Type: High endurance experimental, reconnaissance aircraft
Number built: Three prototypes
Before the outbreak of the Second World War, the Luftwaffe (Eng. German Air Force) was undergoing a massive expansion. Numerous new aircraft designs were either being introduced into service or undergoing testing, with many being integrated into the military for various roles. A number of newly developed aircraft were also primarily used for evaluation and experimentation, and, there were also several designs created specifically to set records. One such aircraft, the Me 261, was built specifically at the request of Adolf Hitler to set long-range records. Due to its specialized role, and the fact that it was not initially ordered by the Luftwaffe, only three prototypes of the Me 261 were built.
History
With the rise of Nazis in Germany, substantial financial resources were allocated to military projects. The Luftwaffe was founded, and saw massive expansion and the introduction of new aircraft designs. However, not all these designs were intended for pure military service. Some projects were mainly aimed at experimentation, and among these were aircraft designed solely to showcase technological advancements and break world records. This trend was quite common in the years leading up to the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe. For example, the Messerschmitt Me 209 was created to set a world speed record, with little to no concerns made over a possible military application.
Speed was not the only record to be pursued, there were others, such as long-range flight. This particular challenge fascinated Hitler, who in 1937, initiated the development of a long-range monoplane. Aside from the many things that might be learned from the experiment, Hitler envisioned this aircraft undertaking the long-range flight from Berlin to Tokyo for the 1940 Olympic Games, carrying the Olympic Torch from Germany over Asia. To meet this requirement, the initial requirements specified that the aircraft needed to have an operational range of over 13,000 km.
The Reichsluftfahrtministerium (RLM), or German Air Ministry, selected the Messerschmitt company for this task. Despite being a relatively small enterprise at the time, Messerschmitt had achieved great success with the Bf 109, one of the best fighters of its era. The official contract was signed on the 18th March, 1938. Under the designation P.1064, Messerschmitt presented a proposal to Hitler for a new aircraft. This aircraft was to be operated by a crew of five within a rather cramped, and elongated fuselage. Due to the aircraft’s specific role, the fuel load was prioritized over crew comfort. Hitler approved the proposal and ordered the construction of three prototypes. The project was subsequently renamed Me 261. Due to Hitler’s keen interest, the aircraft was nicknamed Adolfine by its crew.
In 1939, work began on the three Me 261 prototypes. Despite Hitler’s ambitions, the Me 261 was given low priority, and construction proceeded slowly, and anticipating a war with Poland, work on these aircraft was halted. However, recognizing its potential for long-range reconnaissance and the valuable information it could provide, work resumed in 1940.
The first prototype, Me 261 V1 (BJ-CP or BC-CP, depending on the sources), was flight-tested by Karl Baur in December 1940. The following year, the second prototype, Me 261 V2 (BJ-CQ), was tested. The V2 featured a glazed observation dome on the dorsal fuselage, replacing the rear dome used on the V1. The construction of the third prototype, Me 261 V3 (BJ-CR), faced delays and only completed its test flight in 1943. This version was distinct from the earlier prototypes, featuring a larger crew capacity of seven and being powered by two 2,950 hp DB 610 engines. On the 16th April, 1943, Karl Baur conducted a ten-hour test flight with the V3.
Technical characteristics
Unfortunately, since the Me 161 did not progress beyond the prototype stage. It was designed as an all-metal, long-range transport and later as a reconnaissance aircraft. The fuselage was slim but cramped, made of metal, and covered in duralumin.
The wings of the Me 261 were constructed using a metal frame with a single spar. They were then covered with flush-riveted, stressed-skin metal panels. Notably, the section of the wing closest to the fuselage had a thick profile, which tapered to the wingtips. This design was intentional, as it allowed for a large fuel storage area. The aircraft also featured a twin-rudder tail at the rear.
For its long-range flight operations, the Me 261 had a crew of five: a pilot, co-pilot, radio operator, navigator, and flight engineer. The pilot and copilot sat side-by-side in the cockpit with the radio operator in a central compartment, and the flight engineer and navigator seated in the rearmost compartment, where the aircraft’s bunks were also located.
The first two prototypes were powered by twin 2,700 hp DB 606A/B twenty-four-cylinder engines. These engines were essentially two twelve-cylinder DB 601 engines coupled together to drive a single shaft, requiring two separate radiators and oil coolers. Each DB 606A/B engine was housed within a large nacelle and used four-blade propellers with a diameter of 4.6 meters.
Despite frequent mentions of the aircraft being overburdened, sources do not specify a consistent maximum takeoff weight. Additionally, the total fuel capacity is also unspecified. Depending on the sources, the operational range varies from 11,000 to 13,200 km.
To accommodate the aircraft’s weight, it required large-diameter landing wheels that could retract up to 90 degrees into the wings. In addition to these, it had a fully retractable tail wheel retracted towards the front of the aircraft.
Fate
Despite demonstrating some potential for long-range reconnaissance, the Me 261 was ultimately rejected from service due to the additional equipment requirements that would have further strained its already overburdened airframe, thereby compromising its flight performance. Despite its cancellation, the V3 prototype (and possibly the other two prototypes) saw operational use as reconnaissance aircraft during the war. In July or April of 1943, the V3 suffered an accident during landing that heavily damaged its landing gear. Although repaired and returned to service, the V3 was eventually scrapped by order of the RLM.
The V1 aircraft was lost during an Allied bombing raid on the Rechlin test center in September 1944, while the V2 was captured by the Allies at the same location in April 1945. Neither prototype survived the war; the captured V2 was scrapped a few weeks after its capture.
Conclusion
The Me 261 was an aircraft that was not ordered by the Luftwaffe as a military aircraft and thus received low priority. Despite its initial potential for use as a reconnaissance aircraft, it quickly became evident that it would not be feasible for adoption in this role due to its considerable weight. Ultimately, only three were built, and none of them survived the war.
Me 261 V3 Specifications
Wingspans
26.9 m / 88 ft 1 in
Length
16.7 m / 54 ft 9 in
Height
4.72 m / 15 ft 5 in
Wing Area
76 m² / 817.8 ft²
Engine
Two 2,950 hp DB 610 engines
Endurance
24 hours and 36 minutes
Maximum Speed
620 km/h / 385mph
Cruising speed
400 km/h / 248 mph
Range
11,000 km / 6,831 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling
8,250 m / 27,060 ft
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None
Illustration
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Illustration by Oussama Mohamed “Godzilla”
Source:
D. Herwig and H. Rode (2000) Luftwaffe Secret Projects Strategic Bombers 1935 to 1945, Midland Publishing
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putnam
B. C.Wheeler, German Fighters of WWII, Aeroplane Special
R. Jackson (2005) Infamous Aircraft, Pen and Sword
M. Griehl () X-planes German Luftwaffe prototypes 1930-1940, Frontline Book
W. Green (1970) Warplanes of the Third Reich, Doubleday & Company
During the war, Messerschmitt endeavored to find potential successors to their existing aircraft models. This quest yielded several aircraft proposals, one of which was the Me 309, which they sought to replace their older Me 109 fighter with. Despite Messerschmitt’s hopes for its success, the Me 309 proved to be unreliable and mechanically flawed, leading to its rejection for adoption. Undeterred by this setback, Messerschmitt persisted with the project, eventually turning their attention to a new twin-fuselage fighter, often referred to in various sources as the Me 609.
A Brief History of Germany Twin-Fighter Program History
In the early stages of the war, the Messerschmitt Me 109 emerged as an exceptional fighter, arguably one of the world’s best at the time. However, despite its prowess, there remained ample room for improvement in its design. By the early 1940s, engineers at Messerschmitt began exploring avenues to enhance its overall flight performance. Among the considerations was the idea that while one engine delivered outstanding results, pairing two engines might yield even greater capabilities, bringing an increase in operational range and top speed. This notion laid the groundwork for a bold project: combining two Me 109s into a single aircraft, designated as the Me 109Z, with the ‘Z’ representing the German word “Zwilling”, meaning twin. The concept aimed to harness the power of dual fuselages and engines to significantly enhance both performance and firepower, envisioning the aircraft as either a formidable destroyer or a fighter bomber.
In theory, the design was relatively straightforward: merging two fuselages along with a central wing. The cockpit would be positioned within one of the fuselages, along with modifications to the landing gear. Despite the unconventional approach, a functional prototype utilizing two Me 109Fs was successfully constructed in 1942. However, the evaluation and test flight process extended until 1943, during which the prototype was either lost or severely damaged in one of the numerous Allied bombing raids.
Amidst the pressing demands of concurrent projects, such as the development of the Me 262, the Me 109Z initiative was ultimately abandoned, reflecting the shifting priorities and challenges faced by German engineers during the Second World War .
A Second Option
Another Messerschmitt project aimed at enhancing the performance of the Me 109 was the Me 309. This new endeavor sought substantial improvements, integrating several new features such as enhanced armament, a pressurized cockpit, a tricycle undercarriage, and retractable radiators. Initiated by Messerschmitt in 1940, the project faced reluctance from the German Aviation Ministry (RLM), leading to significant delays. It wasn’t until the end of 1941 that actual work on the project began. Despite these challenges, the first Me 309 V-1 prototype was completed in June 1942, followed by a few more test models. However, the project encountered various mechanical issues that remained unresolved, including engine overheating, the problematic landing gear which caused the aircraft to crash onto its nose should the nose gear fail, and flight instability, among other issues. As a result, the RLM showed little enthusiasm for the Me 309, prioritizing increased production of the Me 109 instead. Introducing another fighter design would also inevitably lead to production delays. Moreover, refining the Me 309 design would likely necessitate additional time, possibly extending into months or even years. Consequently, a decision was made to abandon the development of the Me 309 entirely.
However, Messerschmitt hoped that proposing a new variant of the twin-fuselage fighter based on the Me 309 might renew interest from the RLM. Unfortunately, this strategy didn’t yield the desired results. Despite some initial drawings, the aircraft designated as the Me 609 was abandoned at the beginning of 1944 in favor of the Me 262.
Technical characteristics
Given that it was a paper proposal, and no working prototype was built, its overall technical specifications are rather obscure. In essence, the Me 609 consisted of paired Me 309 fuselages which were joined together by a central wing section. Given this fact, in theory, most of the components for this aircraft would be available and reused from the Me 309. The Me 309 was conceived as a single-seat fighter, featuring an all-metal construction with a low-wing design. So we can assume that the new Me 609 would also follow a similar construction.
The two fuselages were connected with the new inner wing section. Besides this, it also served to house the two main landing gear units. The nose wheel was located under the engine, and retracted to the rear. The pilot’s pressurized cockpit was located on the left fuselage, while; the right-sided fuselage had its cockpit covered.
Depending on the source it was either powered by a Daimler Benz 603 or 605 or a 2,000hp Jumo 213E june engine. In the case of the latter, the estimated maximum speed was to be 760 km/h. All of which were inverted V-12 engines.
The main armament was to consist of two 3 cm MK 108 and Two MK 103 cannons. Including either two 250 kg or one 500 kg bomb. Two more cannons could be mounted under the center wing section.
The Truth of it
The information as previously mentioned, however, may not be entirely accurate. According to various sources such as D. Herwing and H. Rode (Luftwaffe: Secret Projects Ground Attack and Special Purpose Aircraft), as well as several internet sources, it is asserted that the twin-fuselage Me 309 variant was designated as the Me 609. Contrary to this, D. Sharp (Luftwaffe: Secret Designs of the Third Reich) argues that this designation was incorrectly assigned to the project. The actual designation for it was Me 309 Zw (Zw standing for Zwilling, meaning twins). Claiming, the Me 609 was unrelated to this project. Sharp supports this assertion by citing surviving Messerschmitt documentation salvaged after the war, in which the projects are referred to as 309 Zw. Thus, the twin-fuselage fast bomber/destroyer based on the Me 309 existed only as a proposal, albeit under a different name.
Now, what about the aircraft bearing the Me 609 designation? Simply put, it did not exist. In reality, it was a designation that Messerschmitt applied to describe the Me 262 twin-engine fighter. Why this designation was used remains unknown, but it may have been employed to deceive the intelligence offices of the Western Allies
Conclusion
The Me 309Zw project was an intriguing endeavor aimed at enhancing the overall performance of German fighters by integrating two fuselages. However, it failed to progress beyond the prototype stage, leaving us unable to determine its feasibility.
Me 309Zw Estimated Specifications
Wingspans
16 m / 52 ft 6 in
Length
9.52 m / 31 ft 2 in
Height
3.24 m / 10 ft 7 in
Wing Area
26.755 m² / 288 ft²
Engine
Two 2,000hp Jumo 213E
Empty Weight
5,247 5kg / 11,660 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
6,534kg / 14,520 lbs
Maximum Speed
760 km/h / 472mph
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
Two MK 108 and Two MK 103
Bomb load two 250 kg or one 500 kg
Illustration
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Illustrations by Oussama Mohamed “Godzilla”
Source:
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putnam
D. Myhra (2000) Messerschmitt Me 209V1, Schiffer Military History
M. Griehl () X-planes German Luftwaffe prototypes 1930-1940, Frontline Book
D.Herwing and H. Rode (2002) Luftwaffe: Secret Projects Ground Attack and Special Purpose Aircraft, Midland
D.Sharp (2018) Luftwaffe: Secret Designs of the Third Reich, Mortons
The Messerschmitt Me 109, although an outstanding aircraft, still had room for improvement. Its most noticeable shortcomings included a rather small operational radius, significantly reducing its combat potential in prolonged engagements. To address this, Messerschmitt initiated the development of a successor model designated as the Me 309. However, from the outset, this new fighter was plagued with numerous mechanical faults that could not be resolved in the foreseeable future. Consequently, only four prototypes were built before the project was ultimately canceled.
History
At the onset of the Second World War, Germany relied heavily on the Me 109 as its primary fighter aircraft. Renowned for its exceptional performance and cost-effectiveness, the Me 109 outmatched most of the enemy fighters it encountered over Europe. Following the fall of France in June 1940, Germany launched a significant bombing campaign against the UK. This prolonged engagement highlighted a critical issue: the Me 109’s limited operational range prevented it from carrying out long-range fighter sweeps, or being usable as a bomber escort.
Recognizing the urgent need for enhancements, Messerschmitt began experiments on improving the performance, and range, of the Me 109. Initial assessments underscored the necessity for substantial improvements, including an 85% increase in operational range and a minimum 25% boost in maximum speed. Additionally, there were aspirations to augment its firepower, introduce a pressurized cockpit, implement a tricycle undercarriage, and incorporate retractable radiators. Before commencing work on a completely new fighter, Messerschmitt opted to experiment with these features by modifying an existing Me 109F
The new fighter project was initiated by Messerschmitt in 1940. However, the German Aviation Ministry (RLM) was not enthusiastic about it, after significant delays. Actual work on the project didn’t commence until the end of 1941. The project, designated Me 309, was led by Woldemar Voigt and Richard Bauer. It’s worth noting that Messerschmitt’s previous attempt to develop a fighter, based on the record-breaking Me 209, failed because its airframe wasn’t suitable for military purposes. Despite the RLM’s initial skepticism towards the Me 309, they eventually ordered nine prototypes.
The first Me 309 V-1 (GE-CU) prototype was completed in June 1942, and immediately underwent ground trials at the end of that month. However, almost from the outset, a major issue became apparent, the new landing wheel configuration proved difficult to control on the ground. Subsequent flight tests revealed additional challenges, including strong vibrations at high speeds. In July 1942, after a series of modifications, the prototype underwent flight testing once more, only to encounter new problems with the landing gear. The hydraulic retraction system was found to be inadequate, and issues with engine overheating and aerodynamic instability persisted. On one occasion, test pilot Karl Baur was forced to abort the flight after just seven minutes in the air.
Addressing these issues required further modifications, including redesigning the tailplane and improving the hydraulic system for the landing gear. Despite these efforts, subsequent test flights did not yield significant improvements in the overall flight performance of the Me 309. Messerschmitt’s test pilot, Fritz Wendel, expressed dissatisfaction with the aircraft, noting that its flight characteristics were not markedly superior to those of the Me 109. He criticized the high landing speed and the poor design of the control surfaces.
Not ready to abandon the Me 309 prematurely, the first prototype underwent evaluation at the Rechlin test center for further assessment. On the 20th of November 1942, a report was issued deeming the overall performance of the Me 309 unpromising, even inferior to the new Me 109G. Consequently, the RLM reduced the initial production order from nine prototypes to just four. Initially, the RLM had little enthusiasm for the Me 309, and still preferred instead to prioritize increased production of the Me 109. Introducing another fighter design would inevitably cause production delays. Compounding the industrial challenges, perfecting the Me 309 design would likely require additional time, months if not years of work.
Despite these setbacks, the development of the Me 309 continued at a sluggish pace. The first prototype was initially equipped with a 1,750 hp DB603A-1 engine. It would later be replaced by a 1,450 hp DB 605B engine instead during the testing phase. During one landing, the front landing gear collapsed, causing the aircraft to nose down. Fortunately, the damage sustained was minor. However, the same couldn’t be said for the second prototype (GE-CV), which underwent flight testing on November 28, 1942. Upon landing during its maiden flight, the front landing gear failed, resulting in a hard impact on the ground. The force of the impact nearly split the aircraft into two parts, rendering it extensively damaged and subsequently written off. Despite this setback, two more prototypes were constructed during 1943.
Technical characteristics
The Me 309 was conceived as a single-seat fighter, featuring an all-metal construction with a low-wing design. There is limited information available regarding its overall construction. The fuselage was of an oval shape, while the wings were characterized by a dihedral angle with rounded tips, accompanied by automatic leading-edge slots for better maneuverability at low speed. Notably, the wings also incorporated large flaps extending from the wing roots to the ailerons’ end. The canopy was fully glazed, affording excellent visibility of the surroundings.
There is some disagreement among available sources regarding the precise engine used in this aircraft. According to J.R. Smith and A.L. Kay in (German Aircraft of WWII) it was initially powered by a 1,750 hp DB 603A-1 engine, which enabled the Me 309 to achieve a maximum speed of 733 km/h at an altitude of 8,500 meters. This claim is supported by B.C. Wheeler in (Aviation Archive: German Fighters of WWII) although Wheeler does not specify which DB 603 engine was used. On the other hand, Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage, in (Aircraft of the Luftwaffe) mentions that the Daimler-Benz DB 603G engine model was used, with the same maximum speed being achieved. The DB 603G is the likely most correct engine used on the Me 309, considering it was an experimental high-altitude model that never entered mass use.
The later prototypes were powered by a smaller 1,450 hp DB 605B engine. Even the first prototype was eventually reequipped with this engine. As a result, the overall performance dropped significantly to 575 km/h, according to D. Nesić (Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka).
With a fuel capacity of 880 liters, its operational range extended to 1,400 km. Equipped with a retractable ventral radiator positioned under the fuselage, the aircraft’s landing gear retracted inward into the wings. A notable departure from convention was the absence of the standard tailwheel; instead, it featured a nosewheel, retracting rearward into the fuselage’s front section.
Fate
Despite the considerable investment of time and resources into the Me 309 project, its overall flight performance fell short, ultimately leading to the project’s demise. By the beginning of 1943, the RLM had lost interest in the aircraft, prompting the cancellation of the project after the completion of four prototypes. Despite the cancellation, Messerschmitt proceeded to develop two additional prototypes.
One of these, the Me 309V-3 (CA-NK or CA-CW), was intended as a replacement for the lost V-2 prototype. Its maiden flight took place in March or April of 1943. The fourth prototype marked a significant milestone as it was the first to be equipped with offensive armament, including four 13 mm MG 131 (300 rounds), two 20 mm MG 151 (150 rounds), and two 30 mm MK 108 (65 rounds) cannons. Alternatively, it could be outfitted with two 15 mm MG 151 cannons and three 13 mm MG 131s. Although these armaments were primarily experimental and not used operationally, they were essential for various testing purposes.
Unfortunately, the fate of the last two prototypes remains unclear, with records suggesting they were lost during Allied bombing raids in 1944.
Even before the official cancellation, Messerschmitt officials were hopeful for a larger production order. To this end, they presented several variant proposals for the Me 309. The Me 309A was designed as a fighter variant, equipped with one MG 151 cannon and two MG 131 machine guns. The Me 309B was intended to serve as a fighter-bomber variant, armed with two 250 kg (550 lbs) bombs. As for the Me 309C, it was designed as a destroyer, featuring three MG 151 cannons and up to four MG 131s. An intriguing proposal was the Me 309 Zwilling (Eng. Twins), which involved two aircraft joined together in a configuration reminiscent of the post-war US F-82, but ultimately, this concept did not materialize.
Interestingly in 1944 Japan expressed interest in its design and asked for plans and drawings of the Me309V-3 aircraft. But nothing came of this in the end.
Prototypes
Me 309V-1 – First prototype powered by a 1,750 hp DB 603A-1 engine
Me 309V-2 – Second prototype lost during the first test flight
Me 309V-3 – This prototype was built in early 1943 as a replacement for the second prototype
Me 309V-4 – First prototype to be armed.
Proposed Variants
Me 309A – Proposed fighter variant
Me 309B – Proposed fighter-bomber variant
Me 309C –Proposed destroyer variant
Me 309zw- Proposed twi-aircraft configuration
Conclusion
The Me 309, despite the investment and the hope that it would be an adequate successor to the Me 109, proved to be a troubled design and pulled down by wartime pragmatism. From the start, it was plagued by various mechanical problems that were never resolved. The fact that RLM was never interested that much in such a project did not help either. As it would take considerable time to fully remediate all the noted issues, the project was abandoned in favor of the latter Me 262.
Me 309V-1 Specifications
Wingspans
11.04 m / 36 ft 2 in
Length
9.46 m / 31 ft 1 in
Height
3.4 m / ft
Wing Area
16.55 m² / 178.08 ft²
Engine
One 1,750 hp DB 603A-1
Empty Weight
3,530 5kg / 7,784 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
4,250 kg / 9,371 lbs
Maximum Speed
733 km/h / 455 mph
Cruising speed
665 km/h / 413 mph
Range
1,400 km / 870 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling
12,000 m / 39,360 ft
Climb to 8 km
In 10 minutes
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
Illustration
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Illustrations by Oussama Mohamed “Godzilla”
Source:
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putnam
D. Myhra (2000) Messerschmitt Me 209V1, Schiffer Military History
M. Griehl () X-planes German Luftwaffe prototypes 1930-1940, Frontline Book
D.Sharp (2018) Luftwaffe: Secret Designs of the Third Reich, Mortons
Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009) Aircraft Of The Luftwaffe, McFarland & Company, Inc
B. C. Wheeler (2014) Aviation Archive German Fighters of WWII, Kelsey Publishing Group
Upon its introduction before the outbreak of the Second World War, the German Me 109 emerged as one of the premier fighter designs globally. While it proved formidable during the conflict, rival aircraft gradually matched and even exceeded its performance in several key areas. In a bid to secure a successor for the Me 109 late in the war, Messerschmitt endeavored to develop the Me 209A, a highly modified design based on its predecessor. Despite demonstrating promising flight attributes, logistical constraints hindered its adoption for active service.
