Tag Archives: Night Fighter

Official classification tag

Northrop P-61 Black Widow

sweden flag USA (1943)
Night Fighter – 706 Built

A P-61A of the 422nd NFS. (San Diego Air and Space Museum)

The Northrop P-61 was a night fighter designed to fulfill a largely overlooked gap in America’s air defenses in the years prior to its entry into the Second World War. Ambitious and groundbreaking, the P-61 would be the first fighter aircraft designed to carry a radar and was to be equipped with a state of the art remotely operated turret. However, the aircraft suffered numerous technical problems which led to many delays in its development. Despite its quirks, the plane proved to be popular with its pilots, effective in service, and far more capable in its mission than preceding American night fighters, while also proving itself effective in roles not envisioned at the time of its design.

Nascent Developments

The US Army’s night air defense services during the interwar years were perhaps their most neglected and least developed. This was in part due to the meager capabilities of the aircraft and detection systems of the time, but also general disinterest from senior leadership and, resultantly, poor funding. Despite advances in night flying instrumentation and training aids, most notably Edward Link’s ground trainer, efforts during the period to detect and intercept aircraft at night were largely futile. Success in testing was almost entirely based on the weather, as the search lights they coordinated with relied on acoustic detection, and their ability to find the enemy was largely based on luck whenever the skies were not clear. Attempts were even made to detect enemy aircraft by the weak electromagnetic waves emitted by their spark plugs, but these were met with predictably poor results. What methods they did develop were subsequently made useless by advancements in bomber design, as the new Martin B-10 was faster than most contemporary fighters, and the B-17, still in development at the time, showed even greater promise (McFarland 3, 4).

Andrew Link’s ground trainer allowed pilots to train for blind flying without actually taking to the air [American Society of Mechanical Engineers]
Night fighters would prove a largely unworkable concept during the interwar years due to the crude instruments employed to find the bombers, which themselves also stood a good chance of outrunning their pursuers, however, this would soon change. The development of radar and more capable fighters would prove to be the decisive factor that would transform the practice of intercepting aircraft at night from a clumsy mission dependent more on luck than anything else, to an essential service that would grow ever more precise in its ability to detect and bring down enemy aircraft.

 

Lessons Abroad

The night raids during the Blitz both proved the necessity of night fighter forces and would provide the first lessons needed to found the service [Encyclopedia Britannica]
Virtually all major new developments of the Air Corps’ night fighting capabilities in the years prior to the US entry into the Second World War were a result of two factors, new developments in radar and reports from observers sent to take note of the lessons the RAF were learning during the fall of France and the Blitz.

As the clouds of war drew over Europe during 1938 and 1939, it was clear that airpower would be a decisive component of any potential conflict. It was for this reason that president Franklin Delano Roosevelt massively built-up US military forces for the goal of defending both the mainland United States and its overseas military installations in 1939 and 1940. This build up had broad aims, but perhaps most importantly it saw the vast expansion of the US Army’s air power. This was to prove instrumental for those officers who wished the service to take on a much larger role in the US Armed Forces, and to finally cement their position in it, as the department had been reorganized several times during the interwar period.

They would soon see a massive leap in responsibilities as the Air Corps took up the bulk of air defense duties with the founding of the Air Defense Command in February of 1940. However, despite their eagerness to play such a major role, they also recognized their lack of experience and sought to understand the fundamentals of the modern air war in order to better fulfill this task. With the war waging in Europe, General Henry “Hap” Arnold was able to argue for the presence of US Air Corps observers overseas. In the spring of 1940, four officers were sent to London, Paris, and Berlin (Harrison&Pape 26). While these early postings were important for shaping foreign policy and building ties that would facilitate easier coordination with the RAF later in the war, they would soon become an essential source of information for Air Corps planners following the fall of France and throughout the Blitz.

It was during the Blitz that perhaps the largest gaps in US air cover would become evident, with various solutions being presented to help bridge them. Thankfully for the Air Corps observers, the Blitz would demonstrate exactly what they would need to develop to face any threat from the air. They recognized that they needed a modern air force, which could cooperate with sophisticated detection and communication networks to form a comprehensive air defense system that would leave any attacker badly mauled, day or night.

Brig. General Tooey Spaatz was the primary observer for RAF night fighting operations, and it was no coincidence that he later became Chief of the Air Corps Material Division at Wright Field. While the British night fighter services were still extremely crude at this point in the war, they presented a much better starting point for US planners than the virtually useless interwar experiments. Spaatz’s efforts largely shaped the requirements for the Air Corps’ night fighter, these being relayed to Northrop’s Chief of research, Vladimir Pavlecka, while he was at Wright Field working on another project. Alongside a set of specifications, he was told the plane would need to be a two-engined aircraft with a crew of two, a pilot and a radar operator, though the specifics of radar were not disclosed. At this time, Northrop was a new company and made for an obvious choice, as they had previously worked on an unbuilt night fighter design for the British, and were one of the only firms that were not at capacity at the time.

