German wartime projects, it suffered from delays due to a lack of resources. The work on the initial group of prototypes started only at the end of 1941. Once again, further delays due to the slow delivery of engines postponed production until March of 1942. At this stage, the Germans were replacing the R II 209 rocket engines with the modified RII 211. The new engine used different types of fuel tanks which necessitated the redesign of the fuselage interior. This engine used a combination of T-Stoff and C-Stoff (a mixture of hydrazine hydrate, water, and methanol). As the construction of the Me 163B V1 prototype was approaching completion, it was proposed to switch to the older R II 203 engine to save development time, but this modification was not carried out. The development of the rocket engines was very slow and plagued with many setbacks, especially the limited production of fuel, which eventually led to huge delays in the Me 163 production. Finally, for the Me 163 production aircraft, the improved HWK-509 engine was chosen.
In May 1942, Me 163 B-0 V1 (KE+SX) was completed, minus the engine, and was tested as an unpowered glider. By 1943, it was obvious that Messerschmitt alone could not cope with the wartime demands, so RLM officials decided to bring aboard another aircraft manufacturer. They chose Klemm’s Stuttgart-Boeblingen factory, with a monthly goal of some 30 Me 163 aircraft. Klemm was also tasked with providing additional workers for Messerschmitt. Delays in delivering essential parts, such as weapons, caused setbacks in the Klemm Me 163 production.
Despite the problems with the Me 163 production, a small number of available aircraft were allocated to the Erprobungkommando (EKdo) 16 unit from April 1942 onward.
First Flights by EKdo 16
Once the first prototype was available, it was flight-tested as a glider by Heini Dittmar in late June, or May of 1942, depending on the source. Heini Dittmar had plenty of experience as a test pilot flying the Me 163A aircraft. The BV1 prototype would be, from this point on, mainly used as a training glider aircraft. From this point forward all aircraft built would be transported to Bad Zwischenahn near Oldenburg. Once there, they would be flight-tested by a number of pilots under the command of Karl Voy from EKdo16. This unit, which was formed in April of 1942, had the primary function of testing and evaluating the newly built Me 163 and helping in the development and improvement of its overall design. Another purpose that this unit had to fulfill was the training of new pilots for the Me 163.
An interesting episode in EKdo 16’s history is connected to the well-known German test pilot Hanna Reitsch. After a number of attempts to get permission to flight test the Me 163, she was finally allowed to do so at the end of 1942. Shortly after she took off, the jettisonable takeoff dolly refused to successfully detach from the aircraft, preventing it from using the landing skid. She managed to land the aircraft but was badly wounded and was placed in a hospital for some time. She later requested permission to fly the Me 163 again, but was explicitly rejected and was forbidden from flying it.
In early 1943, this unit was also tasked with testing jet-powered aircraft that were currently in development. These included the Me 262 and the He 280. EKdo 16 began receiving the first operational Me 163Bs only in July, or February of 1943. Due to extensive Allied Air Force activity near EKdo 16’s base of operation, the unit began the process of relocating its aircraft to Anklam. By this time, the unit had some 7 Me 163A and 1 of the B version. Due to poor ground conditions for Me 163 operations, the aircraft was relocated back to Bad Zwischenahn in late August. The delays with the construction of auxiliary support buildings on this airfield meant that crew training could not begin until October 1943. These initial training flights were carried out using two-seater gliders. Due to a lack of C-Stoff fuel, another series of delays impacted progress on training. In November, the Me 163As were used for crew training. In November and later in December, two aircraft were lost in accidents with the loss of life of both pilots.
In the following months, due to a number of factors like slow production, bad weather, and Allied activity, the Me 163 training program progressed at a slow pace. By May 1944, only a small group of fewer than 50 pilots had a chance to fly either the powered or towed versions of the Me 163. Once these were successfully tested, they would be then allocated to the 1./J.G. 400. unit.
The first combat action of the Me 163 was conducted on 14th May 1944, piloted by Major Spate. Amusingly, just prior to the first flight, his Me 163 BV 41 (PK-QL) aircraft was painted in red. This was done by the unit mechanics, who wanted with this small gesture to bring good luck to their pilots. Seeing no harm in it, Major Spate gave instruction that his aircraft be fully fueled and armed. During his flight, he attempted twice to attack Allied bombers but failed to properly engage them. It seems the red paint did not help with the luck.