History
While the Germans acknowledged the effectiveness of the Me 109, it became evident that a new fighter design, or serious enhancements to the existing model, would be necessary. In early 1941, Messerschmitt began developing a successor to the Me 109. This exploration resulted in the creation of the Me 309. It was a brand-new fighter aircraft that incorporated a new fuselage design, larger wings, and a tricycle undercarriage. It was powered by a 1,750 hp DB 603A-1. A few different armament systems were to be tested including four 13 mm MG 131 (300 rounds), two 2 cm MG 151 (150 rounds), and two 30 mm MK 108 (65 rounds) cannons. Alternatively, it could be outfitted with two 15 mm MG 151 cannons and three 13 mm MG 131s.
By June 1942, the prototype underwent flight testing. Despite an initially promising design, testing revealed that the Me 309 did not offer significant improvements over the Me 109G, which was already in mass production. Consequently, recognizing the impracticality of further investment, the Me 309 project was ultimately terminated.
As the development of the Me 309 proved fruitless, Messerschmitt continued to strive towards a suitable replacement for the Me 109. Fortunately for the company, the German Air Ministry (RLM) initiated the development of a new high-altitude fighter on April 23, 1943. In response, Messerschmitt introduced the Me 209. Interestingly, this name was recycled from an earlier project, the original Me 209, which had been crafted specifically to set world-breaking speed records. However, it was ill-suited for military purposes and the project was ultimately shelved having fulfilled its original purpose. Despite this, Messerschmitt endeavored to develop a viable fighter based on the Me 209 but met with little success. To avoid potential confusion, the new project, which bore no resemblance to the record-breaking aircraft, was designated as the Me 209A (also occasionally referred to as the Me 209-II).
In order to expedite development and minimize costs, the design of this new fighter used many components from the Me 109. A powerful engine was essential for achieving optimal flight performance. Thus, the prototype, powered by a 1,750 PS DB 603A-1 engine, underwent completion and testing in early November 1943, with Fritz Wendel as the pilot. To avoid confusion, it was designated as the Me 209V-5 (SP-LJ), distinguishing it from the original Me 209 prototypes, V-1 to V-4.
The success of the first prototype led to the completion and testing of a second prototype by the end of 1943, both exhibiting impressive flight characteristics. Encouraged by this achievement, construction of another prototype commenced. However, due to shortages of the DB 603A-1 engine, the decision was made to utilize the 1,750 hp Jumo 213E instead. This third prototype underwent flight testing in May 1944, prompting a designation change to Me 209A. The prototypes, with their alternate engine configurations, were then distinguished with the suffixes A-0, A-1, and A-2 for the first, second, and third, respectively.
Technical characteristics
Unfortunately given the obscurity of this project, its overall technical specifications are somewhat ambiguous. What is known is that it incorporated some 65% of its construction from the Me 109G. The original Me 109 fuselage was a monocoque design that was divided into two halves. These halves would be placed together and connected using simple flush rivets, thus creating a simple base on which remaining components, like the engine, wings, and instruments would be installed.
In order to accommodate the retracting landing gear, Messerschmitt deliberately opted for a single wing spar positioned towards the rear of the wing. This spar needed to be robust enough to withstand the flight’s load forces. The wings were attached to the fuselage by four sturdy bolts, simplifying the overall wing construction and reducing production costs. The Me209A boasted a larger wingspan and area, consequently increasing wing loading by 25% compared to the original Me 109. Furthermore, alterations were made to the wings and tail to address the Me 109’s strong yaw forces on takeoff. Whether these adjustments successfully rectified the issue in the Me 209A remains unclear according to available sources.
Initially, it was powered by a 1,750 hp DB 603A-1 engine which was provided with an annular radiator and a three-blade propeller. With this engine, a maximum record speed achieved was 724 km/h 450 mph at an altitude of nearly 7 km (22,960 ft). The third prototype (A-2) received a new 1,750 hp Jumo 213E engine. It too was provided with an annular radiator. With it, a maximum speed of 660 km/h (410 mph) was achieved at an altitude of 6 km (19/680 ft)
The canopy was placed in the center of the fuselage. It was a fully enclosed compartment that was riveted to the fuselage.
The Me 109 boasted an unconventional landing gear arrangement, at least for German standards, with the landing gear primarily affixed to the lower center base of the fuselage. This configuration centralized the aircraft’s weight at this pivotal point, while the two landing gear struts extended outward toward the wings. In contrast, the Me 209 utilized a wide-track undercarriage unit, with the pivot points being out on the wings.
Various sources have proposed different armament configurations for the Me 209. One suggestion was the installation of two 3 cm MK 108 cannons, each equipped with 70 rounds of ammunition, alongside two 2 cm MG 151 cannons with 250 rounds per cannon, all to be housed within the aircraft’s wings. Alternatively, another proposal suggested the placement of four MK 108 cannons within the wings and two MG 151 cannons positioned above the engine compartment. However, it remains unclear whether any of these proposed armament configurations were ever implemented on the Me 209A.
Fate
In 1944, further testing ensued, yet for Messerschmitt, the advent of the new Fw 190D posed a challenge. The Fw 109D, slowly making its way into production, boasted better performance, being faster in both high and low altitudes. What ultimately sealed the fate of the Me 209A project was the swiftness and cost-effectiveness with which the Fw 190D could be put into production. While the Me 209 incorporated many components from the Me 109, setting up its production would demand considerable time. A luxury in short supply for the Germans in 1944. Additionally, Messerschmitt’s focus at that time was squarely on the new Me 262 production, leaving scant resources to spare for yet another piston-powered fighter.
Despite these challenges, Messerschmitt made a final push to advance the Me 209 project with the construction and testing of the fourth prototype, designated Me 209H V-1, in June 1944. This iteration underwent several modifications, including enlarged wings and propulsion by a DB 603G engine. Unfortunately, the first prototype fell victim to an air raid on August 14, 1944, casting uncertainty over the fate of the remaining aircraft. Although there were intentions to export the Me 209A to Japan, these plans never materialized. It was also competing with the Ta 152H, which was easier to put into production while also having better performance, at least on paper.
Prototypes
Me 209A-0- First prototype powered by a 1,750 hp DB 603A-1 engine
Me 209A-1- Secon aircraft is essentially a copy of the first prototype
Me 209A-2- Third tested with a new 1,750 Jumo 213E engine
Me 209H V-1 – The fourth prototype powered by a DB 603G engine and received larger wings
Conclusion
The Me 209A project ultimately reached a dead end, not because it was a poorly designed aircraft, but simply because it didn’t offer significant enough improvements to justify production. The new Fw 109D, boasting similar flight performance, was already in the production phase. Introducing yet another new design without any notable advancements in this fighter category would have been illogical and a waste of already meager resources.
Me 209A-2 Specifications
Wingspans
10.95 m / 35 ft 11 in
Length
9.62 m / 31 ft 6 in
Height
3.65 m / 12 ft 2 in
Wing Area
17.15 m² / 184.53 ft²
Engine
1,750 hp Jumo 213E
Empty Weight
3,475kg / 7,662 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
4,200 kg / 9,261 lbs
Maximum Speed
660 km/h / 410 mph
Cruising speed
490 km/h / 305 mph
Range
690 km / 430 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling
13,000 m / 42,650 ft
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None
Illustration
Credits
Written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Illustrations by Oussama Mohamed “Godzilla”
Source:
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putnam
D. Myhra (2000) Messerschmitt Me 209V1, Schiffer Military History
B. C.Wheeler, German Fighters of WWII, Aeroplane Special
R. Jackson (2005) Infamous Aircraft, Pen and Sword
M. Griehl () X-planes German Luftwaffe prototypes 1930-1940, Frontline Book
The Junkers Ju 88 was among the most versatile and longest serving aircraft of the Second World War, and can be counted among the very few that weren’t completely obsolete at the end of hostilities. A modern design in the days preceding the war, it was intended to become the primary medium bomber in Luftwaffe service. In the following years, it to was to be replaced by the more modern Ju 288. However, production shortfalls made phasing out the dated Heinkel 111 unfeasible, and the Ju 288 would never see service, for a multitude of technical reasons. It thus fell on Junkers to keep the Ju 88 updated through the end of the war, producing a number of bombers, fighters, night fighters, and reconnaissance aircraft to service in whatever roles were needed. Among the last of these variants was the Ju 88S, which sought to produce the fastest bomber variant of the aircraft possible.
The Secret Airforce
The rearmament of the German air forces began as a covert program, with the government hiding its efforts in both accumulating a pool of experienced airmen, and producing capable combat airplanes. The foundations of a new air force were laid during the Weimar period, where all of the existing civil airlines were merged into the state owned Deutsche Lufthansa enterprise under the directorship of Erhard Milch. Milch was a former Junkers employee, and future Inspector General of the Luftwaffe during the Second World War. In running Lufthansa, he created a pool of experienced pilots, aircrew, and maintainers under a single state enterprise, one which could provide the necessary expertise for providing the human resources necessary for any new military organization.
The task of arming this air force had to be achieved more covertly, and was pursued through two means. The first was simply to continue the production of civilian aircraft in order to maintain technical competence and an industrial base for building aircraft, and secondly, to design military equipment in secret abroad. The largest of these efforts was in the Soviet Union where several firms, the first being Junkers, built facilities supplied with shadow funding from the Weimar government. The Junkers plant at Fili, near Moscow, would sell military aircraft to the nascent USSR while gaining invaluable design and production expertise for facilities back in Germany.
In the years to follow, German aircraft firms would go on to produce a number of dual-use civilian aircraft. Even before the rise of the Nazi party in Germany, this secret rearmament program was producing designs like the Junkers K-37 high speed mail plane, which was developed into a bomber in Japan as the Mitsubishi K-1 and 2. The designs of new military aircraft accelerated under the Nazi regime, who unlike their predecessors, were not simply interested in keeping pace in military aviation, but were now looking for weapons to defeat the United Kingdom, France, and the Soviet Union.
The new Luftwaffe was to have a very strong striking arm, and thus needed a bomber fleet. To meet this need, the government requested designs for high speed airliners and mail delivery aircraft that could double as light and medium bombers. By the end of 1935, this contest produced the Heinkel He 111, the Dornier Do 17, and the Junkers Ju 86. They were all capable, and very modern for their day, but with the expectation of conflict by around 1940 it was clear a second generation of aircraft would be needed to phase out these models once they began to show their age. The resources for this effort were in a competition between a large, four engine Uralbomber to strike at targets deep within the Soviet Union, and a smaller twin-engined Schnellbomber, a shorter ranged, more flexible medium bomber. The death of the Uralbomber’s strongest supporter, General Wever, and the more practical concerns of being able to support a fleet of heavy bombers, ensured the Schnellbomber’s ascendancy. Beyond this, the range of medium bombers was judged sufficient for war against France and Britain, who were seen as the primary opponents to the regime in the short term, and thus Germany would have the time to develop a heavy bomber later on for war against the Soviet Union.
This Schnellbomber was to be a fast medium bomber capable of engaging distant targets without need for an escort or heavy defensive armament. The requirements were listed as needing a top speed of 500 km/h, a 1000 kg bomb load, a range of 2500 km, and of course it needed to have a modest production impact, taking no more than 30,000 man hours to build. Junkers, and Willi Messerschmitt at the Bayerisch Flugzeugwerke, were the only major competitors, and though Messerschmitt’s Bf 162 was the simpler of the two, the design was not altogether finished at the time of its submission, and thus the Junkers Ju 88 was the clear front runner.
The Junkers Ju 88 was a modern, but not revolutionary design, it represented the most up to date concepts in airplane design, did but not incorporate any cutting edge technology. It was originally developed as a high speed level-bomber, but after the death of General Weaver, Ernst Udet was made the general Flugzeugmeister, the general inspector for the Luftwaffe. This change would result in severe complications to its, and other aircraft’s, development. A fervent advocate of the newly refined techniques of dive bombing, he made it a requirement that new bombers be made able to perform these attacks, which would require a substantial number of modifications to the design. Udet was a famed Great War aviator, but had very little in the way of engineering knowledge, and this decision slowed the development of the Ju 88, and largely doomed the later heavy bomber projects.
This requirement saw the program shift from the aircraft being a Schnellbomber to the multipurpose ‘Wunderbomber’, which required significant structural strengthening and the installation of dive breaks with an automatic recovery system. This added drag, weight, and delays in prototyping, but in the end, the design changes were worked into the aircraft satisfactorily. Production however was not forthcoming, as the German aviation industry would struggle to shift a massive proportion of capacity to building the new plane at an overly optimistic, and unreachable, rate of 300 per month. The plans for the plane were delivered in 1934, and the first prototype flew in 1936, but serial production only began in 1939. It wasn’t until 1940 that the Ju 88A-1 medium bomber was being produced at about ⅔’s of the desired 300 planes per month. It was the massive number of design changes resulting from the typical industrial corrections, the mission changes from the Luftwaffe, and simply basic design tweaks, that caused delay after delay.
Teething issues notwithstanding, the Luftwaffe had its most advanced bomber in the form of the Ju 88A. While it wasn’t the supposedly untouchable high speed bomber it was originally supposed to be, it was a multipurpose aircraft capable of carrying out a much wider number of missions. While it was slower than the original concept, it traded that speed for being able to engage large, mobile targets such as trains, columns of vehicles on roads, ships, and static point targets too small to be hit with level bombing.
The Early Years
Following its slow production during 1939, the Ju 88A was not employed widely until 1940, during the invasion of Norway. Its pilots were immediately appreciative of the plane’s superior handling and speed over the older bombers in service, and its dive attack capabilities were soon put to use. Equipped with the new aircraft, elements of Kampfgruppe 30 engaged a number of Allied ships during Operation Weserubung, badly damaging the cruiser HMS Suffolk, the French cruiser Emile, and sinking the destroyer HMS Gurkha.
It was during the invasion of Belgium and France that some of the design’s shortcomings became apparent, chief of which was its poor defensive armament and the limited fields of fire from the forward and top-rear machine gun positions. Not yet employed in significant numbers, the Ju 88 units on this front participated mostly in attacks against the French air force in suppressing their bases and attacking aircraft production. Beyond this they attacked port facilities and shipping to complicate the transportation of forces between Britain and the continent.
The attacks on the UK, culminating in the weeks that have come to be known as the Battle of Britain, would further demonstrate the destructive capabilities of the Ju 88, but also its vulnerability to fighters. In the end, bomber losses were high among all Luftwaffe units involved, with Ju 88 units specifically having trouble maintaining serviceability rates with their new aircraft. In short, both the RAF and Luftwaffe were pulverized and great damage was rained across much of Southern England, but in the end the defenders prevailed, and the Luftwaffe was forced to retreat and regroup.
Returning that fall, the Luftwaffe began the Blitz, nightly attacks against British cities conducted in the hope of breaking the resolve of the civilian populace. For the Germans, these raids would be less costly, but unlike earlier attacks on British production and shipping, there was little they could point to as a success beyond the acreage of burned out homes. The performance of the Ju 88 over the He 111 and Do 17 on these missions was largely a non-issue given the inaccuracy of nightly air defenses, and the small, but growing, RAF night fighter force. The true battle was being fought over the airwaves with the Luftwaffe using radio navigation aids to guide bombers to their targets, and the British sending out their own signals to disrupt them.
Adaptation
As with all military aircraft, design improvements were constantly being worked in via small changes, or different design variants. While there are few aircraft with as many variant designs as the Ju 88, these started simple. Initially there was a basic heavy fighter conversion of the Ju 88A-1, the Ju 88C-1 and 2. The glass ‘beetle’s eye’ nose glaze was replaced with a metal nose with fittings for 7.92mm machine guns, and 15 mm and 20 mm autocannons. These were built by modifying completed bombers, and in the earliest models, these fighters still had bombing gear and dive brakes. Beyond these easy converts, it was clear the basic bomber design itself could be significantly improved. The first major revision was in installing a set of long span wings and replacing the 1200hp Junker Jumo 111B’s for newer, more powerful models. While the more powerful Jumo 111J would not be produced in the numbers needed until 1941, implementing a new, longer span wing proved easy enough thanks to the modular construction of the aircraft. The revised design was the Ju 88A-5, which would go on to see service during the Blitz and the campaigns to follow.
The first thorough improvement to the design was the Ju 88A-4, which incorporated the long span wings, a redesigned rear canopy equipped with a second gun to improve firing arcs, better radio equipment, and the new Jumo 211J engines which each produced 200 PS more than the older Jumo 211B. This new design would prove to be the foundation for many more variants of the aircraft, all made to pursue different missions.
By the end of the Blitz, the Luftwaffe was having to contend with the nightly bombing of Germany by the RAF’s Bomber Command, and the Mediterranean theater, which featured action at very long ranges against maritime and ground targets alike. To suit these disparate needs, several new variant designs of the Ju 88A-4 were created. Mass produced heavy fighters were built to service long range day and night fighter squadrons, torpedo computers and shackles were added for anti-shipping units, and streamlined recon planes were built. Once the Jumo 211J was available in large numbers in 1942, Ju 88A-4 production would surge after pre-built airframes were finally receiving their new engines, and thus the number of Ju 88’s variants was expanded upon as well.
Mid War Service
By the end of 1942, the war had grown to four major fronts and the Ju 88 was used extensively on all of them. Over the Bay of Biscay Ju 88C-6 long range fighters flew cover for U-Boats, over Western Europe they served as night fighters, and across the Mediterranean and Eastern Fronts there were a great number of bomber, torpedo bomber, and photo reconnaissance units. However, near the end of 1942, the Ju 88A-4 derived models were starting to grow more vulnerable as the Luftwaffe’s fighter forces saw continued attrition. The Allied fighter forces were also growing considerably in strength, especially those of the UK and US who were building a considerable technological edge over their German opponents. With the Ju 288 having failed to materialize, Junkers would have to return to the drawing board with their old design.
With the wings already having been modified, further performance improvements were to come through streamlining and new engines. In 1942, a proposed major redesign of the aircraft with a new, streamlined canopy was proposed and prototyped, but it was clear that the production delays in adopting this new Ju 88B would be unacceptable. The new design would be included in the later Ju 188, but no major fuselage changes would be made on the Ju 88 for the rest of the war. Instead, a streamlined nose glazing would be considered, as would a new rear streamlined canopy with a defensive 13mm Mg 131 gun mount.
The only new major change in equipment was the introduction of the BMW 801 engine, which was now available in greater numbers, no longer reserved for Fw 190 fighter production. The Jumo 111J, even in its improved form, was growing increasingly obsolete as it had reached its operational limits. A successor design, the Jumo 213 with an improved pressurized cooling system, and designed to operate at much higher RPMs, was in development, but Germany’s reliance on second rate ‘economy alloys’, and resources being spread thin across several competing engine designs had caused long, painful delays. Once Germany’s access to molybdenum, tungsten, cobalt, and nickel were restricted by the Allied blockade, engine development ran into significant barriers. Thus, modified versions of older designs presented some of the few ways forward.
The BMW 801 promised a power increase of over 300 PS per engine, and beyond that it featured a highly advanced engine control system that meant the pilot only needed to adjust the throttle, and the system would adjust the RPM, boost, and mixture as needed. It’s only major drawback was its relatively dated single stage supercharger. Regardless, it represented the way forward for the Ju 88, and several new designs were drafted using this engine. The first of these were heavy fighters, which were much improved thanks to this massive increase in horsepower. The Ju 88R series would be the first mass produced variants to use this engine, but it still used an otherwise unmodified bomber airframe. There was much to be improved in regards to aerodynamics, especially in the case of the lower underslung ‘gondola’ which carried a pair of autocannons and a position for a ventral gunner on the Ju 88R. Further developments would see the removal of this feature, and net a massive reduction in drag, which would lead to the development of the final series of production Ju 88s.
These new models would be the Ju 88G, a night fighter, the Ju 88T, a reconnaissance aircraft, and the Ju 88S, a high speed level bomber and pathfinding aircraft. Apart from a few pieces of specialized equipment, and the larger vertical stabilizer on the Ju 88G, these aircraft shared the same supply chain, and the technical differences between them were so minor that they shared basic manuals. This would prove vital, as during this period, Inspector General Erhard Milch was attempting to rationalize all aircraft production into as few airframes as possible in order to increase overall production, and to ease the requirements of servicing aircraft. As part of this scheme, the Ju 88 would prove essential, with its single airframe fulfilling many of the most essential roles in the Luftwaffe.
The new Ju 88S, would resemble the recon plane almost entirely save for its lack of camera mounts. It was fitted with the low drag nose cone first installed aboard the earlier recon models, BMW 801D engines, and the dive brakes were removed. Compared to the Ju 88A-4, the top speed in a clean configuration was increased from 470 km/h to 588 km/h, at 6 km. At its maximum cruise speed of 460km/h, the plane nearly reached the maximum speed of the previous model. Performance could be improved further at high altitudes using the GM-1 nitrous boost system. The system was simple, it used the nitrous as an oxygen carrier to increase the oxygen content of the air entering the manifold at altitudes where the supercharger’s effectiveness fell off, and recovered engine performance otherwise lost to the thinner air. Using this system saw these planes reach a top speed of 610 km/h at 8km. Of course, carrying an external bomb load would seriously affect these speeds, but this boost in performance was remarkable. While the Ju 88S had sacrificed its dive bombing capability, it more than made up for it in sheer speed, which put it in the same league as the otherwise incomparable DeHavilland Mosquito Bomber.
The first of these planes was the prototype Ju 88V-56, which was followed by 24 production aircraft delivered up until June of 1943. These were not new airframes, however, but rebuilt Ju 88A-4’s, converted at Junkers Flugzeugwerk Magdeburg. Few major changes to this design were made until later, though the engines were soon changed to BMW 801G-2s, which was geared specifically for use in bombers.
Schnellbomber Once More
The first unit to receive these aircraft was Gruppe I of Kampfgruppe 66, this being a specialized pathfinding unit whose task was to lead bombers to their targets at night. They received the first of the aircraft of May of 1943, and were employed in small raids and reconnaissance operations over Southern England from their base in Chartres, France. One of the first losses came on the 30th, when one plane was shot down by a Mosquito night fighter, who pursued and intercepted them at 30,000ft. The crew bailed out, and the plane went down over England, its wreckage carefully picked over once the empty canisters of the GM-1 system were identified.
The unit trained for raids conducted with conventional beam navigation systems, but also the newer EGON method. This system operated using one or more Freya radars which tracked the path of an aircraft by its Identify Friend-or-Foe transponder signal and guided it along its course toward the target via radio transmission. Such a system would require a well trained crew as the Freya’s lack of a height finding capability meant that careful attention would be needed to maintain the plane’s altitude while receiving directions from the ground controller. This system would be less vulnerable to jamming than the radio beam direction types that the British were already familiar with, but it still relied on the typical Luftwaffe communications systems, which they were also familiar with.
It wasn’t until 1944 that they were used for their intended purpose, during the revenge motivated Operation Steinbock, or ‘Baby Blitz’ as it came to be known. The previous year had seen an intensification of the Allied Bombing of Germany, especially with the highly destructive raids against the city of Hamburg, and the disastrous Bomber Command offensive against Berlin in the Winter. In the span of those six grueling months, Bomber Command went from its highest capability for destruction, to its worst blunder of the war so far. Despite the apparent futility of the assault on their own capital, Hitler wished to exact a cost on the British people, and Reichsmarshal Goering felt it was an opportunity to show the lethality of his air force. The Luftwaffe had seen some improvements, and the addition of the massive, if troubled He 177 heavy bombers, gave the force a destructive new weapon. In contrast to the highest echelons of leadership, Colonel Dietrich Peltz, who was to direct the operation, wished to use this concentration of bombers against Allied shipping, which he believed could damage their oceanic supply lines before an anticipated cross-channel invasion. He failed to convince either of his superiors, and thus proceeded with Operation Steinbock.