Soon, this new aircraft, designated the ‘Air Corps Night Interceptor Pursuit Airplane’, began to take shape. It would be powered by a pair of Whitney Double Wasp engines carried in nacelles that would be connected by a twin boom tail, and joined to the fuselage through the wings. It would carry a crew of three, a pilot, a gunner, and a radio operator who also doubled as a rear gunner. It would mount two turrets carrying four .50 caliber guns each and would be a large aircraft with a height of 13 feet and two inches (4.013 m), a length of 45 feet and six inches (13.87 m), a wingspan of 66 feet (20.12 m), it would weigh 22,654 pounds (10276 kg), and feature the new Zaparka flaps.  While this proposal bore many similarities to the later XP-61 prototype, much would change as the design was revised.

While the design was promising, work was slow, and though Northrop had a prototype designed in January of 1941, it would be many months until it was ready to fly, and years before it was ready for service (Harrison&Pape 30). As a result, the aircraft would not be ready for the war to come, leaving most of the night fighting duties to stop gap designs, such as the converted A-20 bomber designated the P-70, and the British supplied Bristol Beaufort.

Clean slate, Dull chisel: A history of early American night fighting

With the attack on Pearl Harbor, the night fighter force found itself entering the war with the lessons learned from the RAF, but without adequate training programs or equipment. Compared to what existed in England, the communications and detection infrastructure was very poor, as it relied on high frequency radio sets which proved troublesome, lacked sufficient identify-friend-or-foe capability, with early warning radar set up in poor positions, and worst of all, they lacked a dedicated night fighter force.

With the help of RAF advisors, they set out to correct these faults, with the Air Defense Operational Training unit being activated March 26th, 1942. The 81st Fighter Squadron (special) was chosen on May 28th, 1942 as the first official night fighter training unit and was staffed with officers who were enthusiastic about the promise of this new mission. This unit was later placed under the new Night Fighter Department, which itself was reorganized as the Night Fighter Division and made subordinate to the Fighter Department . Their curriculum was composed on July 4th, 1942, as pilots were to be trained to a high level of proficiency in instrument flying, blind take offs and landings, night formation flying, night gunnery, pilot-radar operator interception teamwork, Ground Control Intercept (GCI), and general air defense procedures.

While this unit was extremely useful in testing and building confidence in new equipment, like the SCR 540 radar, it was hit by numerous hurdles which prevented it from turning out the number of pilots needed. This was mostly the result of a shortage of aircraft, as the relatively small number of P-70’s, DB-7’s, AT-11’s, T-50’s, and B-80’s would prove a serious bottleneck, as would the delays in getting Airborne Intercept ground trainers. This problem remained late into 1941, as the 81st was deactivated and its personnel used to form the 348th and 349th Night Fighter squadrons in October of 1941. These two squadrons would be used to train new night fighter personnel with the hope that they could build 15 squadrons by 1943. However, this training schedule was overly ambitious and hampered by insufficient supplies of equipment. Sadly, in line with much of the troubled program, night fighter pilots graduated with no fanfare or any formal ceremony. They simply signed on a line and received their wings.

Night Fighter Squadron building would continue slowly until James Doolitle would push for its accelerated development in late 1942. Doolittle, after being so impressed by RAF night fighters over North Africa, called for four new night fighter squadrons to be formed, these being the 414th, 415th, 416th, and 417th. It was not until July of 1943 that real Night Fighter Squadron development began in earnest, as more aircraft and training material became available, and the new 481st Night Fighter Operational Training Group was formed under the command of Lt.Col. Winston Kratz (Harrison&Pape 104).

Trial by Fire: Pacific

The P-70 was the USAAF’s first true night fighter. Unfortunately, in practice, the plane proved to be totally inadequate for the task. [SDASM Archives]
The first night fighter deployments were to Panama and Hawaii, with the first P-70s becoming available in January of 1942. These planes were first used in improvised night fighting squadrons, like the 6th Night Fighter Squadron initially based out of Hawaii. They were, however, badly constrained by their inadequate support infrastructure and, as pilots would soon find out, the performance of their aircraft. Problems soon arose over the personnel shortages which required volunteers from signal corps officers and the enlisted maintenance crews to serve as radar operators. Problems improved very little following their move to Guadalcanal in February of 1943, where conditions were brutal.