During May, a number of unsuccessful combat flights with the Me 163 were undertaken. At the end of May, the airfield at Bad Zwischenahn was heavily bombed. During this attack, several Me 163s were damaged. This attack left the airfield at Bad Zwischenahn unusable for some time. To continue the training of pilots, the whole operation was temporarily moved to Brieg on the Oder. As this airfield lacked any proper workshops, the dismantled aircraft could not be assembled again and, for this reason, no test flights were ever carried out from Brieg.
Interestingly, on the 12th and 13th June 1944, three Me 163s from the EKdo 16 were demonstrated to the Japanese and Italian military delegations. As, at that time, EKdo 16 could not provide a fully operational Me 163, these were instead taken from 1./J.G. 400.
On 15th June 1944, the unit was once again back to Bad Zwischenahn. At their disposal, there were 2 prototypes, 7 gliders and 11 fully operational Me 163 aircraft. A few days later, another accident occurred when the towing aircraft lost power to one of its engines. The towed Me 163 was released at some 50 meters of altitude and the pilot was forced to land at a nearby lake. While the aircraft was heavily damaged, the pilot managed to survive.
In July 1944, a second auxiliary unit (Erganzumgsstaffel) was formed. It was also subordinated to the 1./J.G. 400. It had 6 Me 163s, of which only one was equipped with a rocket engine. It was intended to supplement the training of pilots for 1./J.G. 400.
In mid-August 1944, the airfield was once again attacked by Allied bombers. This caused further delays in training operations, until August 23rd. On that day, another accident led to the death of a pilot and the loss of yet another aircraft. Not wanting to waste the parts of the destroyed Me 163, these were collected and then sent to the training school at Fassberg.
At the start of September, Luftwaffe Generalmajor Adolf Galland told EKdo 16’s Commander Hauptmann Thaler, that the unit was to be disbanded and all personnel and equipment were to be relocated to Brandis. While the commanders of EKdo 16 were against such a decision, there was little they could do and, by the end of September, the unit was on its way to Brandis.
Technical Characteristics
The Me 163 was a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing tailless aircraft. Its fuselage was constructed of metal, while the wings were wood. The fuselage could be divided into three sections, the cockpit, the central fuel tanks, and the rear engine compartment. In order to help the ground crew with repairs, the fuselage was specially designed to contain a large number of removable panels. Thanks to this, the replacement of damaged parts or even the whole engine could be done relatively quickly.
The wings were quite simple in design, consisting of two spars covered in 8 mm thick fabric. The Me 163 wings were swept to the rear at a 23.3° angle. At the wing’s trailing edges, ailerons were placed, which the pilot used for pitch and roll. For landings, large hydraulically operated flaps were added on the wings.
In order for the pilot to enter the cockpit, a ladder was placed on the left side of the aircraft. While the cockpit was not pressurized, it could be jettisoned to help the pilot escape the aircraft in case of emergency. Being unpressurized actually placed time limits for how long the pilot could endure without losing consciousness at altitude and during high-speed maneuvers. For this reason, the pilot had to endure altitude chamber training and had a specially designed diet. Despite attempts to improve visibility compared to the previous version, the Me 163B suffered from poor visibility, especially to the rear and in front of the aircraft’s nose.
The Me 163 was equipped with various onboard equipment, including a FuG 16 ZE radio transmitter and receiver. In addition, a FuG 25 IFF (identification friend or foe) transmitter and receiver was installed. Given its small size and limited overall weight, the onboard batteries had a limited capacity. In order to provide the necessary power, the Germans simply added a small windmill generator which was placed on the nose of the fuselage.
During its development, the Me 163B was tested with a series of different rocket engines. Ultimately, for the main production version, the HWK (Helmuth Walter Kiel) 109-509A rocket engine was chosen. This had a thrust power ranging from 100 kg (220 lbs) to 1,500 kg (3,300 lbs) or 1,700 kg (3,750 lbs), depending on the source.
The Me 163 initially used a fuel mixture of the T and Z-Stoff. T-Stoff consisted of a mix of hydrogen peroxide with oxyquinoline or phosphate. Z-Stoff was an aqueous solution of calcium permanganate. Z-Stoff would later be replaced with C-Stoff, which was a mix of methyl alcohol, hydrazine hydrate, and water. T-Stoff was stored in one main and two smaller auxiliary tanks. The smaller tanks were placed on both sides of the cockpit. The C-Stoff fuel tanks were placed in the Me 163’s wings. In order to help circulate the fuel, two centrifugal pumps were placed inside the Me 163.