KG 66 was effectively the leading edge of the force which peaked at 524 planes, supplying a total 42 bombers, 23 being Ju 88S-1s. The general level of night flying proficiency among the raiders was poor, and thus the pathfinders were essential in leading the raiding force to their targets. The attack was to mirror the tactics of RAF’s Bomber Command, with light, specialized pathfinders plotting a route for heavy bombers carrying the heaviest types of bombs available, intermixed with smaller incendiaries, and fragmentation bombs on timers set to explode well after the raid ended. The assault began on the night of January 21/22, and it immediately became apparent that all of the existing guidance systems in use were compromised, even EGON to an extent. In spite of this, EGON was the primary system in use on these raids, and was capable of high accuracy on nights without interference. Early in the campaign, on a night of poor visibility, the pathfinders failed to illuminate London, and only some 30 of 500 tons of bombs fell on the city that night. The RAF and the city’s Flak batteries would claim 20 planes, with 15 being lost to accidents.
However, the Luftwaffe was committed to the offensive, and launched another attack at the end of the month, and they returned to the city 7 more times in February, when the pathfinders had shown serious improvement. In March, they shifted their attention somewhat to Hull, and Bristol, but London remained their primary target, attacked five more times in March before the last major raid on the city in mid April. The Germans had little to show for their attacks, as while they had done a great deal of damage to the city, the worst since the Blitz, they found the Londoners as immovable as they had been near the start of the war. For their efforts, the Luftwaffe had largely expended their bomber forces, with Luftflotte 3’s Fliegerkorps IX now being left with 130 serviceable bombers. Reserves were drawn upon for replacements, and forces were redeployed from the Mediterranean, but there was nothing that could hope to challenge the 7000 planes of the Allied Air Forces across the channel. What might have been a potent strike force against the invasion was blunted in a shortsighted disaster that not only failed to take into account the lessons from Blitz, but what they themselves faced from Allies only weeks ago.
The Last Effort
I./KG 66 did not escape Steinbock untouched, losing about half of their aircraft, with only their Ju 88S and Ju 188 bombers remaining. However, as a specialized unit, and one of the only users of the Ju 88S, they were soon supplied with fresh aircraft and set to a new mission. Steinbock had largely destroyed the Luftwaffe’s bomber forces, and thus there was little use for a pathfinder force tasked with directing large formations of bombers. The Luftwaffe’s fortunes had also declined since the futile offensive, as the American 8th and 15th air forces were employing long range escorts which now contested the airspace over all of Western Europe. When the Allies returned to France, they did so under the protective canopy of their fighter forces. To strike at the American and British armies now deployed to France, one of the few options available was to attack at night. With the bomber force having been depleted, it would thus fall to what remained, with assistance from night fighter squadrons, to carry out attacks against the Allied beachhead, supply lines, and frontline positions.
In this, I./KG 66 was perhaps the best equipped squadron for the task, having superior navigational training, and better aircraft than the typical raiders. Their operations were infrequent through the Autumn of 1944, while they rebased several times to keep ahead of the advancing Allied armies. Beyond this, there was a lull in night operations across the Western Front from roughly September to December. Their situation had deteriorated significantly, with chronic fuel shortages now being universal, and the Western Allies having succeeded in blinding German early warning systems by deploying ground based jammers to the continent.
It was during the last month of 1944 that Germany’s remaining resources in the west were to be placed on an all-or-nothing offensive to stall the advance of the Allied armies. Operation Wacht Am Rhein would involve throwing what remained of the Heer’s offensive capabilities at the Allies at a moment where they had outpaced their supply lines. One of the major factors for the operation was the need for poor weather, to eliminate the Allied advantage in the air. For both sides of the coming battle, the only air units that could take part were those capable of instrument flying. For the Germans, this eliminated the use of all but the scarce remaining bombers, and their night fighters, which had become a second line night attack force since the Normandy landings. Against them were handful of American P-61 night fighters, with most of the RAF’s Mosquito squadrons having been transferred to the UK to refit to the new Mk XXX.
KG 66 was to take a vital and early lead in the air operations during the offensive, where it would again act as a pathfinder force. They now also operated the Ju 88S-3 from their base in Dedelsdorf, Germany, this being a new subtype that used the more reliable Jumo 213A engines. Operations began on the night of December 17/18, with the Luftwaffe mounting some 243 night attack sorties. KG 66’s role was to aid in the navigation of night fighters, and to illuminate targets along the roads between Sittard, Maastricht, and Liege. Given the Allied supply situation, and the chaotic road traffic experienced across the front, these strafing and cluster bomb attacks would inflict considerable losses and sow confusion along the roads. Losses among the night fighters themselves were steep, as despite the minor presence of allied night fighters, the use of proximity, radar-fused shells among Allied flak units proved lethal.
The night attack force would fly out the next night, with only limited success, but no losses. These attacks would continue throughout the offensive against rear line supply convoys, trains, and troop concentrations. They had some notable success, but at a very high cost to the night fighter force at a time when experienced aircrews could not be replaced. KG 66 would fare somewhat better given their less direct role in the assault, and would have an active strength of 29 Ju 88S-3s by January 10th, 1945. By this time, the S-3 was also found in the inventories of a number of standard bomber units. Outside of KG 66, the largest numbers of the aircraft were found in the first and second Gruppe of LG 1, a training unit now serving in combat, having been issued the aircraft the previous July.
For the next few weeks, what remained of the German bomber and night fighter forces of the Western front would be used as night harassment forces. Morale plummeted as there was little hope of anything being achieved in these costly actions, and the best of the RAF’s night fighter forces were again on the continent. During these night raids, crews felt a constant anxiety over the presence of the dreaded Mosquito, which possessed both incredible speed and an endurance that allowed it to pursue targets on long chases. When these planes were found to be operating in a certain region, night attack sorties for the night were called off. Such notices came at a great relief to the dwindling number of bomber and night fighter crews who were called upon to support the army as it retreated ever deeper into Germany itself. In the final weeks of the war, KG 66 was merged with KG 200 and participated in night harassment sorties until the capitulation of the German armed forces.
Handling and Use Characteristics
The Ju 88S retained the good flying characteristics the series was known for. It featured well harmonized, responsive controls that remained light at higher speeds, and possessed excellent take off and landing characteristics. The use of the highly automated BMW 801 and Jumo 213 engines also removed a substantial amount of workload for the pilot, who only needed to adjust the throttle to bring the aircraft to its various power settings. Combined with the level, azimuth only autopilot, the Ju 88 was an aircraft many Luftwaffe crews felt confident in flying hands off for extended periods of time. This would prove essential considering the mostly nocturnal use of the plane, where pilots flew by instruments and needed to pay close attention to the various navigational signals guiding them to their targets. Overall, the Ju 88 has been described as a viceless aircraft with very forgiving handling.
It would also prove to be incredibly fast, with a clean configuration allowing the Ju 88S-1 to reach 588 km/h at 6 km. Using various boost systems allowed the aircraft to reach higher speeds. GM-1 nitrous boosting allowed the S-1 to reach 610 km/h at 8 km, with the S-3 being able to reach 615 km/h. At lower altitudes, the S-3 could make use of methanol-water injection to allow the engine to produce considerably more power. While no data is extant on performance of the aircraft with this system, crew testimonies claim the heavier Ju 88G-6 night fighters were capable of exceeding 600 km/h at lower altitudes using MW50.
Famed Royal Navy pilot Capt. Erik ‘Winkle’ Brown would also be among the few allied pilots to have had the opportunity to fly many models of the Ju 88, from bombers to night fighters. Capt. Brown felt the aircraft possessed largely the same excellent handling characteristics from the Ju 88A-5 medium bomber to the Ju 88G-6 nightfighter. He praised it for its easy ground handling, thanks to its excellent brakes, it’s good handling during climbs, and light controls at cruising speed.
Capt. Brown would spend more time with the G-6, a variant very similar in construction to the Ju 88S-3, and was able to put one through more demanding tests. Having previously flown several versions of the Ju 88, Brown was particularly impressed by the high speeds he reached in a Ju 88G-6 (Werk-nr 621965). The aircraft remained in line with his general, glowing remarks over the Ju 88. “It was a pilot’s airplane, first and last, it demanded a reasonable degree of skill in handling and it responded splendidly when such skill was applied. There was a number of very good German aircraft but, with the exception of the Fw 190, none aroused my profound admiration as did the Junkers ‘eighty-eight’.”
Perhaps the simplest, but greatest, advantage the aircraft had was in the close proximity of the crewmembers, which allowed them easy communication in the event of intercom failure or emergency. It also allowed the pilot to be seated beside the gunner and flight engineer, an ideal arrangement providing both easy communication and good situational awareness. This arrangement also provided good protection from rearward attacks, with the armored gunner’s position and the bulkhead armor between the crew and any attacker. Should all else fail, the bail out procedure was as simple as it could have been. The entire rear of the canopy detached, allowing for all of the crew to bail out from the shared compartment.
The general design of the aircraft was modular, with the wings, stabilizers, and engine units being attached to the aircraft by very robust, but easily removable connectors. Thus, the maintenance, replacement, or adjustment of any one of these components was made far easier. This lent to an overall ease of maintainability for the ground crews who could perform dreaded tasks like engine replacements rapidly, and without much exertion. The unified engine units could simply be disconnected and pulled away from the mount.
While it inherited the benefits of the original design, it also had its flaws. The most obvious of which was the poor visibility due to the bars of the reinforced cockpit frame, which reduced visibility, and the troublesome landing gear which had a tendency to buckle if the aircraft was brought down too hard. The landing gear was a hydraulically actuated set that rotated 90 degrees so that the wheels would lie flat within their nacelles. This greatly reduced drag, as the shallower landing gear bays contributed far less to the frontal area of the plane, but they could be broken in hard landings or harsh ground maneuvers while carrying a heavy payload. These types of accidents were typically handled by the local repair staff, but greater levels of damage often called for an aircraft to be disassembled and sent to repair depots, or factories, for restoration.
The most common accidents with the plane were landing accidents involving flipping the plane over onto its nose. Due to the forward placement of the engines, it wasn’t uncommon for the plane to flip over forward while landing, when less experienced pilots were too heavy on the brakes. These typically resulted in little more than damaged propellers and smashed nose cones, and thus didn’t remove an aircraft from service for very long. In more dramatic cases the plane could be flipped onto its back and injuring the crew.
Production
As one of the more minor variants of the Ju 88, the S was manufactured across several facilities, with both new built, and modified production models. The Ju 88S-1 was entirely an Umbau series, a modified production aircraft built from new Ju 88A-4 airframes. These were produced at the Junkers plant in Magdeburg, with the first deliveries arriving in the Spring. At Magdeburg, a total of 57 planes were manufactured in 1943, with 14 more being built the following year, with production being terminated in May.
The Ju 88S-3 was built as both new airframes, and modified production aircraft. All of the new production aircraft were built at the Henschel Aircraft Factory in 1944, beginning in June. Here, they replaced the production of the Ju 88A-4, with a total of 264 rolling off the line in 1944, and 12 more the following year. The Henschel plant built another 15 from Ju 88A-4s. The Ju 88S-3 was by far the more prolific of the two and wasn’t just regarded as a specialized aircraft, with deliveries being made to standard bomber squadrons. Apart from these bombers, Deutsche Lufthansa at Berlin-Staaken converted 3 Ju 88S-3’s to high speed couriers and transports.
The production of the Ju 88S itself continued at a fairly high pace for a specialized design well into 1944, when bomber production was drastically cut in favor of fighters. There was also a declining interest in piston engine bombers, as the German aviation industry began to produce a growing number of jet aircraft. The Arado 234 was seen as an obvious successor, being the only reconnaissance plane that was truly non interceptable.
The build conditions of these aircraft declined precipitously between 1943 and 1944 as the German war effort ran short on key materials, and an ever growing number of factory workers were drafted. This hit a critical level in 1943, where the mass use of forced labor became the standard across most wartime German industries. In aviation, it had become an accepted practice the previous year, with concentration camp inmates being made to work at a number of plants. As the German labor pool continued to be drained, an even larger proportion of forced laborers were used, now drawing large numbers from the concentration camp system, and forcefully deported workers from Eastern Europe. This change saw a vast drop in working conditions and a large increase in sabotage; production quantities surged while quality backslid considerably. This process was overseen by Erhard Milch, inspector general for the air force, and armaments minister Albert Speer. They expanded upon the use of forced labor drastically in early 1944, following the American Air Forces targeting of German fighter production. This enabled them to build more aircraft than ever before, but saw a sharp increase in rates of sabotage and an overall decline in quality.
Much of this production strategy also relied on corner cutting and the implementation of extremely long work hours, with a 72 hour work week eventually becoming the standard. In terms of materials, they cut back the production of spare parts, began to accept well-used parts in new production aircraft, and recycled refurbished equipment from written-off planes. The production of all but a small, crucial number of fighter, night fighter, and reconnaissance models were cut drastically or eliminated. Overall, this strategy allowed them to drastically boost fighter production in the short term, but the rate could not be maintained and declined in the fall of 1944, only a few weeks after its peak.
Construction
Fuselage
The Ju 88A-4 was the most widely produced bomber variant and formed the basis of the Ju 88S’s design. This was also true in a literal sense, with many of the new models being built from existing A-4s. It was conventional all metal aircraft in its construction, and, while it pushed few technical boundaries, it was state of the art and versatile. It was primarily made of aluminum alloys, with cast parts used for load bearing elements. Some use of Elektron magnesium alloy was made to further reduce weight, but later in the war this had been replaced by steel, which was primarily used in the landing gear fittings. The fuselage cross section was rectangular with rounded corners and clad in large sheet aluminum stampings. It used a semi-monocoque structure made up of formers and bulkheads joined by connectors that ran front to aft, with the outer aluminum skin riveted to both elements, which allowed it to bear some of the structural load. Its structural load factor was 4.5 with a 1.1 multiplier for the first wrinkle, 1.3 for yield, and 1.8 for failure. In service, it proved very sturdy, with Junkers engineers claiming after the war that there had been no reported major structural failures over the service life of the airframe.
By the time of the Ju 88S, the construction process had been improved to the point where the fuselage was built from sub-assemblies that would become the upper and bottom halves of the fuselage. These would then be joined together after wiring and internal components were fitted. Wing construction followed a similar process, making heavy use of sub assemblies, followed by equipment installation, skinning, and painting.
Wings
The Ju 88’s wings were the heaviest part of the aircraft, comprising much of its total structural weight at over 1200 kg. A pair of massive main spars ran from the root to the wing tip, a rear spar ran across the entire span of the wing to support the flaps and aileron. One forward spar ran from the engine nacelles to the fuselage to transfer thrust from the engines and support loads from the landing gear. These spars were joined by relatively few airfoil shaped ribs and stiffened with corrugated aluminum. The wings were joined to the fuselage by means of four large ball-screw connectors, which made for easy assembly and alignment.
The vertical stabilizer was fixed to the fuselage by means of the same ball-screw connectors as the wings. Installing it was simple, with the rudderless stabilizer being fitted to the fuselage, and the rudder fin being affixed afterwards. The horizontal stabilizers did not use the same fitting system. Instead, they were each inserted into the fuselage by two spars which were then bolted together.
As previously stated, the landing gear could prove troublesome due compromises in its design. During early prototyping, the landing gear was redesigned to use a single strut that would rotate so that it would lie flat beneath the wing when retracted. While this did remove frontal area that would have seriously impacted the aircraft’s high speed performance, it came at the cost of added complexity, and made for a far less robust landing gear arrangement. Differing from earlier series, the Ju 88S’s landing gear frames made use of welded cast steel instead of light weight alloys.
The wings were also equipped with an excellent de-icing system which took in air, ran it through a heat exchanger around the exhaust ejector stacks, drove it through channels in the wings, and then out over the ailerons. As the BMW 801 had no exhaust stacks compatible with this system, they made use of a petrol-fired heater to supply air to the de-icing system on the Ju 88S-1.
Engines
Apart from the initial use of BMW 801D’s, the Ju 88S used two engines in service, the BMW 801G-2 and the Junkers Jumo 213A-1. The BMW 801G-2 was a 14 cylinder, 41.8 liter radial engine which produced a maximum of 1715 PS at 2700 rpm. It had a bore and stroke of 156 mm by 156 mm, weighed 1210 kg, had a compression ratio of 7.22:1, and ran on C3 95 octane aviation gasoline. It was equipped with a single stage, two speed supercharger that gave the engine a full throttle height of 6 km. Despite its lackluster high altitude performance, the engine had a massive advantage in its high level of automation. Designed with an mechanical-hydraulic computer, called the Kommandogerät, the pilot needed only to adjust the throttle to bring the engines to a higher or lower power setting. RPM, mixture, and boost were all managed by this system, and massively reduced the pilot’s workload. The BMW 801G-2 would be installed aboard the Ju 88S-1 before later being replaced with the Jumo 213A-1 on the S-3.
The Jumo 213A was a 35 liter, inverted V-12 that was derived from the earlier Jumo 211. The new engine was designed to work at significantly higher RPMs and featured a new pressurized cooling system, which kept the internal pressure stable regardless of altitude. The engine ran on B4 gasoline, which was approximately 89 to 91 octane by the stage of the war this aircraft was used. The primary issue with the older Jumo 211 was its open cooling system which left it open to the effects of external air pressure. At higher altitudes, the lower boiling point of water severely its performance. The new engine possessed a smaller block, a more powerful supercharger, and an automated control device, like that on the BMW 801, called the Bediengerat. The A, being a low altitude model of the engine, had a single stage, two speed supercharger. This gave the engine a full throttle height of around 6 km, roughly the same as the BMW 801. The engine had a bore and stroke of 150mm by 165mm, a weight of 940 kg, a compression ratio of 6.5:1, and it produced 1775 PS at 3250 RPM. A large annular radiator provided cooling for the engine’s pressurized cooling system, and oil.
Both engines were installed in ‘Kraftei’ units which placed the engine and its associated cooling systems within a single, unified arrangement. These allowed for a great ease of maintenance, as the entire engine could be easily removed and replaced. These engines were fitted with VDM and VS-111 propellers on the BMW 801G and Jumo 213A respectively. Both engines employed direct fuel injection.
Fuel System
Fuel capacity varied dramatically depending on the mission loadout, as the rear fuselage tank would be removed in order to carry the GM-1 or MW 50 bottles. Fuel tankage consisted of multiple wing tanks contributing 1680 liters, a forward fuselage fuel tank of 1220 liters, a rear fuselage tank of 680 liters, and up to two external fuel tanks of 900 liters. At the lowest fuel capacity of 1680 liters, the Ju 88S-1 could fly a maximum of 1130 km at a cruise speed of 420 km/h, or 750 km at a maximum cruise speed of 460 km/h. At a maximum fuel capacity of 3580 liters, this was increased to 2415 km at low cruise, and 1590 km at high cruise.
Endurance with the Jumo 213A-1 powered Ju 88S-3 was somewhat lower, with a reduced fuel capacity of 1680 liters giving the aircraft a range of 1000 km at cruising speed of 410 km/h, and a range of 900 km at a maximum cruise speed of 450 km/h. The maximum operational fuel load was reduced to 2900 liters, which permitted a range of 2050 km at low cruise, and 1570 km at high.
Engine Boost Systems
The Ju 88S-1 could carry the GM1 high altitude boost system, and its successor, the S-3 could carry this system and the low altitude MW 50 low altitude boost system. The GM1 system was a nitrous boost system which provided high oxygen content to the engine at altitudes where the super charger failed to provide a boost with enough oxygen content to run the engine at its higher power settings. The mixture was delivered into the supercharger intake by means of compressed air. Activating the system was done by flipping the activation switch in the cockpit, which was accompanied by gauges showing the pressure remaining in the system. The activation time was approximately five minutes.
The chilled liquid nitrous was stored in insulated bottles, in either a three bottle arrangement, where each held approximately 90 liters, or a single large container containing approximately 284 liters. The flow of nitrous was either 3.26 kg per engine, per minute, or when set to the emergency setting, 5.98 kg per engine per minute. The emergency setting was typically ignored, as it was seen to cause engine trouble. In the three bottle version, the boost could be sustained for a non-consecutive 45 minutes, or 27 at the emergency setting. The chilled nitrous also aided in reducing knock via charge cooling. It should be understood that this system does not boost the maximum power output of the engine, but is rather a method of recovering power lost due to the thinner air at high altitudes. The activation height for the BMW 801 was 7 km, below which it offered no benefit.
MW 50 was a low altitude boost system to increase the maximum power output of the engine. This is done by reducing knock and allowing the engine to run at manifold pressures far higher than normal. This is achieved by increasing the overall octane rating of the fuel by adding methanol, rated at approximately 115, and water, which allows for a denser airflow at the manifold via charge cooling. This allowed the Jumo 213A to run at 2100 PS, roughly a 325 PS increase. Use of the system was rare on the Ju 88S.
It was not without its drawbacks. Firstly, the mixture was highly corrosive, and even with its anti-corrosion additive, it markedly shortened the lifespan of the engine. Second, was that it was restricted to use at lower altitudes. Unlike GM1 which delivered using pressurized air bottles, MW 50 was supplied into the supercharger via a pump. After rising above the supercharger’s maximum effective height, pressure in the system would fall until it offered no benefit to performance.
Crew Accommodations
The crew arrangement on all Ju 88 models would set the entire crew within the canopy and in close contact with one another. The bombardier sat to the pilot’s right, a flight engineer/gunner at the pilot’s back, and a ventral gunner sat beside the flight engineer or in a prone position inside the “gondola”, where his weapon was located. Aboard the Ju 88S, the ventral gunner’s position had been omitted with the removal of the gondola, however the positions of the other crew members remained largely unchanged. While these close quarters arrangements were somewhat claustrophobic, they ensured easy communication between the pilot and the rest of the crew at all times. It also made for a much simpler bail out procedure, as half the canopy would detach and allow for a quick escape for all aboard. In the Ju 88S, the crew entered the aircraft through a hatch below the cockpit.
Armament
The aircraft came equipped with a pair of ETC 500 underwing racks which could support a payload of up to 1800kg per shackle. These two pylon positions were plumbed to allow them to mount a pair of 900 liter external fuel tanks. It was possible to mount a second pair of ETC 500 racks could be added beside the standard two, though this does not seem to have been carried out in the field. The Ju 88S retained the internal bomb stowage, and could be used to carry small diameter bombs or extra fuel. Apart from flares and small incendiaries that could be accommodated by this bomb bay, most of the weapons used were larger diameter bombs mounted to the external shackles, being either conventional high explosive or anti-personnel cluster bombs.
The single 13 mm MG 131 was placed at the rear of the canopy within an armored glass mount and supplied with 500 rounds of armor piercing and high explosive shells in equal proportion.
Avionics
The Ju 88S was typically equipped with the following devices: FuB1 2 (Blind approach receiver), Fug 10P (radio set), FuG 25 (IFF), FuG 101 (Radio altimeter), and in rare cases the FuG 136 (pathfinder command receiver).
The FuB1 2 was a blind landing system that guided the aircraft onto a runway by way of two radio beacons placed at 300 m and 3000 m away from one end of the airstrip. It was a tunable device so that airfields could possess separate frequencies between 30 and 33.3 mHz. The aircraft itself carried the Eb1 2 beacon receiver, the Eb1 3F beam receiver, the FBG 2 remote tuner, the AFN 2 approach indicator, the U8 power supply unit, and either a mast or flush antenna.