Their objective was to try and stop the nightly raids by Japanese bombers which came over the islands to conduct nuisance raids. The P-70s were vectored onto these aircraft using the ground-based SCR 270 early warning radar without success, as the radar could provide only the azimuth to the target but not its altitude. Neither the radar crews nor pilots had much experience with GCI procedures and, combined with the meager capabilities of the P-70, the night fighters brought down few Japanese aircraft. While the night fighter crew’s living conditions improved thanks to new prefabricated shelters, their operational success did not. Their challenges were made far more difficult as the Japanese adapted to their tactics and their bombers began to fly above the P-70’s service ceiling, and went so far as to imitate American GCI operators in attempts to give faulty information to pilots (Harrison&Pape 68). P-70 crews did all they could to improve the speed and operational ceiling of the aircraft through serious modification which included installing propellers from B-17F’s and P-38 fuel pumps, though to no success.

Conditions at airfields across the Solomons were extremely poor, and made worse by occasional bombing raids [National Archives]
Frustration with the P-70 even managed to motivate the squadron to modify some of the P-38s they had been supplied with in an effort to replace the P-70. This would prove difficult, as the aircraft were not equipped with radar as they were to be used in conjunction with searchlights to find their targets. Two P-38Gs were modified by Lt. Melvin Richardson and a squadron radar mechanic by adding a second seat behind the pilot and building an avionics pod for the SCR-540 out of an external fuel tank. These modified planes were much faster than the P-70s and were capable of reaching high flying Japanese bombers, however, they could not convert enough fighters. Both would receive the Legion of Merit for their ingenuity, but apart from this small victory, the 6th would lack the means to conduct their missions.

Overall, the night fighter squadron’s experiences in the South Pacific proved dismal, having neither the properly trained personnel, support elements, or even aircraft needed to effectively complete their mission. In the end, what success they did have was a result of their ingenuity and perseverance rather than specialized training or the equipment they had been issued. Each victory over the Japanese bombers was a hard-won achievement equally celebrated by the aircrews and the Marines the enemy harassed on a nightly basis.

Trial by Fire: Mediterranean

While the 6th NFS was still deployed to Guadalcanal, the 414th and the 415th left for England in March of 1943, where they would soon be retraining on Bristol Beaufighters. The switch from the P-70 was a difficult one, as between its tendency for ground looping and engine fires resulting from landing gear failure, the Beaufighter proved an intimidating plane for the US pilots. While the Beaufighter proved to be significantly faster and more agile than their old P-70s, many pilots felt uneasy flying it, and even their RAF instructors would readily admit the aircraft was among the most difficult in British service. Unlearning the habits from the P-70 was difficult, but thanks to a comprehensive program from the RAF, the challenge was soon overcome. Now proficient, the 414th and 415th left for North Africa and went into action in July of 1943 (Harrison&Pape 80).

The Bristol Beaufighter would prove an effective weapon against the Luftwaffe and Regia Aeronautica, though its handling characteristics left much to be desired [National Archives]
Unlike their counterparts in the Pacific, the Mediterranean squadrons were largely successful thanks to their far superior Bristol Beaufighters, comprehensive training programs, and good technical support. Not only were they directed by far superior ground based radar systems, but these squadrons would later be the first to use the British AI Mk VIII centimetric radar sets, which, unlike the previous SCR-540, could operate at low altitudes. This radar was particularly useful, as it meant German bombers could no longer fly low to reduce the effective range of the aircraft’s radar. In November of 1943, the campaign proceeded and the two NFS’ would cover Allied convoys against the attacks of German bombers during the advance into Italy. The Germans would use a very different set of tactics compared to the Japanese, and made use of far more sophisticated equipment. As opposed to the single Japanese aircraft that often came in at around 30,000 ft (9144 m), the Germans tended to stay roughly between 10,000 and 15,000 ft (3048, 4572 m) in formations of various sizes. As opposed to the nuisance raids designed to keep the Marines from getting any rest, the Germans often sought to hit strategic targets, like harbor facilities and shipping vessels en masse.  The Germans would also later employ chaff, which cluttered up radar scopes, and tail warning radar on their bombers to warn them of the approach of night fighters.

The efforts of early American night fighter squadrons in the Mediterranean would thankfully prove to be the rule rather than the exception for the air crews still to come. In the future, they would expect well trained, specialized personnel, and effective ground control radar support. However, there were still strict limitations imposed by the equipment afforded to the night fighter squadrons, in particular their aircraft which, despite their greater speed, were anything but easy to fly.