These chemicals were extremely flammable and dangerous to handle and thus required safety procedures to be used properly. Before each flight, the fuel tanks had to be thoroughly washed with water. During refueling, the ground and the aircraft had to be sprayed with large amounts of water. If the safety procedures were not followed, there was a great risk of explosion, which happened on occasion. Due to the volatile nature of the fuel, any harsh landing with fuel still onboard offered a great chance of explosion as well, which led to a number of pilots being lost. Being highly corrosive and deadly to the touch, the maintenance crews and pilots had to wear specially designed protective clothing and gloves. Preserved photographs seem to indicate that these precautions were not always strictly adhered to. Given that the Me 163 operated in late 1944 were shortages of all kinds of equipment and materials were common, this should not come as a surprise. Still, handling the Me 163 fuel without this kind of protection was highly dangerous for the ground maintenance crews.
The fuel load consisted of 1040 liters (229 gallons) of T-Stoff and 492 liters of C-Stoff. The Me 163 was notorious for having only a limited powered flight endurance of 7 minutes and 30 seconds before its fuel reserve was spent. The actual flight could be much longer, however, since at sufficient altitude, the pilot could switch off the engine, and reactivate it as needed. After all rocket fuel had been spent, the pilot would then use the Me 163 as a glider to fly back to its base, or to any nearby German airfield.
The initial armament consisted of two 20 mm MG 151/20 cannons, which were positioned in the wing roots. To increase the firepower these would be replaced with the stronger 30 mm MK 108 cannons. The Me 163B-0 series was armed with the weaker 20mm cannon while the Me 163 B-1 with the stronger 30mm cannon. While the Mk 108 had sufficient firepower to outright destroy or heavily damage enemy aircraft, it was plagued with low velocity. This combined with the extraordinary speed of the Me 163 made engaging targets difficult. For this reason, the Me 163 was tested with some experimental weapon systems. These include the 5.5 cm R4M air-to-air rocket, and the more revolutionary SG 500 Jagdfaust. This weapon consisted of five rockets usually placed under each wing, but on the Me 163 it was actually mounted vertically in the wings. It was provided with an optical sensor that activated its weapon load once it detected shadow, in theory, a shadow of an enemy plane. This was an automated weapon firing mechanism capable of friendly fire if not managed properly. But this situation would be rare given the fact that Me 163 was a short-range and unique interceptor that operated on its own without support from other aircraft.
The Me 163 utilized an auxiliary landing gear unit. This was mainly done to reduce the overall weight of the aircraft. Take-offs and landings were divided into two phases. For take-off, the Me 163 sat on a simple two-wheel dolly unit. Once at sufficient altitude the dolly was jettisoned from the bottom of the aircraft. On occasion, there were accidents involving this system, when, for example, the dolly refused to release from the aircraft, or even worse, it could bounce off the ground and strike the aircraft from below. Therefore the Germans worked on developing safer types of dollies. On landing, the Me 163 were to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. In addition, to the rear of the aircraft, a small steerable tail wheel was added to help during take-off and landing.
While this takeoff and landing system offered the desired reduction in weight, it was not without its problems. Besides the issues previously mentioned, after a successful landing, the Me 163 was immobile and vulnerable to possible enemy attacks. To move it across the airfield the Germans designed and built a small specialized aircraft tug, called the Scheuchschlepper, especially for this task.
Operational Combat Use
The first operational unit that was to be equipped with the Me 163 was the Staffel of Jagdgeschwader 20./JG 1 located at Bad Zwischenahn. According to initial plans, this unit was to be formed at least by the end of 1943 or in early 1944 depending on the sources. In its inventory, there were some 12 fully operational Me 163 available. In addition, the Germans planned for the Me 163 to be positioned at a series of auxiliary airfields along Allied bomber routes. These would be fully equipped with spare parts, ammunition, and fuel, and positioned close to each other. This way, after an attack run, the Me 163 pilots could simply choose on which airfield to land, knowing that they could resupply without any problems.
But in reality, it took a few more months before the unit was actually officially formed at the start of March 1944. The development of a network of supporting airfields for the Me 163 was also never completed. The unit was by that time being renamed to Jagdgeschwader 1./JG 400 and stationed at Deelen. The commander of the unit was Oberleunant Rober Olejnik. They were relocated to Wittmundhafen as the airfield at Deelen proved unfit for the Me 163 aircraft’s operation.