FuG 10P was a radio developed by Telefunken and was coupled with the Pielgeräte 6 radio direction finder. The device consisted of numerous transmitters and receivers capable of operating at various ranges. Each component was fitted in a modular box which was connected to a wall rack to allow for the quick replacement of damaged components. One pair, E10 L and EZ 6, operated at between 150-1200kHz, and another, S10 K and E10 K, between 3-6mHz. Other components included the U10/S and U10/E power supply units, and the fixed antenna loading unit AAC 2. Numerous versions existed and made use of various other components.
FuG 25 “Erstling” was an IFF system manufactured by GEMA that would respond with coded impulses to the ground-based Wurzburg, Freya, and Gemse radar systems up to a range of 100 km. The receiver operated on a frequency of 125 mHz and the transmitter at 160 mHz. The entire unit was contained within the SE 25A unit, with the BG 25A control box in the radio operator’s station. This unit was used to facilitate the use of the EGON navigation system wherein a pair of Freya, or Wasserman, radar stations would ping the IFF. Finding its direction, gauging the signal strength, and triangulating its angle between the radar stations allowed the ground controllers to accurately set the position of the aircraft against a plotting table. Navigational commands were issued over wireless telegraph or a specialized device, the FuG 136 Nachtfee.
FuG 101 was a radio altimeter designed by Siemens/LGW with a maximum range of 150-170 m and operated on a frequency of 375 mHz at 1.5 kW. Accuracy was within 2 m and the entire system weighed 16 kg. It consisted of the S 101A transmitter, E 101A receiver, U 101 power supply unit, and the pilot’s panel indicator.
FuG 136 Nachtfee
This communication device consisted of a CRT indicator aboard the plane which received commands from a ground based control console, using the EGON navigation system. These commands were represented by a 12 position, clock-like display, where each position represented a different navigational command. These were sent to an aircraft’s onboard FuG 25 IFF system via transmission pulses from the ground based radar. In addition to the 12 commands, based on the position of the pulse, an additional 4 commands could be given with a double pulse. For example, a transmission of position 1 followed by position 2 would be an entirely different command than simply just one on position 1. The device required constant monitoring by a specialized crew member.
Conclusion
The Ju 88S would prove a tremendous improvement to Junker’s ever versatile bomber, achieving extremely high speeds and proving a difficult target to intercept. In terms of its sheer performance, Junkers was successful both in keeping their bomber from falling obsolescence, developing an airframe which was very successful both as a medium bomber and night fighter. However, nothing could prevent the eventual undoing of the Luftwaffe, from both the British and American Air Forces, and the terrible, short sighted decision making that dominated the upper echelons of power in the Third Reich.
Variants
Ju 88S-1: Bomber-Pathfinder equipped with BMW 801G-2 engines. 71 Built.
Ju 88S-2: Bomber-Pathfinder equipped with BMW 801T turbocharged engines. Experimental, none built.
Ju 88S-3:Bomber-Pathfinder equipped with Junkers Jumo 213A-1 engines. 291 Built.
Ju 88S-3 Highspeed Courier: Deutsche Lufthansa fast transport and mail carrier. 3 converted.
Ju 88S-4: Bomber-Pathfinder equipped with Junkers Jumo 213A-1 engines and vertical stabilizer from Ju 188. None built.
Combat range varied dramatically depending on the fuel, weapon, and boost system arrangement. A Ju 88S-1 carrying pair of 250 kg bombs, and equipped with GM-1, had a combat radius of 330km. Without GM 1, its combat range was otherwise comparable to the Ju 88A-4.
Illustration
Credits
Written and Edited by Henry H.
Illustration by Arte Bellico
Sources
Primary:
A.D.I. (K) Report No. 357/1945. Radio and Radar Equipment in the Luftwaffe II. 1945.
Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch. Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke A.G., Dessau. 1944.
Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch Teil 12 G Rüstsätze (Stand Marz 1944). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. 1944.
Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch Teil 12 D Sondereinbauten Heft 4: Sonderstoffanlage (Stand Marz 1944). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. 1944.
Ju 88A-4 Bedienungsvorschrift-FL Bedienung und Wartung des Flugzeuges. Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. Juli 19, 1941.
Ju 88G-1 Schusswaffenlage Bedienungsvorschrift-Wa (Stand Oktober 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November 1943.
Ju 88 G-1,R-2, S-1,T-1 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl (Stand November 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. December 1, 1943.
Ju 88 G-2, G-6, S-3, T-3 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl (Stand September 1944). 1944.
Rodert, L. A., & Jackson, R. (1942). A DESCRIPTION OF THE Ju 88 AIRPLANE ANTI-ICING EQUIPMENT (Tech.). Moffett Field, CA: NATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE FOR AERONAUTICS. 1942.
Secondary:
Brown, Eric Melrose. Wings of the Luftwaffe. Hikoki, 2010.
Medcalf, William A. Junkers Ju 88 Volume One From Schnellbomber to Multi-Mission War Plane. Manchester, UK: Chevron Publishing Limited , 2013.
Medcalf, William A. Junkers Ju 88 Volume Two The Bomber at War Day and Night Operational and service history. Manchester, UK: Chevron Publishing Limited , 2014.
Green, William. The warplanes of the Third Reich (1st ed.). London: Doubleday. 1972.
Bergs, Christopher & Kast, Bernhard. STUKA The Doctrine of the German Dive-Bomber. Lulu Press. 2022.
Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 24 July – 15 October 1944 Part 4. Red Kite . 2021.
Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 16 October – 31 December Part 5 1944. Red Kite . 2021.
Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive, 1 January – 3 May 1945. Red Kite . 2022.
In the later stages of the Second World War, it was becoming apparent to both the Luftwaffe (English German Air Force) and the German Government that the Allied air forces were gaining air superiority. This realization saw them turn to new and fantastical ideas in a desperate attempt to turn the tide of the war. Some of these represented new improvements to existing designs, the introduction of the newly developed turbojet engine, and even more esoteric and experimental methods. In many cases, these were pure fantasies, unrealistic or desperate designs with no hope of success. Few of them reached any significant development, and among them were the works of Alexander Martin Lippisch. While Lippisch helped develop the Me 163, the first rocket-powered interceptor, his other work remained mostly theoretical. One such project was the unusual P 13a, ramjet-powered aircraft that was to use coal as its main fuel source. While some work was carried out late in the war and soon faced insurmountable technical problems, thus nothing came of the project.
History
Before the start of the Second World War, aviation enthusiast and engineer Alexander Martin Lippisch, was fascinated with tailless delta wing designs. Lippisch’s early work primarily involved the development of experimental gliders. Eventually, he made a breakthrough at the Deutsche Forschungsinstitut, where he worked as an engineer. His work at DFS would lead to the creation of the rocket-powered glider known as the DFS 194. As this design was a promising experiment in a new field, it was moved to Messerschmitt’s facility at Augsburg. After some time spent refining this design, it eventually led to the development of the Me 163 rocket-powered interceptor. While it was a relatively cheap aircraft, it could never be mass-produced, mostly due to difficulties associated with its highly volatile fuel. In 1942, Lippisch left Messerschmitt and ceased work on the Me 163 project. Instead, he joined the Luftfahrtforschungsanstalt Wien (English: Aeronautic Research Institute in Vienna) where he continued working on his delta-wing aircraft designs. In May 1943 he became director of this institution, and at that time the work on a supersonic aircraft was initiated.
In the later war years, among the many issues facing the Luftwaffe, was a chronic fuel shortage. Lippisch and his team wanted to overcome this problem by introducing alternative fuels for their aircraft. Luckily for his team, DFS was testing a new ramjet engine. They were designed to compress air which would be mixed with fuel to create thrust but without a mechanical compressor. While this is, at least in theory, much simpler to build than a standard jet engine, it can not function during take-off as it requires a high airflow through it to function. Thus, an auxiliary power plant was needed. It should, however, be noted that this was not new technology and had existed since 1913, when a French engineer by the name of Rene Lorin patented such an engine. Due to a lack of necessary materials, it was not possible to build a fully operational prototype at that time, and it would take decades before a proper ramjet could be completed. In Germany, work on such engines was mostly carried out by Hellmuth Walter during the 1930s. While his initial work was promising, he eventually gave up on its development and switched to a rocket engine instead. The first working prototype was built and tested by the German Research Center for Gliding in 1942. It was later tested by mounting the engine on a Dornier Do 17 and, later, a Dornier Do 217.
In October 1943, Lippisch won a contract to develop the experimental P 11 delta-wing aircraft. While developing this aircraft, Lippisch became interested in merging his new work with a ramjet engine. This would lead to the creation of a new project named the P 12. In the early stage of the project, Lippisch and his team were not completely sure what to use as fuel for their aircraft, but ramjets could be adapted to use other types of fuel beyond aviation gasoline.
Unfortunately for them, LFW’s facilities were heavily damaged in the Allied bombing raids in June 1944. In addition to the damage to the project itself, over 45 team members died during this raid. To further complicate matters, the scarcity of gasoline meant that Lippisch’s team was forced to seek other available resources, such as different forms of coal. This led to the creation of the slightly modified project named P 13. In contrast to the P 12, the cockpit was relocated from the fuselage into a large fin. This design provided better stability but also increased the aircraft’s aerodynamic properties. The overall designs of the P 12 and P 13 would change several times and were never fully finalized.
The P 12 and 13 small-scale models, in both configurations, were successfully tested at Spitzerberg Airfield near Vienna in May 1944. The project even received a green light from the Ministry of Armaments. In the early stages of the project, there were some concerns that the radical new design would require extensive retraining of pilots. However, the wind tunnel test showed that the design was aerodynamically feasible and that the aircraft controls had no major issues. Based on these tests, work on an experimental aircraft was ordered to begin as soon as possible.
The DM-1 Life Saver
While working on the P 12 and P 13, Lippish was approached with a request from a group of students from Darmstadt and Munich universities. They asked Lippisch to be somehow involved in the P 12 and 13 projects. Lippisch agreed to this and dispatched one of his assistants under the excuse that for his own project, a wooden glider was to be built and tested. The previously mentioned student’s and Lippisch’s assistant moved to a small warehouse in Prier and began working on the Darmstadt 33 (D 33) project. The name would be changed to DM 1 which stands for Darmstadt and Munich.
At this point of the war, all available manpower was recruited to serve the German war effort. For young people, this often meant mobilization into the Army. One way to avoid this was to be involved in some miracle project that offered the Army a potentially war-winning weapon. It is from this, that numerous aircraft designs with futuristic, and in most cases unrealistic, features were proposed. Many young engineers would go on to avoid military service by proposing projects that on paper offered extraordinary performance in combat.
While it was under construction, preparations were made to prepare for its first test flight. As it was a glider it needed a towing aircraft that was to take it to the sky. A Sibel Si 204 twin-engine aircraft was chosen for the job. However, this was not to be done like any other glider, being towed behind the larger aircraft. Instead, the DM-1 was to be placed above the Si 201 in a frame, in a similar combination as the Mistel project. The estimated theoretical speeds that were to be reached were 560 km/h (350 mph).
Allegedly, there were four different proposals for the DM’s that were to be fully operational. The DM 2 version was estimated to be able to reach a speed of 800-1,200 km/h (500 – 745 mph). The DM 3’s theoretical maximum speed was to be 2,000 km/h (1,240 mph) while the fate of the DM 4 is unknown. Here it is important to note that these figures were purely theoretical, as there were no supersonic testing facilities to trial such a design. It is unclear in the sources if these additional DM projects even existed, even if in only written form. We must remember that the whole DM 1 glider idea was made to help the students avoid military conscription and that Lippisch himself never saw the DM 1 as any vital part of the P 13.
In any case, the glider was almost completed by the time the war ended and was later captured by the Western Allies. Under the US Army’s supervision, the glider was fully completed and sent to America for future evaluation. It would then be given to the Smithsonian Institution.
Work on the P 13
As the work on the P 13 went on, the name was slightly changed. This was necessary as different variations of the P 13 were proposed. The original P 13 received the prefix ‘a’ while the later project’s designation continued alphabetically for example P 13b. After a brief period of examination of the best options, the P 12 project was discarded in favor of P 13. The decision was based on the fuel that the aircraft should use. What followed was a period of testing and evaluation of the most suitable forms of coal that could be used as fuel. Initial laboratory test runs were made using solid brown Bohemian coal in combination with oxygen to increase the burn rate. The fuel coal was tube-shaped, with an estimated weight of 1 kg, and encased in a mesh container through which the granulated coal could be ejected. The testing showed serious problems with this concept. While a fuel tube could provide a thrust that on average lasted 4 to 5 minutes, its output was totally unpredictable. During the testing, it was noted that due to the mineral inconsistency of the coal fuel, it was impossible to achieve even burning. Additionally, larger pieces of the coal fuel would be torn off and ejected into the jet stream. The final results of these tests are unknown but seem to have led nowhere, with the concept being abandoned. Given that Germany in the last few months of the war was in complete chaos, not much could be done regarding the Lippish projects including the P 13a.
In May 1945, Lippish and his team had to flee toward the West to avoid being captured by the advancing Soviets. They went to Strobl in Western Austria, where they encountered the Western Allies. Lippisch was later transported to Paris in late May 1945 to be questioned about his delta wing designs. He was then moved to England, and then to America in 1946. The following year, American engineers tested the DM 1 glider at the wind tunnel facility of the Langley Field Aeronautical Laboratory. The test seems promising and it was suggested to begin preparation for a real flight. A redesign of the large rudder was requested. It was to be replaced with a much smaller one, where the cockpit would be separated from the fin and placed in the fuselage. Ironically Lippish was not mentioned in this report, as technically speaking he was not involved in the DM 1 project. Nevertheless, he was invited for further testing and evaluation of this glider. If this glider and the Lippish work had any real impact on the US designs is not quite clear.
Despite no aircraft being ever completed, one full-size replica of this unusual aircraft was built after the war. It was built by Holger Bull who is known for building other such aircraft. The replica can now be seen at the American Military Aviation Museum located in Virginia Beach.
Technical characteristics
DM 1
The DM 1 glider was built using wooden materials. Given that it was constructed by a group of young students, its overall design was quite simple. It did not have a traditional fuselage, instead, its base consisted of a delta wing. On top, a large fin was placed. The cockpit was positioned in front of the aircraft within the large vertical stabilizer. To provide a better view of the lower parts of the nose, it was glazed. The landing gear consisted of three small landing wheels which retracted up into the wing fuselage. Given that it was to be used as a test glider, no operational engine was ever to be used on it.
A good example of DM 1 (to the right) and P 13a models that showed the difference between these two. The P 13a could be easily distinguished by its engine intake and the different position of the pilot cockpit. Source: Wiki https://imgur.com/a/QW7XuO5
P 13a
The P 13 is visually similar but with some differences. The most obvious was the use of a ramjet. This means that the front, with its glazed nose, was replaced with an engine intake. Here, it is important to note, that much of the P 13a’s design is generally unknown, and much of the available information is sometimes wrongly portrayed in the sources. The P 13a never reached the prototype stage where an aircraft was fully completed. Even as the war ended, much of the aircraft’s design was still theoretical. Thus all the mentioned information and photographs may not fully represent how the P 13 may have looked or its precise characteristics, should it have been finished and built.
The exact ram engine type was never specified. It was positioned in the central fuselage with the air intake to the front and the exhaust to the back. As the main fuel, it was chosen to use small pieces of brown coal which were carried inside a cylindrical wire mesh container. The total fuel load was to be around 800 kg (1,760 lbs). Combustion was to be initiated by using small quintiles of liquid fuel or gas flames. The overall engine design was changed several times during the work on the P 13 without any real solution to the issues of output consistency. Given that the ramjets could not work without an air thrust, an auxiliary engine had to be used during take-off, though a more practical use would be to tow the P 13 until it could start its engine. A rocket takeoff ran the risk of the engine failing to ignite, leaving the pilot little time to search for a landing spot for his unpowered aircraft.
The wing construction was to be quite robust and provided with deflectors that would prevent any potential damage to the rudders. The wing design also incorporated a sharp metal plate similar to those used for cutting enemy balloons cables. These proposed properties of the wings are another indicator that the P 13 was to be used as an aircraft rammer. Another plausible reason for this design was the fact that given it had no landing gear the aircraft design had to be robust enough as not to be torn apart during landing. The wings were swept back at an angle of 60 degrees. The precise construction method of the wings (and the whole P 13 a on that matter) are not much specified in the sources. Given the scarcity of resources in late 1944 it is likely that it would use a combination of metal and wood.
The fin had to be enlarged to provide good flight command characteristics. In addition, given that the position of the cockpit was in the fin, it had to be large. The fin was more or less a direct copy of one of the wings. So it is assumed that it too would share the overall design. The fin was connected to the aircraft by using four fittings.
The cockpit design was to be simple and cheap to build. The pilot was to have plenty of room inside the large fin. The cockpit was provided with a large glazed canopy that provided a good view of the front and sides. The seat and the instrument panel were bolted to the cockpit floor and walls. These could be easily detached for repairs. The instrument panel was to include an artificial horizon indicator, altimeter, compass, and radio equipment, Given that it was to operate at a high altitude oxygen tanks were to be provided too. Despite being intended to fly at high altitudes the cockpit was not to be pressurized. Another unusual fact was that initially the P 13 was to have a crew of two, but this was quickly discarded.
Here it is important to note that the version of the P 13 with the large fin is often portrayed as the final version of this aircraft. However, Lippisch never fully decided whether he should go for this version or the second that used a smaller fin with the pilot cockpit placed above the engine intake. Depending on the proposed version they are drastically different from each other. Lippisch, for unknown reasons, presented the British intelligence officer with the version that used the smaller fin and the American with the second version.
Landing operations were a bit unusual. To save weight no standard landing gear was to be used. Instead, Lippisch reused the Me 163 landing procedure. As the P 13 was immobile on its own, a small dolly would be used to move the aircraft. Once sufficient height was reached the dolly was to be jettisoned. In theory, this was an easy process, but in practice, this operation offered a good chance of failure and was much less safe than conventional landing gear. Sometimes the dolly either failed to eject or it bounced off the ground hitting the Me 163 in the process, with often fatal consequences.
The aircraft was to land with the nose raised up from the ground. This limited the pilot’s view of the ground. In addition due to its small size and in order to save weight, nontraditional landing gear was provided, instead, it carried a landing blade skid. To help absorb the landing impact, additional torsion springs were to be used. This bar had to be activated prior to the landing, it would emerge from beneath the aircraft fuselage, with the rotation point located at the front. Once released it was to guide the aircraft toward the ground. After that, the torsion springs were to soften the landing. This whole contraption seems like a disaster just waiting to happen and it’s questionable how practical it would be.
One interesting feature of the P 13 was that it could be easily disassembled into smaller parts which would enable effortless transport. Another reason was that due to the engine’s position in order to make some repairs or replacement of the engine, the remaining parts of the wing and the large fin had to be removed.
Was it an aircraft rammer?
The precise purpose of the P 13a is not quite clear, even to this day. Despite being briefly considered for mass production, no official offensive armament is mentioned in the sources. So how would the P 13a engage the enemy? A possible solution was that it would be used as a ram aircraft that was supposed to hit enemy aircraft damaging them in the process. In an after-the-war interrogation by British officers, Lippisch was asked if the P 13 was to be used as an aerial ram aircraft. Lippisch responded the following “
“.. The possibilities of using the P.13 as a ramming aircraft had been considered but Dr Lippisch did not think that athodyd propulsion was very suitable for this purpose owing to the risk of pieces of the rammed aircraft entering the intake. This would be avoided with a rocket-propelled rammer…”
This statement contradicts the building description issued by the LFW issued in late 1944. In it was stated the following about this potential use. “…Due to tactical considerations, among other things, the speed difference of fighters and bombers, preferably when attacking from behind, though the thought was given to the installation of brakes .. and although ample room for weaponry is present, the task of ram fighter has been taken into account – so that the ramming attack will not lead to the loss of the aircraft, thanks to its shape and static structure.”
This meant that this concept may have been considered by Lippisch at some point of the project’s development. The P 13 overall shape resembles closely to aircraft that was intentionally designed for this role. That said, it does not necessarily mean that the P 13 was to ram enemy aircraft. The use of such tactics was considered but their use was discarded, as it was seen as a futile and flawed concept. The project itself never got far enough to have an armament decided for it.
Conclusion
The Lippisch P 13 is an unusual aircraft project in nearly all aspects. Starting from its shape, which proved, at least during wind tunnel tests, that the concept was feasible. On the other hand, its engine seems to have simply been abandoned after discouraging test results. It is unlikely that such a combination would have worked to the extent that the P 13 designer hoped it would. During the testing, they could not find a proper solution to providing a constant thrust with sufficient force to reach a speed that was expected of it. So the whole concept was likely to be doomed from the start.
The DM 1 however, while it was never seriously worked on by Lippisch himself, managed to save a group of young students who used the project to avoid being sent into combat.
DM-1 Specifications
Wingspans
5.92 m / 19 ft 5 in
Length
6.6 m / 21 ft 7 in
Height
3.18 m / 10 ft 5 in
Wing Area
20 m² / 215 ft²
Engine
None
Empty Weight
300 kg / 655 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
460 kg / 1,015 lbs
Maximum Speed
560 km/h / 350 mph (gliding)
Landing speed
72 km/h / 45 mph
Release altitude
8,000 m (26,240 ft)
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None
Theoretical Estimated Lippisch P 13 Specifications
Wingspans
5.92 m / 19 ft 5 in
Length
6.7 m / 21 ft 11 in
Height
3.18 m / 10 ft 5 in
Wing Area
20 m² / 215 ft²
Engine
Unspecified ramjet
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,300 kg / 5,070 lbs
Maximum Speed
1,650 km/h / 1,025 mph
Flight endurance
45 minutes
Fuel load
800 kg / 1,760 lb
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None mentioned
Illustrations
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Ported by Marko P.
Illustrated By Medicman11
Source:
A. Lippisch (1981) The Delta Wing History and Development, Iowa State University Press
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putham
B. Rose (2010) Secret Projects Flying Wings and Tailless Aircraft, Midland
D. Sharp (2015) Luftwaffe Secret Jets of the Third Reich, Mortons
Nazi Germany (1940)
Light Transport and Trainer – Number built: 1,175
While often seen as less exciting than their combat counterparts, transport and auxiliary aircraft provided vital services in moving cargo, and training new pilots. Light transports which could combine both duties were thus extremely desirable during the war as theaters stretched across continents and pilot attrition was high. Luckily for the Luftwaffe, the Siebel company provided them with a simple but effective aircraft that could easily fulfill both roles. This was the Si 204, which saw wide-scale use both during, and after, the conflict.
Siebel company history
The story of Siebel began back in 1936 when Hans Klemm opened a new aircraft factory the, Flugzeugbau Halle GmbH. This company would go on to produce license-built aircraft, including the Focke-Wulf Fw 44, and Heinkel He 46. Between 1936 and 1937, a new project led by Hans Klemm was initiated. This was a light twin-engined transport aircraft designated as Fh 104. While the work was going on, Klemm decided to hand over the factory to well-known aircraft enthusiast Fritz W. Siebel. The same year the name was changed to Siebel Flugzeugwerke Halle GmbH. Under new management, the work on the renamed Siebel Fh 104 continued. The Siebel Fh 104 would prove to be a solid design and was pressed into Luftwaffe service as a communication and liaison aircraft. In 1942 the production of this aircraft was terminated, by which time only some 46 were built. The Siebel factory would survive the war and even produce a few new aircraft designs. It would continue to exist up to 1968 when it was merged with Messerschmitt-Bolkow GmbH.