XP-61 & YP-61: trouble, frustration, and promise

The XP-61 would prove to be a promising, but troubled design that would require a lengthy redesign [This Day in Aviation]
While American night fighter pilots had their first experiences in combat during 1942 and 1943, work on the new XP-61 continued. The program truly began in early 1942, after several contracts were issued. It was decided in February of 1942 that 410 aircraft would be procured with $7,136,689.56 being charged to the Defense Aide and $55,656,178.67 to Air Corps Appropriations. This contract stipulated the delivery of the first twelve to take place in April of 1943, with the final aircraft being handed over in January of 1944. However, contract negotiations saw the number of aircraft requested rise and fall significantly in the following months. In addition to deliveries to the USAAF, 50 P-61s were to be set aside for Lend Lease, though this was later dropped due to a lack of RAF interest in the aircraft (Harrison&Pape 89).

The XP-61 first flew on May 26th, 1943, but only after a long and troubled process that saw the prototype fly with different propellers than what were originally called for, a dummy turret, and without a radar. Despite these shortcomings, the prototype was initially quite promising, with the aircraft performing satisfactorily during its short preliminary flight, and its test pilot, Vance Breese, telling Jack Northrop “Jack, you’ve got a damn fine airplane!” (Harrison&Pape 89). The succeeding flights would, however, prove more troublesome ,as they soon revealed stability problems and reliability issues with the engines. These issues were tracked to the horizontal stabilizer and elevator assemblies, the short span Zap flaps, and the buildup of oil and gas in the engine crankcase. Engine failures and violent longitudinal instability soon grounded the XP-61. The stability problems were particularly troublesome, as they required redesigning much of the tail assembly of the aircraft and the addition of full span flaps in place of the Zap flaps.

Issues also arose with the use of the spoileron system on the second XP-61, which was designed to be used in conjunction with short ailerons as part of its lateral control system. The spoilers themselves were thin circular arcs that sat in grooves in the wings. These would deploy and allow the pilot remarkably good control at high speed, but their development would prove to be rather difficult. At first, they proved unstable as a result of their hinge movements, which was solved by reducing the size of the scoop. Later, serious vibration issues were found to destroy the spoilers within their wing slots. This, in turn, was found to be the result of high-speed airflow moving through the slot, and was remedied by installing plates to seal it off (Harrison&Pape 94).

In an effort to improve engine reliability, the initial Pratt & Whitney R-2800-25S engines were replaced with R-2800-10s, though this would fail to solve the problem. Despite the swap, engine failures were common in testing and it was found that cutting oil consumption resulted in oil starvation in the master cylinder, resulting in it freezing. With the rest of the articulating rods still going, the engine would work itself apart. After diagnosing the problem, the engineers at Pratt & Whitney soon resolved it with the installation of additional oil jets (Harrison&Pape 95).

These faults would see a major redesign of the XP-61, with the new model being designated the YP-61, which would act as both a prototype and pre-production model. This would incorporate a number of design modifications, including switching the tail boom’s construction from welded magnesium to aluminum alloy, the Zap Flaps being replaced by a full span trailing edge arrangement, and they would go on to incorporate the fix for the spoilerons (Dean 383). However, this would not represent an end to trouble, as the much-needed improvements in stability meant it could now be used for more demanding tests which would, in turn, uncover new faults.

As testing grew more strenuous, new problems began to arise, most notably with the fuselage. It was soon found that there were several structural weaknesses in the fuselage, with the vulnerable sections being subsequently strengthened, particularly around the canopy. The nose gear door also proved to be fairly fragile, which necessitated strengthening and having the aircraft’s 20 mm guns fitted with blast tubes to prevent the muzzle report from damaging it. It was also found that, at high speeds, the dome at the rear of the radar operator’s compartment could implode as a result of pressure difference. While this component was improved in prototyping, the problem would resurface in production models of the aircraft (Harrison&Pape 114).

At the nose of the aircraft, a new problem was found after a stopover in Arizona. In the sweltering 110-degree weather of the desert, it was found that the Plexiglas radome would deform and collapse once the aircraft was in the air, with the resulting shift in air flow causing the Lucite dome at the rear of the aircraft to blow out. While a new fiberglass dome was designed, it would not be ready well into serial production of the P-61A (Harrison&Pape 115).

The remote-controlled turret was also found to have several faults. The most immediate and concerning of these was that, while the guns were forward, the aircraft remained aerodynamically clean, but there would be intense buffeting as the turret traversed beyond 30 degrees in either direction. Following a redesign, the buffeting was mostly gone save for a far lighter effect that occurred when the turret was fully deflected to either side. In firing tests, it was found that use of the turret resulted in severe structural damage, with a similar problem being encountered with the aircraft’s 20 mm armament. In both cases, it was necessary to strengthen nearby structural elements with steel fittings, though owing to the complexity and size of the remote-controlled turret, a major redesign of the aircraft’s upper structure was required (Harrison&Pape 117, 118).