The unit received its first operational Me 163 on the 10th of March, and seven more were to arrive by late April 1944. Concurrently, pilots were beginning to arrive from the EKdo 16 training unit. More test flights were carried out until mid-March 1944 when they had to be temporarily stopped. The reason for this was the lack of sufficient water supply which was essential for flushing the Me 163 fuel tanks in order to avoid any accidental explosion. To resolve this issue the unit personnel began drilling wells to collect water.
1./JG 400 was at this stage prohibited from making combat flights in order to avoid the attention of the Allies. However, the unit was permitted to conduct live firing trials during flights in order to test the Me 163 weapons systems. While generally successful, during sharp maneuvers at a speed of some 800 km/h, the ammunition belts proved prone to malfunction. While Olejnik suggested using a drum magazine, which was even tested successfully, his idea would not be adopted. On the 21st of April Olejnik had an accident during a forced landing where he spent some time in hospital thereafter.
In April and May, 1./JG 400 took delivery of a group of 10 aircraft, but one had to be returned to Klemm for modifications. That particular aircraft would be destroyed in an Allied bombing raid on Klemm. These were still prototype aircraft of the B pre-production version. The first Me 163B-0 series aircraft began to arrive from May 1944. At this time the Luftwaffe officials were determined to introduce the Me 163 to service. For this reason, the work on testing and experimenting with the Me 163 was stopped in favor of increasing the overall production of the Me 163 B-1.
With the expected increase in production, another unit, 2./J.G.400, was to be formed in May 1944. It was initially to be involved with crucial crew training. At that time, the size of both units was to be increased to 14 instead of 12 operational aircraft.
In July 1944, 1./JG 400 received permission to make combat flights. The Me 163 were then used in several failed attempts to intercept the Allied reconnaissance aircraft that made frequent flights over the base. At the same time, 1./JG 400 and other available Me 163 were being relocated to new positions at Brandis. The original plans to build numerous connected airfields were abandoned in favor of concentrating all available Me 163 in a few selected airfields. For this reason, Brandis would become the main key point for the Me 163 combat operations. It is from there that the Me 163s attempted to intercept a huge Allied air formation of some 766 bombers, supported with over 14 groups of cover fighters. The Me 163 did not engage the Allies probably due to the small number of available aircraft and the heavy fighter cover. By the end of July, the 1./JG 400 had only four operational aircraft out of 16 available.
In mid-August, Me 163s from this unit attacked an Allied B-17 bomber formation. While evading the fighter cover, they managed to heavily damage at least one bomber, killing two crew members. On the 16th of August, five Me 163 attacked a group of B-17s, and even managed to shoot down two of the bombers. The Germans lost one Me 163 during this engagement being hit by an Allied P-51. On the 24th of August, eight Me 163 managed to shoot down three more bombers while successfully evading enemy fighter cover.
On the 8th of September, the Me 163 were officially taken into service. Given the previous success, of destroying 5 enemy bombers with a limited number of available Me 163, attempts were made to increase the number of squadrons with 20 aircraft. This was never achieved, as the Allies destroyed the vital C-Stoff fuel production facility at Kiel in August. On the 11th of September, a single Me 163 attacked and destroyed a lone B-17.
During these initial combat engagements with the Allied bombers, German pilots noticed that the Me 163s armament had a huge flaw. The weapons were difficult to use with the standard attack tactics of the aircraft. This involved getting the Me 163 high above the Allied bombers and then plunging down at them with a dive speed of 885-930 km/h (550-580 mph). Due to its main cannon’s low velocity, and in order to avoid collision with the target, the pilot had only a few seconds available to engage the enemy. This meant that only the highly experienced Me 163 pilot had a chance of hitting the enemy aircraft. The Me 163 also had another flaw, as it could be only used when the weather was clear.
At the end of September 1944, II./JG400 was formed, under the command of Lieutenant Peter Gerth (3/JG 400) and Oberleutnant Franz Woidich (4/JG 400). These units were renamed in November or December 1944 to 5. and 6./JG 400. During this time the 7/JG 400 was also formed, which was stationed at Stettin-Altdamm. In late 1944 II./JG400 was repositioned at Stargard. Few sorties were carried out mostly due to lack of fuel. In November 1944 a Me 163 engaged a British Mosquito, damaging it and forcing its crew to abandon the aircraft.