The Siebel 204
Following the success of the Fh 104, Siebel received a request from the Luftwaffe officials in 1939 to design and build a new twin-engine, 8-passenger transport aircraft. So Siebel and his team of engineers began working on such a design. While they may have used the experience gained while working on the Fh 104, their next project was a completely new design. The first prototype Si 204 V1 (D-AEFR) was completed in early 1940, and was flight tested on the 25th of May the same year. Sources disagree about the year when the maiden flight was made. For example, D. Nešić and M. Fratzke mentioned that it happened in 1941 while M. Griel placed it in 1940. The test flight proceeded without any major issues, so the development of this aircraft carried on. In October 1940 the Si 204 V2 (D-IMCH) was flight tested. Both of these would serve as bases for the pre-production A-0 series which were to be operated by the German Lufthansa airline. The first prototype was scrapped in 1942 while the second remained in use up to early 1944 when it was lost in an accident.
Following its successful testing, the first production version known as Si 204A was built. It was powered by two 360 hp, or 465 hp depending on the source, Argus As 410 engines. The Si 204A-0 and A-1 were put into production in 1941, the precise numbers are not clear but were likely limited. As the war dragged on these were mainly used for crew training, a role to which they proved well suited.
The Luftwaffe was generally satisfied with the Si 204A’s performance as a trainer but requested that a new version of it be built. This version was dedicated to various crew training tasks including; radio navigation, instrument flying, bombing, and communication. Other requests were made regarding its front canopy design and stronger power units. For this reason, the engines were replaced with two 600-hp Argus As 411 12-cylinder engines. Additionally, the original stepped canopy was replaced with a fully glazed canopy.
The new version was to be designated Si 204D. The fate of the skipped B and C versions is unclear, but these were likely only paper projects. The Si 204V3 and V4 served as bases for the Si 204D aircraft. Both were flight tested in early 1941, withhe V3 being lost in an accident during mid-1942 while the fate of the V4 is not known.
Technical characteristics
The Si 204 was designed as a low-wing, twin-engine, all-metal transport, and training aircraft. Its fuselage was made of round-shaped formers each connected with a series of metal bars. These were covered with sheet metal plating. On the fuselage sides, there were four rectangular windows.
The wings and tail units were also of an all-metal construction. The wings were built using only a single spar. The dihedral tailplane was divided into two fins and rudders, which were located on their tips.
In the last months of the war, due to shortages of resources, Siebel attempted to replace some metal components using wooden materials. The end of the war prevented any of these wooden components from ever being used.
The pilot and his assistant were positioned in the front. As many German bombers had a fully glazed canopy, to help with the training and adaptation of new pilots, the Si 204 was also equipped with such a designed canopy. It largely resembled the one used on the He 111. Thanks to it the pilot had an excellent view during the flight.
As mentioned earlier, Si 204D was powered by two 600 hp Argus As 411 12-cylinder engines, these used two variable pitch blade propellers. The maximum speed achieved with these engines was around 364 km/h. With a fuel load of 1.090 liters, the maximum operational range was around 1.800 km.
The landing gear was more or less a standard design. It consisted of three wheels. The landing gear retracted back into the engine nacelles. These were not fully enclosed and part of the wheels was exposed. The tail wheel was not retractable.
While initially designed as a passenger transport aircraft, the Si 204 would be primarily used for crew training. For this reason, its interior compartment could be equipped with different training equipment depending on the need. Including radio, radar, or navigation equipment.
Production
Despite being Siebel’s own design, the factory itself lacked production capabilities as it was already heavily involved in the manufacturing of other designs including the Ju 88. The actual production was redistributed to two occupied foreign factories. The first were the SNCAC factories located in Fourchambault and Bourges in France, which came under German control after the successful end of the Western Campaign in 1940. The second production center was located at the Czechoslovakian Aero factory, which was also occupied by the Germans even before the war started. Other companies like BMM and Walter were also involved in the production of this aircraft.
The production numbers were initially low, for example, the SNCAC only managed to build five aircraft per month during 1942. From 1942 to 1944 this company produced some 150 Si 204D aircraft. Czechoslovakian production capabilities proved to be better, managing to manufacture some 1007 such aircraft by the end of the war. The total production of all versions during the war is around 1.175 aircraft according to H. A. Skaarup. This number, as is the case with many German production numbers, may be different in other sources.
Service
As mentioned earlier the Si 204 was mainly used for crew training for various roles, transportation, and glider towing. While there is quite limited information on their precise service life, it appears to be quite a successful design and was praised by the Luftwaffe pilots. By the end of the war, some were even equipped with various radar equipment including FuG 217R and FuG 218V2R tail warning radars to train night fighter pilots. Interestingly the Si 204 was employed for the training of further Me 262 pilots.
It is often mentioned that the Si 204 was the last Luftwaffe aircraft to be shot down. Near Rodach in Bavaria, just a day before the Germans capitulated to the Allies. That kill is accredited to Lieutenant K. L. Smith, a pilot of a P-38 Lightning from the 474th Fighter Group. How valid this claim is difficult to know precisely due to the general chaotic state in Germany at that time.
Combat adaptation attempts
For fighting against Partisan movements in occupied Europe, older or modified aircraft were often reused, preserving the more modern aircraft for the front line use. The Si 204 was seen as tempting for such a modification, so the Siebel engineers tried to develop a fully armed combat version of this aircraft. To fulfill this role some extensive modifications were needed.
Inside its front fuselage, two 13 mm MG 131 heavy machine guns were placed. Each was supplied with 500 rounds of ammunition, stored in a metal ammunition bin. These were to be operated by the pilot. For this reason, he was provided with a Revi 16A-type gun sight. For protection against enemy aircraft, on top of the fuselage, a fully glazed turret armed with one 13 mm MG 131 was added. The turret movement was electrically controlled. Elevation was -10 to +80 while it could achieve a full 360 rotation.
The interior of the Si 204 received a bombing bay that could carry 12 70 kg bombs. External bomb racks with a capacity ranging from 50 to 500 kg were added. The pilot seat received armor plates for his protection from enemy fire on the Si 204E. Due to its relatively slow speed, using this aircraft against a well equipped enemy was dangerous, so it was to be restricted to night bombing action only.
In 1944 two prototypes were completed and tested. Besides these two, the number of Si 204E’s built is unknown. Given its experimental nature, possibly only a few prototypes were ever completed. Allegedly these saw limited action fighting the Belarusian Partisans. The extent to which they were used in this role if used at all, remains unknown.
Carrier proposal
With the Allies slowly getting the upper hand in the air over Europe, the Luftwaffe became ever more desperate to find a solution to this problem. Mass production of cheap fighters was seen as a possible solution. One such project was proposed by Professor Alexander Lippisch, best known for designing a series of glider fly-wing designs. He was also involved in designing various bizarre aircraft projects, including the unusual P 13a aircraft.
While working on the P 13, Lippish was approached with a request from a group of students from Darmstadt and Munich universities who wanted to avoid conscription to join his work. Lippisch agreed to this and dispatched one of his assistants under the excuse that for his own project, a wooden glider was to be built and tested. They together managed to build an experimental DM-1 glider.. However, this aircraft was not to be towed like any other glider. Instead, the DM-1 was to be placed above the Si 201 on brackets and carried. However, nothing came of this project, and no such attempt at deploying the glider was made as the war ended.
After the war
When the war ended, the Si 204 would see more service in the hands of many other nations. The advancing Allies managed to capture a number of fully operational aircraft. These were immediately put to use either as transport, liaison, and evaluation purposes. At least one Si 204D was extensively used by the British pilot Captain Eric Brown, who was the chief test pilot of the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough. He was involved in a British project tasked with taking over German war research installations and interrogating technical personnel after the war.
He was generally impressed with the Si 204D’s overall performance, performing many flights on it. He later wrote about its performance. “The Si 204D was really a viceless airplane to handle, with inherently good stability about all three axes and good harmony of control. It was very well equipped for its tasks, and the later model I flew had an autopilot fitted. Like all German aircraft of that era, it was a mass of electrics, with extensive circuit breaker panels, and all very reliable. However, the one thing the Germans never got right was wheel brakes, and the Sievel was no exception..”
The Siebels that were moved to Farnborough were extensively used during 1945 for various roles, like communication, providing navigational guidance, and transporting pilots to various captured Luftwaffe airfields. The last operational flight of the Si 204D at this base was recorded at the start of 1946.
After the war, the Si 204 saw the most common use in French and Czechoslovakia, which actually continued to produce this aircraft. In French service, these were known t as NC 700, powered with As 411 engines, NC 701 ‘Martinet’, powered by two Renault 12S engines, and NC 702, a modified version of the Si 204A. In total the French constructed over 300 aircraft of this type. Some would see service in French Asian and African colonies. The last operational flight was carried out in 1964. Two NC 702’s would be given to Maroko in 1960, but their use and fate is unknown.
After the war, the French sold 7 NC 701 to Poland. They were used mainly for mapping photography. These were operated until the mid-1950s’ before being put out of service.
By mid-1960 some 5 French-built Siebels were given to the Swedish National Geographic Institut. These were mainly used for taking meteorological photographs.
The second country that produced the Si 204 was Czechoslovakia. They were built in two versions, the C-3 for the army and C-103 for civilian use. Both were mainly operated in their original transport roles. From 1945 to 1950 some 179 would be built.
The Soviets also managed to capture an unknown number of operational Si 204. These were briefly pressed into service before being replaced by domestic-built designs.
Switzerland also operated at least one Si 204D. This aircraft and its crew escaped from Germany on the 7th of May 1945 and landed at Belp near Bern. The Si 204D would remain in Switz use under the B-3 designation.
Production Versions
Si 204 – Prototype series
Si 204A – Transport and training version built in small numbers
Si 204B and C – Unknown fate, but likely paper projects only
Si 204D – Model with a new glazed cockpit and powered with a stronger engine
204E – Experimental modification for combat operational use
Flying carrier – One Si 204 was to be modified as a carrier for the Doctor Alexander Lippisch experimental all-wing fighter, but was never fully implemented
Operators
Germany – Most produced planes were used by the Luftwaffe primarily used for crew training
Czechoslovakia – Produced some 179 additional aircraft for military and civilian use
France – Over 300 modified aircraft (with French engines) were produced in France and saw wide service up to 1964.
Soviet Union –Operated some captured Si 204
Poland – Brought 7 NC.701 from France after the war
Macoro – Operated two French NC 702
Sweden – Operated five French-built Siebels
Switzerland – Used at least one Si 204 under the designation B-3
American and Great Britain – Both briefly operated a number of captured Si 204 after the war
Surviving aircraft
Today there are a number of partially or wholly survived aircraft Si 204. For example, the French Aviation Museum in Paris had one Si 204A and another located in the Escadrille du Souvenir close to Paris. One Si 204 is located at Sweden Lygvapen Museum.
Conclusion
While Germany in the Second World is better known for designing and producing a series of combat aircraft, their auxiliary aircraft are often overlooked. The Si 204 was one such case, despite its successful design, it is rather poorly documented in the sources. Its design was a success which can be seen in its after-war use, most notably by the French up to the mid-1960.
Si 204 D Specifications
Wingspans
21.33 m / 70 ft
Length
12 m / 39 ft 3 in
Height
4.25 m / 14 ft
Wing Area
46 m² / 495 ft²
Engines
Two Argus As 411 engines
Empty Weight
1.500 kg / 3.300 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight
3950 kg / 8,710 lbs
Climb Rate to 1 km
In 3 minute 30 seconds
Maximum Speed
364 km/h / 226 mph
Cruising speed
340 km/h / 210 mph
Range
1,800 km / 1,120 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling
7,500 m / 24,600 ft
Crew
Pilot and his assistants plus eight-passenger
Armament
None
Illustrations
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. & Stan L.
Ported by Marko P.
Illustrated By Ed Jackson
Sources
D. Nešić (2008), Naoružanje Drugog Svetskog Rata Nemačka Beograd
H. A. Skaarup (2012) Axis Warplane Survivors
D. Mondey (2006). The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
D. Donald (1998) German Aircraft Of World War II, Blitz Publisher
J. R Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009), Aircraft Of The Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland & Company Inc
Captain E. ‘Winkle’ Brown (2010) Wings of the Luftwaffe, Hikoki Publication
M. Griehl (2012) X-Planes German Luftwaffe Prototypes 1930-1945, Frontline books
T. H. Hitchcock (1998) Jet Planes Of The Reich The Secret projects, Monogram Aviation Publication
Throughout the Second World War, the job of the interceptor would become ever more challenging. Their targets, mostly bombers and photo reconnaissance aircraft, would fly ever higher and faster thanks to new advancements in turbo and supercharging. With Germany under a state of permanent siege and surveillance by aircraft like the Boeing B-17 and De Havilland Mosquito, it was clear the Luftwaffe needed a specialized interceptor to effectively reach these high flying threats and the multitude of new fighters that were appearing in growing numbers. After several failed attempts to develop the Fw 190 into such an interceptor, Kurt Tank designed the Ta 152H. The short lived design incorporated all of the available developments in high altitude flight available to German aviation in an attempt to create the ultimate high altitude fighter.
High altitude threats and Interceptors
In the summer of 1941, the Mosquito was making its first reconnaissance sorties and becoming one of the gravest threats to German aerial defenses. Operating above 7km and capable of reaching speeds upwards of 560 km/h, the aircraft was almost untouchable after it had reached its destination. Once they had taken their photos, they turned for home and entered a shallow dive that allowed them to accelerate to speeds beyond those of pursuing fighters who were not already chasing them from a higher altitude. With such a small interception window, they were a chief concern to the Luftwaffe. Doubly so were the bomber variants of the aircraft, which raided targets all over North Western Europe.
The following year saw the entrance of the United States into the Second World War, their air force possessing some of the most capable high altitude aircraft at the time. Investments in engine turbocharging allowed them to field a number of bombers and fighters with exceptional high altitude performance. B-17’s were conducting regular operations above 7 km. At first, they undertook operations at significantly lower altitudes, never straying too far from their air bases in southern England, but it was becoming clear that they would soon pose a threat that the Luftwaffe was ill equipped to combat.
The only two fighters of consequence employed by the Luftwaffe, the Bf 109 and Fw 190, were effective low to medium altitude fighters. However, through 1942, both were operating with engine power restrictions, and supercharger related performance bottlenecks. While inferior alloys and lubricants were causing a variety of issues, that was less of a concern than the engines themselves not being designed for use at high altitudes. The Bf 109G’s DB 605A, with its variable single stage blower, provided a full throttle height of roughly 6.5 km, depending on the variant. The Fw 190’s BMW 801, with its significantly simpler, single stage, double speed supercharger, was even worse off. Its critical altitude was only roughly 6 km, leaving it, and the 109, distinctly lacking in power at the over 7.5km B-17’s often flew at. Above these altitudes, neither engine could maintain the manifold pressure needed for combat power, putting them at a distinct disadvantage in trying to catch the Mosquito, or fighting American high altitude fighters which were soon making forays into German airspace. As the USAAF began its strategic bombing campaign against Germany proper, there were deep concerns within the Luftwaffe about the battle they were soon to fight, and for which they were clearly technically unprepared for. Even more concerning was the fear that the RAF would soon be operating the Vickers Wellington V bomber, which was reportedly capable of operating at an almost untouchable altitude of 12 km. They never entered service, but were the impetus for the creation of a specialized high altitude fighter with the Höhenjäger program.
With these anxieties building, the RLM convened a conference on the development of high altitude fighters on May 20, 1942 at Messerschmitt’s plant in Augsburg. In addition to the high altitude British bomber, further concerns were spelled out over the recent study of the new Merlin 61 engine, which, with its two stage, two speed supercharger, promised to make the Spitfire and Mosquito even more challenging opponents at high altitude. Of particularly grave concern was that the German aviation industry could not simply follow the same development path as the Allies. The poor qualities of their available alloys and the inadequate supplies of high octane fuels meant that even, if they had a factory furnished with all the tools to manufacture an engine like the Merlin 61, they simply could not build or operate it with the materials at hand.
As such, they had to pursue less conventional means of improving performance. Messerchmitt proposed a redesign of a former naval fighter proposal for high altitude use. The Me 155 carrier based fighter design, with its very long wingspan, was proposed to be converted for high altitude use, the work being done mostly at the S.N.C.A.N plant in Paris. The design would later be taken up and heavily altered by Blohm & Voss, who went on to design the Bv 155, with turbochargers and GM-1 nitrous boosting. Neither design came to fruition. A secondary design, the Bf 109H, would involve stretching the wingspan of a Bf 109F, and later G, and installing the high altitude GM-1 engine boost system. Likewise, this design was not pursued. In the end, Messerschmitt would go on to design a mass production, high altitude variant of their standard Bf 109G with a pressurized cockpit and nitrous boosting. While it would prove fairly adequate for the time, it was held back by the need for GM-1, which was difficult to transport in large quantities without a pipeline.
Focke-Wulf would face an even greater challenge with their program. While their Fw 190 was proving to be among the best medium altitude fighters of the war, its short wingspan and outdated supercharger meant it would take a considerable effort to make a high altitude fighter out of it.
The Höhenflieger Fw 190
Focke-Wulf first pursued turbocharging to get their fighter to reach the adequate level of performance for the Höhenjäger project. Almost immediately, they ran into the issue that it was almost impossible to fit a suitable turbocharger into a Fw 190A, though an externally mounted, and almost completely unwieldy unit was suggested. The first serious effort came with the proposal for the Fw 190B fighter, or Höhenjäger 1, in August of 1942. The design would take the then in production Fw 190A-3, increase its wingspan from 10.5 to 12.4 meters (increasing its area from 18.3 to 20.3 m^2), and install a pressurized canopy. The engine was initially unmodified and nitrous boosting was not pursued, in the hope a suitable turbocharger would be developed. The prototype, Fw 190V-12, began testing, but was abandoned in favor of using older, pre-production Fw 190A-0 prototypes before moving on to pre-production. The Fw 190B-0 received the new BMW 801 D-2 and several other modifications going into the new A-5 fighter. It began testing in December of 1942, and despite some faults with the pressurized canopy, which were later corrected, the aircraft had considerably better high altitude handling than the original A model. All four of the A-0’s were converted, but the program showed little promise. Despite the effort, the improvements were not enough and the aircraft was still too slow at high altitude. It was clear that the aircraft needed a heavily modified, or entirely different engine, in order to attain the level of performance needed.
In parallel with the B-project, the decision was made to re-engine the aircraft with either the Junkers Jumo 213, or Daimler Benz’s DB 603. Both promised better high altitude performance over the BMW 801 along with a considerable overall increase in engine output. The DB 603 project would proceed with the designation Fw 190C, and the Jumo 213, Fw 190D. The first Fw 190C prototype, V13, had a DB 603 installed, with an annular radiator at the nose of the aircraft and its supercharger intake mounted between its two oil coolers, these modifications presenting a longer, but more streamlined profile. Little drag was added to the airframe with the modifications initially, but they would be forced to mount the supercharger scoop externally. The aircraft first flew in March of 1942, and overheating, along with general teething issues would be noted. Two more prototypes were converted, V15 and 16, receiving the longer wing from the B-project and GM-1 equipment. Turbocharging was also proposed, but not pursued until much later on. The program continued through May at a decent pace and they were achieving high speeds, one aircraft reaching 696 km/h at 6,950 m, but overheating and engine failure remained serious issues. Similar problems were likewise being experienced with the Jumo 213. The results, however, prompted Focke-Wulf to expand the program with six more prototypes, V13,15,16, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, and 27 carrying the DB 603, and V22 and 23 using the Jumo 213. Despite the focus on the DB 603, the company was prepared to switch to the Jumo 213, which they could obtain a much larger supply of.
The final design for the Fw 190C featured the DB 603A with its supercharger intake mounted on the port engine cowling, with various provisions for an armament of MG 131 machineguns, MG 151/20, and MK 108 autocannons. Its highest tested speed was an impressive 722 km/h at 9 km, without armament or armor plates. Production was strongly considered, and then canceled. The DB 603, in its fighter configuration, was still proving troublesome, and V13 was written off after an engine failure forced the pilot to crash land. The engine itself had a comparatively small production run compared to the Jumo 213, and was being shared with a number of twin engine bombers and night fighters. As the older, and massive Jumo 211 production lines were transitioning to the more powerful Jumo 213, it was by far the better choice for a new mass production fighter.
The Fw 190D or ‘Dora’ project continued, though its development path did not lead to a mass produced, high altitude fighter. Rather, it became a project to facilitate getting the Jumo 213 into a fighter as fast as possible, as it was one of the few German engines capable of competing with Western Allied models in most areas. The only mass produced variant, the D-9, is often mislabeled as a high altitude fighter, though its engine was designed for low to medium altitude use. A small number of high altitude models, with the appropriate engines, were produced, but were nothing compared to the D-9’s production run of well over a thousand aircraft by the end of the war.
Shifting programs aside, Focke-Wulf would continue with the new Höhenjäger II project, now seeking to build a truly superb high altitude fighter by taking several of the Fw 190C prototypes and equipping them with Hirth TK 11 turbo-superchargers. With the Fw 190B improvements, the 2000 hp DB 603 S, and a pressurized cockpit, it was hoped that a number of exceptional high altitude fighters could be produced, even if they could never reach the production figures of the Dora. They attempted to solve the earlier issue with the unmanageable size of the turbosupercharger by installing it partially outside of the fuselage, with an air scoop at its front. V18 received the necessary modifications and flew in December of 1942, with serious cooling problems being noted. Further modifications were made after the first several flights, most notable being that a larger oil cooler was mounted, the tail was enlarged to improve high altitude control, and the next prototype, V30, was re-equipped with a four bladed Schwarz propellor. Their extreme high altitude performance was superior to the C, with the aircraft reaching a speed of 670 km/h at 11 km, though they were proving far more temperamental. Turbine and engine issues continued to cut test flights short, though more prototypes were constructed through early 1943, V29 to V33. However, turbine issues persisted, and the entire scoop set up was found to be aerodynamically poor, and the design was proving very disappointing in comparison to the fully recessed models in service with the USAAF. Its performance too was deemed inadequate, and the project was canceled.
Falling behind
Apart from expedient designs, like the GM-1 boosted Bf 109’s, German efforts to produce a high altitude fighter had largely stagnated during 1943, and by the beginning of 1944, they were at a distinct disadvantage. For the past two years, most of the aero engine industry was working hard to modify their existing models to run at their full power using the inferior materials and fuel that were available to them. Among the clearest problems this caused was with the Messerschmitt Bf 109 G, or ‘Gustav’ model, which was only finally cleared to run at its full combat power in the summer of 1943, almost two years after its introduction. Under such conditions, developing new engines was a mostly hopeless effort, and to make matters worse, Allied developments in this field were unfolding brilliantly. While Focke-Wulf and Messerschmitt had failed to deliver on their high altitude fighters, the RAF began to fully transition to the use of the two-stage Merlin in their Spitfires, while the even more powerful Griffin was in development. By the end of 1943, USAAF finally introduced the P-51B, using a licensed Packard Merlin engine, and the P-47 had seen significant performance improvements which gave it unparalleled performance above 9 km. The P-51 proved perhaps the most concerning, as it not only had the benefit of a significantly more advanced engine, but it had been designed with aerodynamic concepts that were not available to aircraft designers before the war. It was an altogether modern aircraft, whereas the German air force would remain dependent on modified versions of planes which had been flying before the war had begun. The Bf 109G had fallen behind its Western contemporaries in most areas of performance, while the Fw 190 still clung to a competitive edge in low to medium altitude engagements. At high altitudes, especially above 7.5 km, there were only a comparative handful of GM-1 boosted Bf 109G’s that could really challenge the Allies, and even then, not on equal terms.
Germany did not possess the materials needed for robust and reliable exhaust valves, bearings, or more efficient, high pressure, high temperature radiators like those on Western Allied planes. However, there were areas of hopeful improvement. Foremost was that, by the autumn of 1943, German engine manufacturers had developed nickel coatings for engine pistons to overcome corrosion problems, and had modified the DB 605’s oil scavenge system to allow it to run at its originally planned combat power. While they would not be able to produce engines as reliable as those in the service of the RAF and USAAF, it was clear that the performance disparity could be reduced. Just as crucially, improvements were being made in regards to radiator design, particularly the annular units which were being tested on the high altitude Focke-Wulf projects. The new AJA 180 on the Fw 190 series was both approaching the pressure and temperature tolerance of Allied models, and was very compact, allowing the Fw 190 to retain its aerodynamic sleekness even when it switched engines.
While Messerschmitt had already succeeded in producing an acceptable high altitude fighter in the GM-1 boosted Bf 109G, Focke-Wulf’s projects took a different turn. The high altitude Fw 190D project shifted focus to produce a medium altitude fighter, the Fw 190D-9, and another project would seek to build a successor to the Fw 190, the new plane being named Ta 153. The designation changed to reflect Kurt Tank’s role as the head designer at Focke-Wulf. With this new design, hopes for significant high altitude improvements were again stoked, but as had become clear by their earlier failures, such improvements could not come from any unfamiliar solutions or technically complex methods, like turbocharging.
The Successor
The Ta 153 was so designated as it was not a variant, but a successor to the original aircraft. It featured a new fuselage and wings and the occasionally troublesome electrically driven landing gear actuators were changed for hydraulically driven ones. Being almost entirely divorced from the Fw 190’s supply chain, it was thus denied for production in March of 1943, given the amount of labor and time it would take to set up tooling. A compromise model between the design and the Fw 190D was selected, designated the Ta 152.
There were several types planned, namely Ta 152 A,B,C and H. These were standard fighters, heavy fighters for use against bombers, fighter bombers, and a high altitude interceptor. The A and B were designed to use the Jumo 213A & E, respectively, the C the DB 603, and the H, the Jumo 213E. To avoid impacting the production of the Fw 190D, the high altitude model was the first to be developed. These planes featured a hydraulic landing gear system as opposed to the electric actuators on the Fw 190, an improved vertical stabilizer from the Fw 190C program, larger wings, and a half meter fuselage extension in the rear fuselage, with the ensuing redistribution of weight helping to correct for an issue with the aircraft’s center of gravity.
While it may seem odd that they were essentially pursuing two fighter designs to succeed the Fw 190A, the Luftwaffe was desperately looking for higher performance fighters. Hopes were placed on the new Jumo 213 in the Fw 190D, and the new DB 605D in the Bf 109K, to keep pace with the Allies. The Dora was an expedient solution which could use the same supply chain as the original fighter, and the Ta 152 would be a more thoroughly improved model which would be transitioned to once the Dora’s supply chain was well established. In any case, only the high altitude Ta 152 variant was pursued with any substantial amount of resources, given it would be assigned a mission the Bf 109K and Fw 190D models were not suitable for. Jets were, of course, also quite promising, but they were still an immature technology, and it was clear that the leap from pistons to turbines could not be made in 1944.
The new fighter would be designed with both high altitude and low altitude performance in mind. To meet this challenging requirement, both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude engine boost systems were to be installed aboard the aircraft. Kurt Tank selected several of the old Fw 190C prototypes to be converted for the new program, these being V18, 29, 30, 32, and 33. V33 was the first to undergo modification and was redesignated V33/U1, now featuring a three bladed VS 9 propeller, a forward fuselage lengthening of .5 meters, a rear fuselage lengthening of 0.772 m, a new high aspect wing with an area of 23.5m^2, a hydraulically actuated undercarriage, and two 20 mm MG 151/20’s mounted in the wing roots.
It first flew on July 13, 1944, and was lost after it crashed during its 36 minute test flight at Vechta. The second prototype, V30/U1, flew on August 6, and like the first, was again lost, though this time resulting in the death of its pilot, Alfted Thomas. More success was had with the third prototype, V29/U1, which flew on September 29, 1944, and the fourth, V18/U2, which flew shortly after. With pre-production beginning in November, this left them about a month to perform flight tests on their surviving prototypes. Serious trouble with the program was encountered as late as November, when test pilot Hans Sander had to crash land his aircraft after his engine seized due to fuel starvation. It was found a hydraulic valve had been installed in the fuel line, an accident most likely a result of the aircraft’s rushed development.
The losses and damages experienced at this point in testing were threatening to seriously interrupt the pace of the project, but in the end, they rushed through development with some of the stability issues unresolved. This effectively led to the aircraft entering production with only slight adjustments from the prototypes. However, the plane was achieving good high altitude performance, both in terms of speed and ceiling. Test pilot Friedrich Schnier would fly V29/U1 to an incredible height of 13.6 km on January 20th, 1945. Beyond this, the fourth and final converted aircraft was V32/U1, which was fitted with a four bladed Schwarz propeller and the new MG 213 revolver cannon. It first flew in January of 1945, though none of the equipment would be worked into any production aircraft.
The H was unique among the Ta 152 series, with its long, high aspect wings designed for high altitude use, a pressurized cockpit, and the installation of both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude boost systems. While together, they promised incredible performance at any height, GM-1 was never carried aboard any of the operational fighters due to its container’s adverse effects on stability. Eager to have this aircraft as soon as possible, Focke-Wulf sprinted through its development, and the Ta 152H entered pre-production in November of 1944. The extremely rapid pace of development was emblematic of the very desperate situation the German air force was in at the time. This resulted in the delivery of an aircraft that was effectively unfinished.
The Ta 152H-0 entered service without several of the key features that the plane was set to carry, lacking the outer wing fuel tanks, and the engine boost systems. As such, it was considerably lighter, and better handling than the planned production model, but without the boost systems, it was much slower. For the time being it judged necessary, as there were serious weight distribution issues with wing fuel tanks and boost systems aboard. While it was designed with wing tanks, GM-1, and MW 50, the production model of the aircraft would not be permitted to fly with all three. In the end only the MW 50 and the wing tanks were permitted to be used together, but the GM-1 system would prove more troublesome. A stop gap solution late in the war would allow for the use of GM-1, but only GM-1. By the time the war ended, there was still no solution on how all three pieces of equipment would be added to the plane without jeopardizing its flying characteristics.
It was in this rough state when it was delivered to the Luftwaffe for testing in December. Due to supply chain issues, production was slow and the aircraft were finally delivered to the Luftwaffe until January 27, 1945.
Operational History
Given their very late introduction during the war, the Ta 152H saw very little action and its combat record is extremely limited. The aircraft was only supplied to the Stab, the squadron staff group, and Gruppe III of JG 301, a dual night and day fighter squadron which transitioned to them from Fw 190A-8’s on January 27. The squadron had a good pool of experienced pilots already familiar with Focke-Wulf aircraft, though their mechanics would have a far more difficult task, as the Ta 152H-0 had been pushed into service without maintenance manuals. At the airfield at Alteno, they received 11 aircraft, with 16 others having been destroyed or damaged on the ground before they could reach the unit. Familiarization and training proceeded until the end of February and was not without incident. One aircraft (150037) was lost in a training incident, a second damaged but repaired, and serviceability fell from 75% to 30% after an incident with water contaminating fuel supplies. The squadron would go on to receive several more aircraft before rebasing to Sachau when Alteno was overrun. They would attempt to engage Allied bombers on March 2, but the 12 Ta 152H’s would fail to reach them, as they were attacked by the Bf 109s of another squadron which mistook their unfamiliar planes for the enemy. No aircraft were lost in the engagement. A second high altitude interception against a DeHavilland Mosquito was also attempted, though engine trouble forced the pilot to return to base before contact was made.
The unit rebased again to Stendal near Erfurt, where they joined JG 301’s Gruppe II, during which one aircraft was lost, and the pilot, Jonny Wiegeshoff, was killed on the landing approach. This was believed to be the result of the propeller reduction gear failing and becoming stuck in an almost feathered position. By March 14th, the understrength unit was supplied with several Fw 190A-9s. Outnumbered and with little security, the Ta 152H’s often flew top cover for the rest of the unit during what few operations were undertaken. On April 10, Erfurt was contested, and during the fighting, the eight serviceable Ta 152’s engaged a flight of fifteen P-47’s near Brunswick, resulting in one victory claim.
Gruppe III’s last actions were conducted from Neustadt-Glewe. On April 15th, the unit suffered its first combat loss. During operations that day, four Ta 152s sortied to attack a pair of RAF Hawker Tempests engaging in a low level sweep. According to Obfw. Willi Reschke, the Ta 152H in the number two position, flown by Obfw. Sepp Sattler, suddenly lost control and crashed before contact was made, seemingly suffering a fatal malfunction, while other accounts claim he was brought down by one of the RAF Tempests. The remaining two Ta 152’s engaged the Tempests of No. 486 Squadron. In the ensuing battle, Obfw. Willi Reschke entered an intense, low level dogfight with one of the Tempests. Near the beginning of the engagement, he fired on and struck the tail of a Hawker Tempest flown by Lt. Mitchell, his gun’s electrical circuit seemingly failing shortly after. However, when Mitchel attempted to turn away from his opponent, he lost control of his damaged aircraft and crashed. Reschke swore by the low speed maneuverability of the Ta 152, which he felt was critical in this engagement, and his survival through the last days of the war. The Ta 152H flown by the Schwarm leader, Oberstleuteneant Fritz Auffhammer, suffered an engine failure, though the pilot successfully restored power and returned to base with his supercharger broken. Sattler and Mitchel were both buried at a cemetery in Neustadt-Glewe.
The last actions of the squadron were in the last stages of the Battle for Berlin, and on April 24th, the Ta 152s and Fw 190As of the IInd and IIIrd Gruppe attacked Soviet positions and engaged Yak 9’s. The final mission was flown over Berlin in poor conditions, and during an engagement with a flight of four Yak 9’s, Hauptman Hermann Stahl was killed during the engagement, with the four Yak-9’s being claimed by the unit. After the surrender, the unit rebased to Leck in Schleswig-Holstein, where they were disbanded and one of the serviceable Ta 152H’s was transferred to England by the RAF so that it could be evaluated. A second Ta 152H was also claimed by the USAAF for evaluation purposes, the plane being another H-0 which likely belonged to a testing unit at Rechlin.
In all, the Ta 152H was never actually used for any high altitude combat operations and its service was restricted to a single under strength unit. With at most ten victories and four operational losses, it is difficult to give any appraisal for its performance from its brief career with JG 301. Obfw. Josel Keil, was the only pilot to qualify as an ace on the Ta 152H, and together with Willi Reschke, who had two credits in the Ta 152H, and 24 in other aircraft, held nearly all of the aircraft’s combat credits between them.
Handling and Flying Characteristics
While the Ta 152H’s combat record leaves a lot of questions left unanswered, most pilots who had the chance to get behind the controls of the aircraft can at least agree that the aircraft flew very well. Among its most famous advocates was Royal Navy Test pilot Eric Brown. He would praise its excellent climb performance, maneuverability at high altitude, stability, and good landing characteristics. His only negative remarks were that its roll rate was reduced over the older Fw 190A, that its stick forces were notably heavier, and that its wheel brakes were still awful and prone to fade after a few moments of use. He otherwise considered it an excellent aircraft and the best high altitude piston engined fighter he had flown, comparing it favorably to a Spitfire Mk IXX. It must be noted that he misidentifies the aircraft as an H-1 in his book, and not the substantially lighter H-0, which is visually identical.
Captain Brown’s remarks are matched by those of the pilots who assessed the aircraft in the Stab and III/JG 301. The Ta 152H-0 had the best evaluation received by a front line operator of a Focke-Wulf aircraft. The aircraft possessed most of the best qualities of the earlier Fw 1,0D-9 without having its poor accelerated stall characteristics. While still described as uncomfortable like the Fw 190D it was so similar to, it was much improved and less prone to the aggressive snap rolling. So, while the aircraft was less maneuverable, generally speaking, most pilots were more comfortable pulling harder turns. In tests at the unit, some new pilots in Ta 152H’s were able to turn with seasoned pilots in Fw 190A’s. Take off runs were short, and the landing approach could be conducted at low speeds. Generally speaking, it was a fairly forgiving aircraft. The only negative notes on the aircraft were from the findings of the Rechlin Test Center, which found the aircraft became seriously unstable in dives exceeding 600 km/h and that level flight required excessive trimming of the horizontal stabilizer.
The stick forces were notably fairly high, but they were harmonized well, and the push rod control system ensured inputs were very responsive. Stability about the vertical axis was poor, and there was a tendency to skid. This tendency grew worse at higher altitudes and motivated them to install a level flight autopilot. The aircraft possessed good visibility to the back, sides, and rear, with the view over the nose being mediocre to poor. The controls were placed conveniently, with the instrument panel layout being clean and easy to read.
Most of its good qualities were not found in the fully equipped H-1 production model of the aircraft. Numerous problems were encountered when the full set of engine boosting equipment and fuel tanks were installed and filled. The added weight of the boost systems and wing tanks was substantial, and asymmetric. The GM-1 system and the wing tanks were particularly problematic, and the aircraft was unstable if the GM-1 container and fuel tanks were filled. Stability with the GM-1 system was only possible with a ballast kit, empty wing tanks, the removal of the MW 50 system, and a set fuel limit for the rear fuselage fuel tank. These issues were not resolved by the time the war ended, and there was no way the aircraft could use any combination of these systems without seriously jeopardizing its flying characteristics. MW 50 was usable aboard only the H-1 production model, but it may not have been available to JG 301 in the field. The squadron was still mostly composed of BMW 801 equipped Fw 190A’s which did not use the system.
Mechanics generally found the aircraft easier to maintain than the Fw 190, however there were some issues. The new hydraulic system for the landing gear was experiencing teething and quality control issues. The position of the landing gear wheel well was also found to be at issue, as when launching from damp conditions, the propeller cast mud and water into the well, which made its way inside the wing. This caused issues with the hydraulic systems and the autocannons fitted in the wing root.
Comparisons with contemporary fighters
Aircraft (manifold pressure)
Speed at Sea Level (km/h)
Speed 3050 m (10,000 ft) (km/h)
Speed 6096 m (20,000 ft) (km/h)
Speed 9144 m (30,000 ft) (km/h)
Speed 9.5 km (31,168 ft) (km/h)
Ta 152H-1 (1.92 ata)
580
640
690
725
732
Fw 190D-9 (1.82 ata)
611
645
689
653
645
P-51B-15 (75″ Hg)
616
675
709
688
685
P-47N-5-RE (72″ Hg)
587
643
708
740
759
P-47M (72” Hg)
587
646
701
753
762
P-38L (60” Hg)
550
608
646
663
659
Spitfire Mk 21 (+21 lbs)
592
658
700
704
703
Me 262 A-1a
800
x
870
845
x
*The Ta 152H-1 could reach a maximum speed of 760 km/h at 12.5 km using the GM-1 boost system. While it was never cleared for operational use, on paper, it made the Ta 152H the fastest fighter at that altitude. The Fw 190D-9 represents a late model, having received an MW 50 boost system, as was available near the end of 1944.
The Ta 152 entered service on a battlefield where the Western Allies already had high altitude supremacy, and had a number of improved designs that had yet to make their debuts by the time the war in Europe was ending. By January of 1945, the German air force was no longer dealing just with long range escort fighters over its own soil, but virtually every fighter the Allies could throw at it, such as P-47’s, Spitfires of several marks, La-7’s, and Tempests, just to name a few.
Against its contemporary Fw 190D-9 counterpart, it is clear that the Ta 152H did not represent a comprehensive upgrade. The Dora shared much of the same fuselage, though it retained the wings and tail sections of the older Anton series fighter, and it carried the Jumo 213A engine designed for use at lower altitudes. In regards to linear speed and acceleration below 6 km, the Dora roughly matched or exceeded the Ta 152H. This, however, was not the case at higher altitudes, where the high altitude specializations of the fighter showed their worth. The Ta 152H was known to be more maneuverable in flat turns and much more forgiving in most aggressive maneuvers, a result of its high aspect ratio wings which lacked the less than ideal tendency for snap rolling without much warning that the older Fw 190’s were known for. In a dive, the Dora was notably superior, as the aforementioned wings of the Ta 152H made it notably unstable at high speed. The H-1 carried, but was not cleared to use GM-1, nor does it seem they would have ever been supplied with the mixture. This is a discrepancy of several hundred kilograms, leaving the true climb performance of the aircraft somewhat ambiguous, with a claimed 20 m/s at sea level without MW 50.
The P-51B’s and D’s had marginal differences in performance They were among the most aerodynamically clean fighters of the war, boasting an extremely streamlined fuselage, laminar flow wings, and a radiator scoop which produced thrust that offset upwards of 90% of its own drag. To increase maneuverability in high speeds and in power dives, the control surfaces were internally sealed and used a diaphragm to reduce stick forces. The engine was a Packard Merlin V-1650-7 with an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Even though the engine was actually geared for lower altitude use than its predecessor, the combination of these features made the aircraft a very fast, maneuverable fighter which could boast of high performance at most altitude ranges.
Against the Ta 152H-1, the Mustang held to a higher top speed at low to medium altitude, better maneuverability at high speed, and far better dive performance. At extreme altitudes, the H-1 outstripped the Mustang in top speed, and across most altitudes would have had better low speed maneuverability. The high aspect ratio wings of the Ta 152 both gave it better handling at high altitude, and much improved stall characteristics over its predecessors down low. Curiously enough, both the Ta 152H and the Mustang were far more maneuverable than their wing loading would suggest, a result of high aspect ratio and laminar flow wing designs, respectively. However, in the Ta 152’s case, this came at the cost of a slower roll rate, and unstable high speed dive characteristics. While the Ta 152H could prove an exceptionally challenging high altitude opponent to all of the contemporary Allied fighters, it was a competitive, but not particularly impressive aircraft at lower altitudes. Performance wise, it could be said to fly like a more maneuverable, if slower, Fw 190D when at lower altitudes.
There is of course the story of Kurt Tank himself escaping a pair of P-51’s at low altitude in a Ta 152 prototype. Near the end of 1944, the designer himself was flying one of the prototypes to a conference in Cottbus, Germany, where he was happened upon by two P-51’s. Using the MW 50 boost system in the aircraft, Tank slipped away from his pursuers and arrived in Cottbus unscathed. Some laud this encounter a sign of the aircraft’s superiority, however, it is not a useful measure of the performance of any of the combat models of the aircraft. At Kurt Tank’s instruction, the prototype in question was unarmed and, more than likely, carrying no armor plate, which would have made the aircraft substantially lighter than any operational Ta 152H fighter.
The Spitfire Mk 21 represented the final evolution of the wartime Spitfire, by then nearing its tenth year in the air. A far echo from the Mk I, the 21 featured a vastly more powerful Griffin 61 engine. Much like its late Merlin powered predecessors, it possessed an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Unlike them, it was massive and much more powerful. After incorporating structural improvements and modifying controls for high speed, the Spitfire aged perhaps the best of any fighter of the war. Compared to the Ta 152H, it lacked the sheer distance in top speed performance of the P-51, but more than challenged the Focke-Wulf in linear speed and climb rate across most altitudes. However, at and above 7 km, the 152H had a confident advantage in speed and maneuverability.
Compared to the most modern Allied high altitude fighters, the Ta 152H lost most of its edge. The P-47N and M represented the final evolution of the American high altitude fighter, featuring a new 2800 hp, R-2800 turbocharged engine, and a variety of aerodynamic improvements to increase control at high speed. By the late Summer of 1944, the Western Allies had already gained air superiority over Europe, and so the new aircraft was stockpiled in the US for use in the Pacific, with the first deliveries being made in September of 1944. There was a similar performing model in Europe, the P-47M, though it was a limited production aircraft designed for chasing V-1 flying bombs and other high speed targets. Teething issues would keep it from entering service roughly until the Ta-125H did, in March of 1945. In the end though, the Luftwaffe had become so degraded that clearly no new updated models would be required and the performance increases would not justify the effort to refamiliarize pilots and maintenance personnel.
In terms of top speed, the P-47M&N handily outperformed the Ta 152H at all altitudes, the only exception being at extremely high altitudes when the Ta 152H employed GM-1. In contrast, the Focke-Wulf enjoyed a better climb rate and was likely the more maneuverable of the two, although it was certainly less capable in a dive. The late war Thunderbolts were certainly the fastest high altitude fighter which saw combat, the Ta 152H’s of JG 301 never having carried GM-1.
The P-38L was the last fighter variant of the Lightning fighter, the first model having been in service prior to the US entry to the war. With its turbo supercharged Allison engines, it was among the first fighters of the war that was designed for high altitude use. However, by the end of the war, it left something to be desired in terms of both its top speed, and like the Ta-152H, its high speed dive performance. Its low critical Mach number meant that the plane encountered compressibility at lower speeds than all of the fighters presented here. At high speeds and altitudes, the plane locked up and would remain uncontrollable until its high speed breaks were deployed, or it had descended into lower, denser air. Of all the Allied high altitude fighters, the Lightning compared fairly unfavorably with the Focke Wulf.
Most easily glossed over is the performance compared to jet fighters, which by the time the Ta 152H was introduced, could not exactly be called new. The Messerschmitt 262 had re-entered service in November of 1944 after earlier operational problems, and once training and maintenance programs were revised, the plane quickly proved itself. While it was slow to accelerate and climb, it was unapproachable in terms of top speed. Extreme high altitude use of the temperamental Jumo 004 turbojet engine was limited, though as a means of attacking high altitude formations of Allied bombers, it was by far the best equipped aircraft Germany possessed. Its slow acceleration meant that any energy-demanding maneuvers were largely off the table, but when flown by a pilot that understood its strengths, the plane was untouchable save for when it was taking off or landing. Though largely an issue post war, the Me 262 demonstrated the difficulty in justifying further piston engine fighter development at this point in aircraft development.
Overall, the Ta 152H certainly was not a Wunderwaffe by any means. At all but the highest altitudes, the aircraft was not a particularly better performer than its preceding, and much more numerous, Fw 190D counterpart. Even at extreme altitudes, it more than had competition in the form of the Thunderbolt N and M, which not only outstripped it in performance in a number of areas, but beat it into production by several months. It’s only truly exceptional performance was achieved using a high altitude engine boost system that was never made available to the unit carrying the aircraft, and in any case, it would have required a redesign of the aircraft to be used properly. Nevertheless, it represented a stark improvement in high altitude performance over previous German fighters. It too, could boast of extreme maneuverability at high altitudes, even if it didn’t lead the pack in pure speed. Top speed aside, its wings lent it a great degree of maneuverability at high altitude, and its overall performance at and above the altitudes Allied bombers flew at was considerable. This is also to say nothing of its trio of cannons; two 20mm MG151/20’s and its single 30mm MK108, which leant it incredible striking power. While the incorporation of the Jumo 213E, MW 50, and on paper, GM-1, did not produce the pinnacle of fighter design, the result was still a capable high altitude interceptor capable of engaging the highest flying targets of its day.