Bad weather, lack of fuel and the rapid Allied advance on the West and East temporarily stopped all Me 163 combat operations. Combat operations began again in March of 1945. For example on the 16th March, an Me 163 managed to damage another Mosquito on a reconnaissance mission. While the Mosquito pilot managed to fly back to France, he was forced to crash land. A quite interesting Me 163 air victory was achieved on the 10th April 1945 while piloted by Leutnant Fritz Kelb. This aircraft was equipped with the experimental SG 500 Jagdfaust and managed to shoot down a British Lancaster bomber.
In late April I/.J.G.400 would be disbanded and its remaining few operational Me 163 were allocated to the J.G 7. The former I/.J.G.400 commander Wolfgang Spate, flying one of the remaining operational Me 163, managed to destroy 5 additional Allied bombers by the end of the war. The remaining ground personnel from the I/.J.G.400 were dispatched to the East to fight as infantry in Bavaria. There, they allegedly managed to destroy a Soviet tank using a MK 108 cannon removed from an Me 163, which was placed on makeshift undercarriage wheels, also taken from a Me 163. Given the chaotic state of Germany in 1945, it’s conceivable that the crew operating this gun may have found a way to make it work.
After the War
In May 1945 the Allied forces were rapidly advancing into Germany, capturing many airfields in the process. The crews of the Me 163 were often instructed to destroy their own aircraft to prevent them from falling into the enemy’s hands, but despite this, the Allies managed to capture a number of intact Me 163. This was the case of the II./J.G.400, which surrendered its 48 aircraft to the Allies on the 8th of MAy 1945. Of these, some 25 were transported back to the UK to be properly examined. The Americans also managed to capture a number of Me 163 in various working conditions across occupied Germany. The French Air Force received at least 4 Me 163 from the British after the war. The Soviets were not idle either as they also managed to acquire unknown numbers of the Me 163 including the rare two-seater trainer version Me 163S.
In an attempt to increase the Me 163’s performance, Junkers cooperated with Dr. Lippisch. This resulted in the development of a modified Me 163 (based on the BV6 prototype) which was slightly larger, had greater fuel capacity and had two engines. In theory, during take-off, both engines would be activated until a certain altitude was reached. This project would eventually evolve into Me 163C. This aircraft was to have a redesigned fuselage and cockpit. It was to be powered by HWK 109-509A-2 and HWK 509C engines. By the end of the war, only a few incomplete airframes were built.
Japanese Me-163B
In 1944, on Adolf Hitler’s instructions, a number of previously secret projects were to be shared with the Japanese. For this reason, several submarines were to transport parts of a disassembled Me 163B to Japan. While the one carrying the aircraft parts was sunk, the others that were carrying technical manuals managed to reach the German ally. Based on these, the Japanese managed to build a slightly modified copy of the Me 163. It was known in Japan as J8M1 Shuri (Rigorous Sword). During the first test flight, there was an accident in which the prototype was lost.
During negotiations between Japanese and German military officials, it was agreed to hand over to Japan a production license for many weapons including the Me 163 and Me 262. It was named Mitsubishi Ki-200, for the army, and J8M1 for the navy. The first Me 163B flew in July 1945 but was lost in an accident. Several more were built but the end of the war led to the end of the project.
Production
The production of Me 163 was initially allocated to the Messerschmitt Regensburg factory. As it was overburdened with other projects, it would then be allocated to a much smaller Klemm factory where less than 60 aircraft were built in total. Some sources also mentioned that the production was carried out at the Dornier factory in Oberpfaffenhofen and the Bachmann von Blumenthal factory in Fürth. On the 1st of September 1944, the production of the Me 163 was officially handed over to Junkers. To avoid concentrating the production in one location, given the Allied bombing campaign, Junkers dispersed it across numerous smaller companies. Each of these was tasked with the delivery and production of parts before being finally assembled at Brandenburg-Briest. This, in theory, would increase the overall production and avoid potentially being targeted by Allied bombers. In reality, this backfired, as it caused huge confusion and chaos with the delivery of parts, and poor quality in production. Junkers managed to produce around 299 aircraft of this type by the end of the war.
The question of how many Me 163B were produced during the war is difficult to pinpoint precisely. The sources give different numbers, for example, most state around 400 of all models, of which some 370 were estimated to be of B-version, were built by the war’s end.