Construction
The construction of the Ta 152H’s fuselage was essentially that of a modified Fw 190A-8. The fuselage was largely the same with the following modifications: the forward fuselage was lengthened by 0.772 m in order to fit in a Mk 108 autocannon, the wing connecting section was moved forward 0.420 m to correct for the center of gravity, and the rear fuselage was lengthened by 0.5 m. The leading edge of the tail was exchanged for that on the Fw 190C, being considerably larger. Given the deteriorating situation near the end of the war, the new tail surfaces were wood, rather than metal skinned. The fin and rudder were enlarged for better control, with the new surface area of the tail stabilizers measuring 1.77 m2 for the vertical and 2.82 m2 for the horizontal. The changes to the fuselage necessitated strengthening, which saw some duralumin framing elements replaced with steel. In order to reduce the number of assembly jigs they needed to produce, the forward fuselage extension was bolted through the former engine attachment points.
The Ta 152H-1 featured all the tanks pictured here, the preproduction H-0 had only those in the fuselage. (Deutchesluftwaffe.de)
The wings were entirely redesigned from the Anton and changed to a high aspect model which increased the wingspan to 14.4 m, and to an area of 23.3 m2. Structurally, it remained a monocoque structure, but its rear spar and leading edge were used to absorb transverse forces and it was structurally reinforced with additional stiffening ribs. The landing gear were the same as the Fw 190A-8’s, but they were hydraulically and not electrically operated. They mounted 740 mm by 210 mm wheels to accommodate the increased weight of the aircraft. The inboard section of the wing mounted an MG 151/20 autocannon with provisions for 175 rounds of ammunition each.
The aircraft possessed a pressurized canopy to reduce the physiological stresses of high altitude flight. It was a very rudimentary system, with the cockpit rivets being sealed with DHK 8800 paste, and the sliding hood being sealed by means of a cylindrical rubber tube liner. Pressurization was regulated by means of a 1 liter air bottle supplied by a Knorr 300/10 air compressor which was geared to the engine with no intermediate gearing. The system was engaged at 8 km and maintained a constant .36 atmospheres. To prevent windscreen fogging, it was double-paned, with silica packets installed in the gap. Quality control issues saw varying effectiveness at altitude. On the record setting flight, Friedrich Schnier reported the system leaked badly above 12 km and shortly after he suffered joint pain, impaired vision, and numbness in his extremities due to low air pressure.
The Ta 152H carried an armament of two MG 151/20 20 mm cannons in each wing root and a centerline MK 108 30 mm cannon which fired through the propeller hub. The 20 mm guns were supplied with 175 rounds per gun, and the 30 mm with 90. The gunsight was the standard Revi 16b sight, which was eventually supposed to be replaced by the new EZ 42 gyroscopic sight which, when properly used, gave the pilot an accurate gunsight lead against his target. The aircraft was well armored with two engine plates, and six to protect the pilot, with a combined weight of 150 kg. The 8 mm plate behind the pilot was judged inadequate, though plans to increase its thickness to 15 mm were not carried out. A single hardpoint could be attached to the underside of the aircraft to install a 300 liter drop tank, but there were no provisions for carrying bombs.
The engine was a 35 liter Jumo 213E inverted V-12. Originally developed from the Jumo 211, which saw heavy use in bombers much earlier in the war, the new Jumo 213 was what most of the Luftwaffe’s hopes were placed on to compete with newer, more powerful Allied engines. It featured a new AJA 180 streamlined annular radiator that supported the oil and engine coolant. Critically, it was able to operate at significantly higher temperatures and pressures than older models, though not quite at the standards of the Western Allies. However, unlike Allied models, the Jumo was heavily automated. The Bediengerat, or control device, was a hydro-mechanical computer that managed the propeller RPM, mixture, supercharger speed, and radiator based on the pilot’s throttle inputs. This helped to relieve the pilot’s workload, as the Kommandogerat did on the BMW 801 powered models.
The Jumo 213E was the high altitude model which featured an intercooled, two stage, three speed supercharger. To further improve on high altitude performance, the aircraft would use a GM-1 nitrous boosting system. The system consisted of an 85 liter tank behind the pilot, and a crescent shaped liquid nitrous tank that sat at the right front side of the cockpit. The mixture was fed into the supercharger by a pump when the system was activated. As an oxygen carrier, the job of the nitrous is to provide an oxygen rich mixture to the engine when the supercharger is operating at altitudes where it is unable to provide the compression, and thus enough oxygen, needed to maintain a high manifold pressure. For the Jumo 213E, this was above 11 km. The drawbacks of the system were its uselessness below 11 km, and the bleed off of the evaporating liquid nitrous, which prevented it from being efficiently stored aboard the aircraft beyond several hours. Unlike its use on other aircraft, like Bf 109’s and Ju 88’s, the position of the nitrous tank aboard the Ta 152H proved dangerous, as it severely impacted the plane’s stability. It is unlikely the system would have been very effective without a major redesign of the fuel and mixture tanks, as even with a ballast kit that stabilized a GM-1 carrying plane, the aircraft could not carry anywhere near its full fuel load or its MW 50 boost system. While, on paper, the system promised unparalleled performance at extreme altitudes, it was almost unusable given its unstable configuration.
The MW 50 system was the low altitude boost system. It consisted of a 70 liter tank in the port wing containing MW 50, being roughly 49% methanol and 49% water, with the remainder being an anti corrosion measure. When active, the solution was pumped into the supercharger. The system was designed to boost engine power and overcome the less than ideal quality of German aviation fuels. Poor detonation characteristics, especially of the lower octane B4 fuels, forced the Germans to run at lower manifold pressures and thus lower power to avoid damaging their engines. Methanol boosted the octane rating of the fuel-air mixture entering the manifold, and the water cooled the mixture, with both factoring to bring major improvements in engine power via their combined anti-detonation, or knock, effects. The system made its debut in the summer of 1944, and was essential in allowing the later Bf 109G and Fw 190D series aircraft to stay competitive with their Allied counterparts. However, it was not without its drawbacks. It could not be used effectively above around 6 kilometers, and it was highly corrosive, severely limiting the lifespans of corrosion prone German engines. Aboard the Ta 152, it was to be installed in either a 70 liter wing tank or a standard 115 liter tank behind the pilot.
The engine had a bore and stroke of 150 mm and 165 mm, a compression ratio of 6.5:1, and a dry weight of 1040 kg. It differed from the standard model in that it had a slightly smaller bore, and the larger supercharger assembly and the associated intercooler added some 300 kg. It used B4 fuels which had a minimum octane rating of 87. The engine drove a constant speed 3.6 m VS 9 wooden propeller with a reduction gear of 1:2.40, and produced a maximum of 1753 PS (1729 hp) at sea level and 1260 PS (1242hp) at an altitude of 10.7 km. The oil header tank sat atop the front of the engine, and the coolant tank sat at the rear. On the Jumo 213A, these had a capacity of 55 and 115 liters respectively. The entire engine assembly was a Kraftei, or power-egg, consolidated unit, allowing the engine and its associated coolant systems to be easily removed or added to the aircraft.
Its radio and navigation systems included the FuG 16ZY ground control transceiver to allow it to be tracked and directed from ground based stations, a FuG 25A erstling IFF, and a FuG 125 radio direction finder for beacon homing. Some aircraft were also fitted with a K 23 level autopilot to reduce fatigue when flying the aircraft at high altitudes and in poor weather. The autopilot was accompanied with a heated windscreen and a FuG 125 Hermine radio navigation system as part of the R11 Rüstzustand equipment package.
Production of the Ta 152H
The Ta 152H was introduced in an environment where all quality control measures had already been cut down for every aspect of production. The lack of skilled labor and poor materials meant that building a reliable aircraft engine in Germany had become almost impossible by the spring of 1944. Slave labor and foreign, drafted workers had become the base of the labor pool, as most of Germany’s factory workers had been drafted to fight, resulting in a sharp decrease in quality. This was not only a result of poor working conditions and the inexperience of the workers, but sabotage became widespread, especially among those pulled to work from concentration camps. Even more desperate measures began to be instituted in the summer of 1944, as the re-use of parts from salvaged aircraft became more commonplace, and engine test runs were ever more limited to conserve dwindling fuel supplies.
The first Ta 152H-0 was completed in November of 1944 after considerable delays due to several sets of blueprints being found to be inaccurate, and sets of jigs had been lost in France the previous summer. The first planes were sent to the Rechlin test center in December of 1944, while Focke Wulf considered how to accelerate production. While doing so, they were hobbled when the Jagerstab, which managed strategic fighter production, shifted more and more resources to jet fighters and older, established piston engined fighters. Ta 152H production standards continued to decline in the midst of the widespread economic collapse of Germany. Near the end of January 1945, it became almost impossible to build any more Ta 152H’s, as the decentralized production system began to collapse, the rail system became unusable, and the wing and fuselage production center at Pozen was overrun by the Allies.
By the war’s end, approximately 60 Ta 152H fighters had been completed at the Focke Wulf facility at Cottbus. The series suffered extreme quality control issues in service with JG 301, which included supercharger surging and the failure of a propeller reduction unit, which resulted in the death of a pilot. In April of 1945, the plans were sold and shipped to Japan, where unsurprisingly, there was no new production of the aircraft.
Conclusion
The Ta 152H is often seen as one of the great ‘what if’s’ of the Luftwaffe, but in reality, the aircraft was a good, rather than truly exceptional fighter. While on paper, the Ta 152H was to be an incredible aircraft at high altitude, it’s rushed development, and hasty introduction into service saw it fly without the GM-1 boost system that it needed to achieve these feats, and in a rather regrettable state in terms of build quality. It stacked up well against many of the older aircraft in the theaters it fought in, like the Yak-9, Spitfire Mk IX, or the P-38L, and against its contemporary Allied rivals, it was a competitive fighter at high altitudes.
Specification:
Specification
Ta 152H-0
H-1
Engine
Junkers Jumo 213E
Junkers Jumo 213E
Engine Output
1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50
1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50
Empty Weight
4031 kg
Loaded Weight
4730 kg
5220 kg
Maximum Range
2000 km
Maximum Endurance
3.3 hrs
Maximum Speed [At altitude]
approximately 720 km/h [10.9 km]
760 km/h w/GM-1 [12.5 km]
Service Ceiling
15 km w/ GM-1 (estimated)
Armament
1×30 mm MK 108, 2×20 mm MG 151/20
same
Crew
1x pilot
same
Length
10.82 m
10.82 m
Wingspan
14.44 m
14.44 m
Wing Area
23.3 m^2
23.3 m^2
Height
3.38 m
3.38 m
Variants:
Ta 152H-0: Pre-production model, no wing fuel tanks, no MW 50 provisions, GM-1 capability but never cleared for operational use.
Ta 152H-0/R11: Poor weather pre-production series with level autopilot. Most pre-production aircraft were built in this configuration.
Ta 152H-1: Production model, wing fuel tanks, 85 liter GM-1 provisions but not supplied due to operational concerns. 70 liter MW 50 low pressure system installed. Fuel tankage increased from 595 liters to 995 liters with unprotected bag tanks in wings.
Ta 152H-1/R11: Poor weather model, autopilot. Most production aircraft were built in this configuration.
Ta 152H-1/R21: Equipped with Jumo 213EB intercooled engine, high pressure MW 50 system installed. Not operational.
Ta 152H-1/R31: Jumo 213EB, ballast kit to allow GM-1 use. No MW 50 and fuel capacity restricted. Not operational.
Ta 152H-2: FuG 15 radio set instead of FuG 16. Canceled in December 1944.
Ta 152H-2/R11: Bad Weather model.
Ta 152H-10: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-0.
Ta 152H-11: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-1.
Ta 152H-12: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-2.
Illustrations
Credits
Article written by Henry H.
Edited by Henry H. & Stan L.
Ported by Henry H.
Illustrated by Hansclaw
Sources:
Primary:
Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down Spitfire F. Mk. 21 LA.187 (Griffon 61) Climb and Level Speed Trials. 10 October 1945.
Einmotorige Jäger: Leistungsdaten, 1.10.44
Ersatzteil-Liste TA 152. Konstruktionsgruppe 7 Triebwerksanlage. Focke-Wulf Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. Bremen.
Fighter Offensive Performance at Altitude Model P-47N-5RE Engine P&W R-2800-73 GP=45:1 Propeller-4 Blades- 13’0” DIA. (Curtis 836) War Emergency- 2800/2800 S.L. to Critical Altitude G.W.=13962 LBS. Republic Aviation Corporation. Farmingdale L.I., New York.
Horizontalgeschwindigkeit über der Flughöhe mit Sonderleistung. Leistungsvergleich Fw 190 – Ta 152. Focke-Wulfe Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. 3.1.45
P-51B-15-NA 43-24777 (Packard Merlin V-1650-7) Performance Tests on P-38J, P-47D and P-51B Airplanes Tested with 44-1 Fuel.(GRADE 104/150). 15 May, 1944.
Smith F., M.A. and Brotherton J. Note on the performance in flight of the German jet-propelled aircraft Messerschmitt 262, Heinkel 162, and Arado 234. Royal Aircraft Establishment, Farnborough. October 1945.
Secondary:
Brown, Eric Melrose. Wings of the Luftwaffe. Hikoki, 2010.
Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.
Green, William. The Warplanes of the Third Reich. Doubleday & Company. 1970.
Harmann, Dietmar. Focke-Wulf Ta 152 the Story of the Luftwaffe’s Late-war, High-Altitude Fighter. Schiffer Military History. 1999.
Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Focke-Wulf Fw 190, Vol. 3: 1944-1945. Specialty Pr Pub & Wholesalers. 2015.
Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Me 262 Volume Two. Crecy Publishing. 2007.
Weal, John. Focke-Wulf Fw 190 Aces of the Western Front. Osprey Publishing. 1996.
The German military industries during the Second World War are often seen as highly developed, and producing highly sophisticated, superior weaponry to that used by the Allies. The reality is quite different, as they began to implement the mass use of slave labor and were chronically short of several key resources. Regardless, bright engineering minds and desperation led to the introduction of a series of new technologies, some being the first of their kind. The German aviation industry was credited with creating some advanced and innovative, but ultimately scarce aircraft designs such as the Me 262 jet fighter. With this reputation, many theories on German hyper-advanced, secretive aircraft projects began to spread after the war. Among them, was the theory that they had created a series of supersonic, flying saucers.
The Myth of German Technological Superiority
In the decades after the Second World War ended, in media and popular culture, German military technology and industry were often presented as significantly superior to the Allies. This is perhaps the most obvious when mentioning the German Wunderwaffe (Eng. wonder-weapon). These weapons ranged from flying bombs, ballistic missiles, jet engines, and super-heavy tanks. In essence, from the German perspective, the Wunderwaffe presented any weapon that would help them turn the tide of the war. Probably the best examples that were used in greater numbers were the V-2 rockets and the Me 262 jet fighter. In the case of the V-2, these were used en masse to bomb targets in Great Britain and continental Europe. Descending at a speed of nearly 6000 km/h, they could not be tracked and struck without warning. The Me 262 was able to achieve speed far superior to that of ordinary piston-powered aircraft., and with its armament of four 3 cm cannons, it could easily take down heavy Allied bombers.
Before we go any further we must discuss the history and truthfulness of these wonder weapons and their origin. It is important to point out that the German war industry prior to and during the war struggled with numerous industrial shortcomings. It was unable to produce enough quantities of weapons and materiel to satisfy the German Army’s demands. This can be best seen in the pre-war tank production when during the invasion of Poland, only a limited number of modern Panzer III and IV were available. The lack of anything better forced the German armored formation to rely on the weaker Panzer I and II tanks. The effective heavy tanks, such as Tigers, due to their complexity and price, were built in limited numbers. Even the Panther, of which some 6,000 were built, which was much cheaper and easier to build, could never be produced in such numbers to fully replace older designs. The Army itself, while generally portrayed to be highly motorized, was actually heavily dependent on horses for the transportation of artillery and supplies.
Regarding the term Wunderwaffe, it is almost entirely associated with German propaganda. The term was more actively used when the war began to turn bad for the Germans, especially after defeats like the one at Stalingrad. In theory, any weapon or vehicle could be categorized as a Wunderwaffe. Ranging from an assault rifle to a jet-powered aircraft. Some were just paper projects or simple proposals that were intended to enter production but they actually never did.
Now the question would be were these weapons truly superior to the Allied ones? A simple answer is no, but every single of these Wunderwaffe had pros and cons, so making a simple conclusion about their effectiveness and use would revive extensive research and work that is beyond this article. But we can briefly consider the effectiveness of the two previously mentioned weapons systems, the V-2 and the Me 262. While the V-2 was quite advanced for its day, it was plagued with many problems. The reliability of the rockets was not guaranteed with some of them exploding during take-offs. Precision was their weakest point, and by late 1944, when they were used en mass, the Germans simply lacked the means to observe their effectiveness against targets in Great Britain and could not correct the aim of the rockets. The Me 262 was also far from perfect, given the technological novelty of many of its components, it too suffered from poor reliability. Both weapons were also introduced too late to have any real impact on the war.
The Germans lost the war, which obviously showed that the concept of the Wunderwaffe was just a desperate attempt to increase the morale of its people and to fight the ever-increasing fear of a possible defeat. But despite it, these weapons continued to tickle the imagination in modern-day culture. To some extent, some mysteries would emerge after the war, that were either fabricated or were to some extent real. The probably best-known, and most infamous is the German flying disc project which employed the unusual circular wing design.
A Brief History of Circular Wing Design
While the circular wing design may be seen often wrongly connected to the unidentified flying object its actual origin is more earthly in nature and goes way back to the 18th century. One of the first recorded proposals for using a circular wing design to create a flying contraption was presented by Swedish scientist and philosopher Emanuel Swedenborg. He published his work in a scientific journal in 1716, but his proposal ultimately led nowhere. Nearly two centuries later in 1871 when French inventor Alphonse Penaur tested his own flying model. Encouraged by this success in the following years he began working on a new aircraft design that was to have elliptical wings and be powered by two smaller steam engines. But he committed suicide in 1880 and never fully implemented this new project. In the 1910s a wealthy weaver, Cedric Lee and his friend George. T. Richards began working on a circular wing glider. After a series of flight tests, they noticed that the glider had a good overall flying performance. Inspired by this success, they hired an engineer, James Radley, to help them build their new propeller-driven circular-wing aircraft in 1913. This aircraft also performed well during its test flight, but during the landing, the engine stopped and the aircraft crashed. While the pilot was unharmed the aircraft was a complete loss. Both Cedric Lee and George. T. Richards continued working on improving their design, but after a few more crash landings, they gave up on their project. In the 1940s, the American Army and Navy experimented with using a few different semi-disc wing designs These were the Boeing B.390 and the XF5U-1. While boths were surely interesting aircraft, their overall design proved to be a failure and none would be accepted for service.
The Flying Disc Project
The history of German flying disc projects is rather poorly documented, and in many cases, outright fabricated. They were allegedly related to German attempts to develop a vertical take-off and landing (VTOL) aircraft. It is surrounded by a veil of secrecy, and quackery, and probably that is the main reason why it is often connected to mythical or even supernatural origins. It is worth mentioning that the sources regarding these developments are quite unreliable, as they are mostly based on stories told by eyewitnesses and individuals. The reliability of these eyewitnesses and individuals should be taken with a great grain of salt. We must take into account that many of the written sources were made decades after the alleged events occurred. Another vital point to consider is the reliability of the main individuals that were allegedly involved in such projects. One such person was Rudolph Schriever, who after the war, gave an account of his reputed involvement in the development of a secret flying disc aircraft.
According to his story, the German Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM (Ministry of Aviation) appointed a young aircraft design engineer and pilot, Rudolph Schriever, to work at the Heinkel-Rostock design office. In reality, he had no verifiable claims to German military service, relating to aviation or otherwise, and his only known employment was for the US Army as a truck driver after the war. It’s also not quite clear, but in some sources there is a mention of a certain Otto Habermohl, supposedly also involved from the start. Not to be beaten out by Schriever, there is not only any evidence for his credentials, but he doesn’t seem to have existed at all.
At that time, different engineers wanted to solve the issue of reducing the space needed to launch and recover aircraft. One solution was to launch an aircraft directly, and vertically into the sky. In this case, such aircraft would not need a long runway and instead could take to the sky from a single launching point. But this concept, while tested over the years, was never successfully implemented during the war.
Schriever claims to have approached this problem with a somewhat unusual solution. He made plans using a disc-shaped aircraft powered by jet engines using the so-called Coanda effect. This effect was named after the Romanian Henri Marie Coanda, an aerodynamic engineer. He discovered that when using a jet stream that is applied tangentially against a convex surface it creates a lift force that could be further increased by circulation. Schiriever claimed to have presented his idea to Ernst Heinkel, who was said to have liked the concept. This supposedly led to the start of work on a small prototype. He claims that after some work, the prototype was completed in early 1941. This prototype received the simple V1 designation without any prefix for the aircraft type. This should not be confused with the V1 flying bomb, as the V stands for Versuchs (experimental or trial model) which was quite commonly used by the Germans especially in the aviation industry to describe experimental or pre-production models. This prototype supposedly consisted of a disc-shaped wing design powered by an electrical rotary fan, no power source is given.
In 1942, this prototype was allegedly flight tested. No precise information about its overall performance exists. The assembly of this prototype named V2 was said to have begun in nearly 1943. By that point, Schriever claimed that some design work was moved from Germany to occupied Czechoslovakia. Škoda factories near Prague are assumed to have provided assistance to this project, though he did not specify in his testimony. A few other companies were also mentioned to be to some extent involved in this project, this includes Junkers, Wilhelm Gustloff, and Kieler Leichtbau. The fate of the V2 prototype is not clear.
The testing of the Schriever flying disc was supposedly observed by a group of some 25 eyewitnesses from the Flight school which was stationed near this airfield. One of these eyewitnesses gave testimony to a German aeronautical magazine Flugzeug in 1987. The truth of these claims cannot be completely verified with certainty. If we consider the fact that more than 40 years have passed since this incident to the moment they gave the interview. They reportedly saw a strange disc-shaped aircraft. This aircraft was described as disc-shaped with an estimated diameter between 5 to 6 m with the height of an average man. They also reported that it had an aluminum color. And that while being on the ground held in position by four landing gear legs. It managed to reach a flight of around 300 m of distance at 1 m of height. In the event the witness was not being intentionally misleading, it is likely they saw a helicopter being tested, several designs of which were researched and built during the war.
Name of the project
Beside the names given to the prototypes, this whole project appears to not have received any official designation, which was somewhat odd. It is often simply referred to as the Heinkel-BMW or by its name of the inventor Schriever, or even as the Schriever-Habermohl flying disc. Also sometimes it is also referred to as Flugkreisel (Flying top). This article will use the Heinkel-BMW flying disc designation for the sake of simplicity only.
Further Work
By 1944, the whole team that worked on this project was supposedly moved to Czechoslovakia. The entire personnel were not stationed at one facility but instead relocated to various small cities in that occupied country. Allegedly, this was done to avoid any of them being killed in the Allied bombing raids. The main base of operation was said to be the Praha-Kbely Airfield. According to Schriever, by this time, other aircraft design engineers began joining the program. One of them was SS Lieutenant Helmut Zborowski who was then appointed commander of this base. Given his position, Helmut would be most likely directly involved in the project. Others included Dr. Richard Miethe who may have been involved in the German rocket development. He may have been involved in the Peenemunde rocket research center, but his work there was never verified and so far no connection has been proven. Lastly, there was Klaus Habermohl and surprisingly an Italian, Dr. Giuseppe Belluzzo, who specialized in the work of turbines. The involvement of these two in the supposed project is unclear. Dr. Giuseppe Belluzzo claimed after the war that he was involved in the disc-shaped aircraft project but there is no proof of this. Klaus Habermohl is another strange person that allegedly worked on this project. What is bizarre is that no actual proof was ever found that this was a real person that existed. Lastly, the role of Joseph Andreas Epp, who was an engineer, was a supposed consultant to the Heinkel-BMW flying disc program. After the war, he claimed to have greatly influenced the German disc-shaped aircraft project, but if this is true, or was just an attempt to gain fame are unknown, the latter option seems more possible.
Schierver claimed that, together this team decided to proceed and built a third,even larger aircraft. The necessary component for the aircraft was to be supplied by Heinkel while Bayerische Motoren Werke AG – BMW was to have been responsible for providing the necessary engines. During the construction of the V3 prototype, one member of the team proposed using an experimental radial flow gas turbine engine which was adopted. The V3 was said to have been completed in the autumn of 1944. It was said to be almost double the size of the previous prototype with a diameter ranging from 12.2 to 15.1 m. No specific model of jet engine was mentioned. Supposedly, this aircraft was capable of achieving subsonic speed and could take off vertically.
As the war was by this point obviously lost, the Germans tried to delay the inevitable, and out of desperation, the SS became more involved in Wunderwaffe projects. This flying disc was said to be one of them, with their supposed involvement helping to add another layer of esotericism. Supposedly, soon the new V7 prototype was under construction. The fate of the V4, V5, and V6 prototypes is unknown. The last prototype, the V7 was reportedly designed to be larger than its predecessor by having a diameter of 18.3 to 21.3 m. This prototype was to be powered by gas turbine engines, from the start. At some point the work on the prototype was supposedly taken over by Richard Miethe.
Technical characteristics
Given the general obscurity and poor source materials, the precise construction of this bizarre aircraft is unknown. The available information should be regarded as illegitimate as it is technically incorrect, extremely inconsistent, and often fantastical.
The aircraft itself was envisioned as a circular-rotary wing design likely made of metal and powered by several smaller jet engines. It consisted of a centrally positioned crew cabin, which was surrounded by a large rotary wing assembly, resembling a huge fan. These were surrounded by a huge likely metal ring. What holds this ring in place is not clear according to a few drawings of it that exist.
The V7 had a diameter of 18.3 to 21.3 m. To provide stability it is often suggested that this aircraft received a stabilizing fin added close to the central cockpit. The central cockpit appears to be hemispherical and was fully glazed, providing the crew with a good upper all-around view. The lower view would be greatly restricted by the large rotary wing and present extreme difficulty in landing. How they would resolve this issue is not clear. It is possible that at the bottom of the cockpit, additional windows were to have been added. The crew consisted of two to three crew members whose roles were not specified.
Beneath the large rotary wings, at least four jet engines were to be used to power the whole assembly. These provided lift during take-off and landing. Allegedly, horizontal flight could be achieved by adding additional engines possibly connected to the lower part of the cockpit unit. Several different possibilities could have been used for this project. Ranging from Jumo 004, Jumo 211/b, BMW 003 engines, Walter HWK109 rocket engine, or the Argus pulsejet. Its alleged maximum speed achieved was 1,200 km/h or up to 2,000 km/h at a height of 12,400 m. Given its nature, and that none of the engines would have sufficient performance for supersonic flight, both numbers seem unrealistic, to say the least. Even in Rudolph Schriever’s own testimony after the war, he claimed that the prototype only managed to achieve some basic flights. There is no record that any kind of armament was tested on this aircraft.
The Fate of the Project
Like most parts of this aircraft, its final fate is unknown. Hard to verify, and often absurd claims, mention that it climbed to heights of 12.200 m or managed to reach supersonic speed. Given that it was supposedly in its early development phase when the previously mentioned test flight was made, it is dubious that such a flight was possible even with all of the other issues.
The V7 was said to have been destroyed by the Germans to prevent its capture. Or the Germans failed in this and the Soviets managed to capture it, with no evidence existing in either case. There was also said to be a V8 prototype that was under construction by the war’s end. Another interesting but unconfirmed information is that some members of the team who worked on this flying disc including Richard Miethe actually managed to surrender to the Western Allies. This seems unlikely and was possibly fabricated by Miethe, who was known to have been involved in some different conspiracy theories, so his background is also not verifiable.
Ironically, the Germans actually managed to develop and built in small series a rocket-propelled VTOL aircraft, the Ba 349. While quite an unusual design, it was a real, and more practical aircraft in contrast to fictitious flying disc projects. By the time it was flight tested in March 1945, it proved to be a failure.
Production
After the war, Joseph Andreas Epp claimed that at least 15 various prototypes were built and tested by the Germans. This number also includes another similar project that runs parallel to the alleged Heinkel-BMW project.
V1 – Small prototype model
V2 – Second prototype whose fate is unknown
V3 – Tested in late 1944
V4-6 – Possibly paper projects
V7 – Larger fully operational prototype
V8 – Alleged improved V7 prototype
Is the whole story actually True?
Not surprisingly the entire story about Rudolph Schriever’s work is in all likelihood, a complete fabrication. Author, G. Rendall (UFOs Before Roswell) gives a quite detailed account of the Schriever’s involvement, or better said, lack thereof in the German flying disc program.
The connection between Schriever and the Luftwaffe is not clear. While he is often described as having the title Flugkapitan (Flight Captain) this was not an official military rank but instead an honorary title given to civilian test pilots for their service. This usually includes testing a prototype aircraft and testing newly built planes. Schriever, allegedly thanks to his idea of a flying disc, and pilot skill was said to be summoned to Heinkel. In reality, there is no evidence to support this, neither him being an engineer nor a test pilot. His first public appearance and general mention of his flying disc project occurred when he gave an interview to the Der Spiegel news magazine on the 30th of March 1950.
Schriever may have been influenced to come up with his story by the Italian post-war flying disc stories. In the late 1940s Italian engineers showed great interest in designing similar aircraft. One engineer Francesco de Beaumont proposed a disk-shaped aircraft design powered by four jet engines. Another engineer Giuseppe Belluzzo in his own story given to the magazine Il Giornale d’Italia, was he mentioned Italian and German flying disc development.
In any case, according to Schriever’s interview, he allegedly became involved in the flying disc program in 1942. Quite interesting is the fact that according to Schriever’s own words, this aircraft was successfully flight-tested. He continued to work on this project up to the end of the war when he had to flee with the whole documentation and plans. He set up a small workshop and the documents were stored there. In 1948 he claimed that they had been stolen by an unspecified foreign agency and never found. Despite claiming to be involved in the secret flying disc program as an engineer, Schriever after the war worked as a simple truck driver. As there is no proof of the Heinkel-BMW flying disc, the whole story seems like a fabrication invented by Schriever. As in his later interview, he claimed to be involved in other projects; it is likely that he was seeking attention possibly from the Allies or simply just bored during a time when Germany was undergoing a slow, painful recovery. To add to the likelihood of the latter, at that time German engineers were highly in demand by the Allies and the Soviets. The US army even organized special operations to bring many German scientists to America, yet Schriver’s claims of the disc aircraft were completely ignored. If being recruited was Schriever’s intention, he failed in that regard. In the end, Schriever’s story ended with his death in 1953, as reported by the German Newspaper, Deutsche Illustrierte
The Real German Circular-wing aircraft
As it is often the case, the reality is often quite disappointing for those who believe in the extraterrestrial and esoteric origins of German flying source projects. Likely the only circular-wing design that reached some operational level was the Arthur Sack Sack AS-6. While even this aircraft had a rather obscure history, it is known that one prototype was completed and tested. Given that this was mostly a one-man project built using salvaged components, it should not come as a surprise that it led nowhere. During testing, the aircraft failed to take off and after a number of improvements, attempts to fly the aircraft were eventually discarded. The only prototype would be destroyed in an Allied bombing raid. The Horten Ho 229 could technically also be classified as a flying disc aircraft, though by any technical definition, it is a flying wing. Despite some effort put into its development, it remained at the prototype stage. There were many other projects but few went beyond a mock-up stage.
Conclusion
Based on the few available information what conclusion could be made regarding this unusual design? Given its supposed secrecy and some element of Wunderwaffe allure, there is no doubt that the project is by all indications, fictional. Given the fact that the Germans allegedly spent years developing such aircraft but did not advance beyond the prototype stage, probably an indicator that the whole concept was likely flawed if it existed in the first place.
In the case of Rudolph Schriever’s work, it is quite certain that his entire involvement in such design was purely made-up after the war. Why he would do so is unclear. It is possible that he tried to get the attention of the Allies. In this regard, he failed, as the Allies probably saw,if they ever bothered in the first place, that the whole story was fake and invented from the start. It is much more likely that Rudolph Schriever simply wanted to do a publicity stunt, as he was probably extremely bored being a truck driver in post-war Germany. In the end, it’s likely that Rudolph Schriever never suspected that his story would have gone so far, being propelled by the flying saucer craze of the 1950s.
Alleged Heinkel-BMW V7 Specifications
Wingspans
18.3 to 21.3 m
Engine
Multiple unspecified jet engines
Maximum Speed
1.200 to 2.000 km/h / 745 to 1240 mph
Maximum Service Ceiling
12.400 m
Crew
2 to 3
Armament
None
Illustration
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H.
Ported by Henry H.
Illustrated by Medicman 11
Source:
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
R. Ford (2000) German Secret Weapons of WWII, MBI
B.Rose and T. Buttler (2006) Secret project Flying Saucer Aircraft, Midland
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putnam
H. Stevens, Hitler Flying Saucers. Adventures Unlimited Press
M. Fitzgerald (2018) Hitler Secret Weapons Of Mass Destruction, Arcturus
G. Rendall (2021) UfOs Before Roswell, Graeme Rendall
In the years prior to the Second World War, in Europe, there was significant interest in the development of aircraft intended to be used for breaking various world records. International competitions and exhibitions of new aircraft technology were quite common in this period. While at first glance this may seem like a hobby or sports event, in reality, these were often used for propaganda purposes to glorify a nation’s own aviation industry as superior to those of other countries. Achieving the greatest possible speed was often regarded as a clear measure of engineering supremacy over other countries. Germany was one of these, which took up the task in the late 1930s to achieve the greatest possible speed. They successfully achieved with the Me 209, an excellent record-setter, but completely unsuited for military use.
History of the Me 209
Due to restrictions imposed by the Western Allies, the Germans were partially limited from researching certain aircraft technologies. This did not stop them, however, as German aviation enthusiasts and aircraft manufacturers found numerous ways to bypass these restrictions. In the early 1930s the German aircraft industry worked at full capacity in order to increase the production of ever-needed new aircraft designs, but also introduced a series of new technologies. When the Nazis came to power in 1933, huge investments were made in order to build one of the most modern air forces in the world. Thanks to these resources, the Germans introduced a series of excellent aircraft designs that would dominate the skies over Europe in the first years of the war.
Some of these aircraft were specially modified so that they could be reused as propaganda tools. Their purpose was to achieve as many world records as possible. On the other hand, these were never actually accepted for service. One aircraft developed by Heinkel, the He 100, managed to achieve great success by reaching a speed of 764 km/h. However, this was not enough in the minds of the leading officials of the Reichsluftfahrtministerium – RLM ( German Air Ministry) who wanted something more imposing to show to the world. Adolf Hitler himself wanted to show off the superiority of the German aviation industry. So to win worldwide prestige in aviation, in 1937 Messerschmitt was instructed by the RLM to begin developing an experimental aircraft that set the world speed record. Given its specialized nature as a high-speed record-breaker, Messerschmitt received production orders for three prototype aircraft.
Willy Messerschmitt and his team of engineers began working on such a project, codenamed P.1059 in the early stage of development, soon after the requisite was made and the first working prototype was now under the designation Me 209 V1 (D-INJR).
The Prototype Development
The Me 209V1 prototype made its maiden flight at the start of August 1938. This flight was rather short at only 7 minutes. It was flown by the Messerschmitt chief engineer J. H. Wurster who was also a pilot. It was initially planned to use the experimental DB 601ARJ engine. As it was not yet available, a more orthodox 1,100 hp DB 601A engine was used instead. Almost from the start, the Me 209V1 was shown to be a troublesome design. Numerous issues were detected during flight testing. Some of these included the aircraft’s tendency to abruptly dive in mid-flight, the controls being heavy and hard to work with either in the air or on the ground, cockpit ventilation was poor, engine overheating problems were evident due to insufficient cooling, and cockpit visibility was quite limited. During landings, the Me 209 showed that it had a high sinking rate which usually led to a harsh landing, potentially causing damage to the landing gear. Despite all of this, which would in other circumstances lead to a sure cancellation of the project, the RLM officials urged that the Me 209 development should go on.
The side view of the Me 209V1 prototype. Interestingly the Messerschmitt workers did not even border apply any paint job to it. The natural aluminum color is quite evident in this photograph.
The second prototype Me 209 V2 (D-IWAH) was completed in early 1939. It was flight-tested for the first time on the 8th of February 1939. At that time Wurster gave up his position as the Messerschmitt test pilot to Fritz Wendel. On the 4th of April, there was an accident where this aircraft would be lost. After a short flight, the pilot Fritz Wendel was preparing for a landing approach on Haunstetten airfield. Suddenly, and without warning, the engine stopped working and the aircraft rapidly lost altitude. In another version of this event, the engine stopped working shortly after take-off. Regardless of which event was true, the aircraft was lost but surprisingly the pilot Fritz Wendel survived the forced landing without injury.
In the meantime, with the loss of the V2 aircraft, the testing continued using the first prototype which was finally equipped with the DB 601ARJ engine. This engine was rated for 1800 PS on take-off, with its emergency power setting reaching 2,465 PS.
A New World Record
As the V2 was lost and the other two prototypes were still under construction, it was devised to use the V1 aircraft for the anticipated world record flight. On the 26th of April 1939, while piloted by Fritz Wendel, the Me 209V1 reached a phenomenal speed of 755 km/h. It would take nearly 30 years before the record was beaten by a modified American Grumman F8F-2 in 1969.
German Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels was quick to exploit this successful flight. Goebbels propaganda machine soon published this news as a great success of the German aviation industry. To hide the experimental nature of the Me 209, in propaganda news it was renamed Bf 109R. This was also done to deceive the general foreign public that this was an actual operational fighter. Shortly after that, all further work on beating the speed record was strictly forbidden. Following this success, Me 209 V3 (D-IVFP) was completed and flight-tested in May 1939. Its flight career would end shortly as its frame was mostly used for various testing and experimentation duties.
Technical Characteristics
The Me 209 was a low-wing, all-metal, single-seat, experimental record-breaking aircraft. Unfortunately due to its experimental nature, not much is mentioned about its precise construction in the sources.
The fuselage and the wings were made of a metal frame covered in aluminum sheets. The rear tail unit had an unusual design with the rudder being greatly enlarged. This was done to help the aircraft design cope with propeller torque.
The Me 209 landing gear consisted of two landing gear units that retracted outward towards the wings. The Me 209 used a more common type of landing gear that retracted inward to the wings. To the rear, a sliding skid was placed at the bottom part of the large tail fin. The skid was connected with a spring to the tail unit and could be completely retracted to reduce the drag.
The cockpit was placed quite to the rear of the aircraft fuselage. This design had a huge flaw, as it severely restricted the pilot’s front view. The canopy of this cockpit opens outwards to the right. It was likely taken directly from Messerschmitt’s early design of the Bf 109. In an emergency, the canopy could be jettisoned.
The Me 209 was to be powered by the DB 601ARJ engine, a twelve-cylinder, liquid-cooled V-12 engine. This engine used a Messerschmitt P8 three-bladed propeller. The engine cooling system was rather unusual. As the Messerschmitt engineer wanted to avoid using a standard radiator to avoid unnecessary drag, they came up with a new design. The engine was cooled with water, which was nothing unusual, but the way the water itself was cooled was quite a new and complicated process. The hot water steam from the engine was redistributed to the wings through pipes. Once in the wings, through a series of specially designed openings, the hot water stream would be condensed back to a liquid state. The cooled water would then be brought back to the engine, where the process would be repeated again and again. The negative side of this system was the constant loss of water due to evaporation, which depending on the conditions like speed may differ widely from 4 to 7 liters per minute. Due to this huge loss in a short amount of time, the aircraft had to be equipped with a 200 (or 450) liter water container. With this water load capacity, the Me 209 had an endurance time of only 35 minutes.
Attempt To Develop a Combat Version of Me 209
In May 1939 the Me 209 V4 (D-IRND) was flight tested. While the previous prototypes were to be used for beating international world records, the V4 was an attempt to adopt the Me 209 for potential military use. It was not requested by the RLM but instead a Messerschmitt private venture.
This prototype would receive a military code CE-BW in 1940. Its design was modified to include new and enlarged wings. The racing engine was replaced with a military model, the 1,100 hp DB 601. Due to the limitations of the wing-mounted cooling system, it had to be replaced with conventional radiators, which were changed several times in the Me209 V4’s development. The wing design was also changed as it was somewhat larger and longer than that used on the original Me 209. These were also provided with an automatic leading-edge slat.
In addition to its new purpose, it was to be equipped with offensive armament. The sources disagree on its precise armament. According to, D. Myhra (Messerschmitt Me 209V1) it consisted of two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns placed above the engine, a 2 cm cannon that would fire through the propeller shaft, and two 3 cm Mk 108 cannons to be installed in the wings. The potential use of this wing-mounted armament is quite questionable for a few reasons. The installation of such a cannon would not be possible given the limited room inside the wings. In addition, the MK 108 would be introduced to service in the later stages of the war, years after the Me 209 V4 was tested.
Authors J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (German Aircraft of the WW2) on the other hand mentioned that the wing armament was to consist of two MG 17 machine guns, but this had to be abandoned as there was no room in the wings for them.
During testing of the much modified Me 209V4 it was shown to have weaker general flight performance than the already produced Bf 109. Attempts to further improve it by installing a stronger engine failed, as the Me 209 was still underpowered as its airframe was designed around a phenomenally powerful engine. Despite all this work the Me 209V4 was simply not suited for use as a fighter and thus the project had to be abandoned.
The Fate of the Me 209 prototypes
Following the completion of its original goal, the Me 209V1 aircraft was given to the Berlin Air Museum in April 1940. While initially the Messerschmitt workers simply kept the natural aluminum color for the Me 209. This was not appropriate for an exhibit; it would be repainted in dark blue with its code painted to its fuselage sides. Interestingly during its brief service, the Me 209 was often nicknamed by its crew as Fliegend Eber (Eng. flight boar).
In 1943 the Berlin Air Museum was hit during an Allied bombing raid and many aircraft were lost. The Me 209V1 was damaged but its fuselage was left relatively intact. It and other exhibits were moved to Poland for safekeeping, where it was simply forgotten. It was not until 1967 that Norman Wiltshire from the International Association of Aviation Historians actually discovered its remains during his visit to the Polish Air Museum in Krakow. The preserved Me 209V1 fuselage is still located at the Polish Museum, despite many attempts by the Germans to buy it back. The Me 209V3 was completely destroyed in one of many Allied bombing raids of Germany, while the V4 was scrapped at the end of 1943.
Japanese Interest
Despite being obvious from the start that the Me 209 would not enter production, a Japanese attaché showed interest in the project. In 1943 he approached the RLM officials with a request for technical data and that one aircraft to be shipped to Japan. In the end, it appears that nothing came of this and no Me 209 was ever sent to Japan.
An Me 209 but not a Me 209
As the war progressed, Messerschmitt engineers were trying to design a new piston-powered aircraft that would replace the Bf 109. That would initially lead to the creation of the Me 309 which proved to be a failure, and in 1943 a new project was initiated named Me 209. This project, besides having the same name, had nothing to do with the original Me 209 record holding aircraft. The first prototype of this new design was designated Me 209V5 in order to avoid confusion with the previous Me 209 aircraft design. It used many components of the already existing Bf 109G and had a fairly sound design. The few prototypes built would receive the designation Me 209A (sometimes referred to as Me 209II) designation. Despite their improved performance over the Bf 109G, the Luftwaffe opted for the Fw 190D instead, which proved to be a better use of the Junkers Jumo 213 engine.
Production
Production of the Me 209 was carried out by Messerschmitt at Ausburg. The RLM ordered three prototypes to be built which were completed by 1938. The fourth prototype was Messerschmitt’s own project which ultimately proved to be a failure.
Production Versions
Me 209 V1 – First prototype was successfully managed to break the world speed record.
Me 209 V2 – Lost in a landing accident
Me 209 V3 – Third prototype that did see limited use
Me 209 V4 – This prototype was intended to serve as a base for a new fighter, but due to its poor performance, this project was canceled.
Conclusion
Despite its problematic design, it managed to reach an extraordinary speed of 755 km/h and thus set a record that would take decades to be beaten. For this alone, the Me 209 held a great place in aviation development and achievement history. That same could not be said for its attempt to be modified and used as a fighter aircraft. Despite a series of modifications and improvements, it was simply unfit to be used in this role.
Me 209V1 Specifications
Wingspans
7.8 m / 25 ft 6 in
Length
7.3 m / 23 ft 8 in
Wing Area
10.6 m² / 115 ft²
Engine (early rating)
1,800 hp DB 601ARJ
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,512 kg / 5,545 lbs
Maximum Speed
755 km/h / 470 mph
Flight duration
35 minutes
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
None
Me 209V4 Specifications
Wingspans
10 m / 32 ft 11 in
Length
7.24 m / 23 ft 9 in
Wing Area
11.14 m² / 120 ft²
Engine
1,100 hp DB 601A
Maximum Takeoff Weight
2,800 kg / 6.174 lbs
Maximum Speed
600km/h / 373 mph
Cruising speed
500 km/h / 311 mph
Climb rate per minute
1,125 m / 3,690 ft
Maximum Service Ceiling
11,000 m / 36.080 ft
Crew
1 pilot
Armament
One 2 cm cannon and two 7.92 mm MG17 machine guns with additional weapons that were to be installed in the wing
Gallery
Credits
Article written by Marko P.
Edited by Henry H. and Ed
Ported by Henry H.
Illustrated by Ed
Source:
D. Nesić (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemačka. Beograd.
R. Jackson (2015) Messerschmitt Bf 109 A-D series, Osprey Publishing
J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the WW2, Putham
D. Myhra (2000) Messerschmitt Me 209V1, Schiffer Military History
M. Griehl () X-planes German Luftwaffe prototypes 1930-1940, Frontline Book
E. M. Dyer (2009) Japanese Secret Projects Experimental Aircraft of the IJA and IJN 1939-1945, Midland