Me 163B-0 – Pre-production aircraft
Me 163B-1 – Main production aircraft
Me 163C – Experimental twin-engine modifications of the Me 163B aircraft but only few incomplete airframes were ever built
Operators
Germany – Built less than 400 aircraft of which only a smaller number were ever used in combat
Japan – Built a small number of slightly modified Me 163B by the end of the war.
Soviet Union – Several Me 163B and one Me 163S, captured, were used for many different tests after the war. The results of these tests will lead to the development and creation of several different projects (The Lavochkin I-162 and Mikoyan-Gurevich I-270).
UK – Managed to capture some 48 or so Me 163 aircraft of which 25 were sent to the UK for testing and evaluation.
France – Received four aircraft from the British after the war.
USA – Acquired an unknown number of Me 163 at the war’s end.
Australia and Canada – Both received one aircraft from the British after the war.
Surviving Aircraft
Today at least several Me 163 are known to still exist. One could be found in the Australian War Memorial in Canberra, and one in the Canada Aviation and Space Museum in Ottawa. Two are located in German museums: Luftwaffenmuseum at Berlin-Gatow and Deutsches Museum in Munich. Few more are in the USA Flying Heritage Collection, National Museum of the USAF, and Smithsonian National Air and Space Museums. And in the UK, RAF, Science and National Museum of Flight. The one captured by the Soviets existence is currently unclear.
Conclusion
The Me 163 was designed to be light and relatively cheap to build. This was certainly a strength if we take into account the huge shortage of resources and materials that the Germans endured during the later stages of the war. It also used special fuel that was specially designed for it, and thus there was no need for allocating the vital German fuel reserves to it.
With the two MK 108 cannons, the Me 163 was formidably armed given its small size. Just a few rounds of this cannon was enough to destroy or heavily damage an enemy target. Given its phenomenal speed during dive attack at the enemy formation, the Me 163 was essentially immune to enemy fighter cover and was unable to do much against it. That is until it ran out of fuel, at that point it was completely helpless and could only glide back to base.
On the other hand, it was overshadowed by a number of critical faults that were never corrected. For example, while the Me 163 was cheap, due to many reasons it was never produced in any sufficient numbers to cause any serious threat to the Allies. While the number of some 400 aircraft built seems significant, in reality only a dozen or so aircraft were ever used at any given time in combat. Most were used for training, either as gliders, or with an operational engine. Not all built aircraft would be delivered to the operational units, given the great confusion and chaos that the Germans were surrounded with from 1944 on. The fuel could never be produced in sufficient quantities. The problem with fuel was even complicated by the increase in production of the Me 163. Because of this the Germans simply had to reduce the number of aircraft that they used for combat, as there wasn’t enough fuel for all of them. The volatile nature of its fuel, occasionally lead to accidents and explosions, losing aircraft in the process, but more importantly the vital pilots. While its speed was great, its maximum burn time for the engine was only slightly longer than 7 minutes, however this capability could be stretched by the pilot’s ability to switch the engine on and off throughout the flight. Once the engine consumed all the fuel reserves, the aircraft essentially became a simple glider that was vulnerable to enemy fighter cover.
In the final analysis, the Me 163 theoretically possessed great potential for a rocket-powered aircraft. In reality, due to many delays, lack of unity in German aviation circles, and problems with its design and production, the Me 163 never managed to fulfill the role that its designer had intended for it. Its achilles heel was its dangerous and volatile fuel from which a number of planes and pilot lives were lost. Probably its greatest contribution was that it provided a good experimental platform for flight tests at transonic speeds. But due to its unusual design the Me 163 certainly deserves a great place in the history of the development of aviation.
Me 163B Specifications
Wingspans
30 ft 7 in / 9.32 m
Length
19 ft 2 in / 5.84 m
Height
9 ft 1 in / 2.77 m
Wing Area
199.4 ft² / 18.5 m²
Engine
One HWL 509A rocket engine
Empty Weight
4,200 lbs / 1,900 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight
9.060 lbs / 4.110 kg
Fuel Capacity
1,530 liters / 400 US gallons
Maximum Speed
600 mph / 960 km/h
Engine endurance
7 minutes and 30 seconds
Maximum Service Ceiling
39,700 ft / 12,100 m
Crew
One pilot
Armament
Two 20 mmMG 151
Or two 30 mm MK108 cannons
Gallery
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Ed Jackson
Illustrated by Carpaticus
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