In spite of its many teething issues, the general flying characteristics earned the aircraft good marks from test pilots, exceeding Northrop’s guaranteed performance by one mile during speed tests, and was remarked upon by production project engineer Capt. Fred Jenks as follows: “The P-61 is an honest airplane. It has no mean tricks. In acrobatics such as loops, spins, Immelmanns, and fast turns, it behaves as a pursuit plane should. Its stalling gestures are near perfect.” (Harrison&Pape 121)

The YP-61, later redesignated P-61, would solve most of the issues of the troubled XP-61 and ease the transition for production models [NACA]

Britain and America on the same wavelength: Cooperation in developing the SCR-720

The Tizzard Mission

The P-61’s highly advanced air search radar was a device many years in the making, being a product of the interwar Tizard Mission, which sought to bring together US and British technical expertise for radar and radio development. It would officially become known as the British Technical and Scientific Mission, and it was not long into the war that approval was granted for the scientific material transfer to the US, which the British hoped would be reciprocated in kind by technical assistance and access to America’s electronics industries. The mission arrived in the US in September of 1940 with two gifts, a cavity magnetron, a device which allowed for the development of more advanced centimeter band radars, and an ASV Mark II surface search radar. Their audience was composed mostly of three groups, the Signal Corps, who had been struggling with the practical employment of radars for nearly a decade, microwave researchers, who were well versed on the technology but had yet to produce practical radar examples, and the US Army Air Corps, who were uninformed on technical matters but saw the promise of the technology (Brown 159, 160).

The mission got off to a good start, with the American audience suitably impressed. On the British side, they gained a great deal of information on the use of microwave techniques, and more importantly, access to larger electronics manufacturing industries and procedures. The US, on the other hand, gained access to the existing British radars and the cavity magnetron. While these advancements would have taken place eventually, the collaboration through the Tizard mission allowed rapid advancements in radar development and production in both countries. It was, of course, not without its negative consequences. Some trust in the American service-labs was lost when they gained the undeserved reputation of producing inferior equipment among the Armed Services when their interwar work was judged against the British (Brown 165, 166).

In the US, work on centimetric radar was mostly carried out through the MIT Radiation Lab, with their first goal being to produce an airborne centimeter band set (Brown 168). The benefits of a centimeter band radar over a meter band were considerable, as they would not require the use of drag inducing aerial antennas. The narrower band also meant less reflection from the ground, and while it was not yet known, they were less susceptible to jamming. In short, they represented a massive leap in capabilities over older radar sets (Brown 145).

The rooftop radar experiments above the Rad Lab were a major step in the development of practical centimetric radar [MIT Physics Department]
The Rad Lab’s first centimetric radar was a 10 cm band set operated from a roof in January of 1941, with an intensive development program to follow. It was hoped that, by February, it would be mounted in a B-18 for testing, and a month following that, they hoped to have it aboard an A-20. However, many issues plagued the rooftop experiment and it was not until March that the device was transferred over to the B-18. Work would continue, and after further collaboration with the British, a new series of technology transfers would benefit both programs, with the British gaining access to a better transmitter, and the US a better receiver. Soon, the lab would produce America’s first practical centimetric Aerial intercept radar, the SCR-520. Western Electric built a few of these sets but work soon transitioned to making a lighter version for the P-61, the SCR-720 (Brown 168, 169).

SCR 720

The SCR-720/AI Mk X was comprised of a number of components, some of which were encased within pressurized canisters [Mossie.org, thisdayinaviation]
The SCR-720 series was an advanced aerial intercept radar built by Western Electric and Bell Telephone Laboratories (Harrison&Pape 113). The radar operated on a wavelength of 9.1 centimeters at 3,300 megacycles, with a peak pulse power of approximately 70 kW. It had a maximum range of about 6 miles (9.65 km), which was later extended beyond 10 miles, at all azimuths between a search angle of 75 degrees to either port or starboard, with a minimum range of 300 feet (91 m). The system used a helical scan method and, in addition to the previously stated horizontal search angle, covered a total elevation of –30 degrees to +50 degrees. The device lacked provisions for IFF gear but could be used in conjunction with the SCR-729 transmitter, which was compatible with Mk III and Mk IIIG IFF sets along with beam approach beacons.

SCR-720 Radar operator’s display and controls [SCR 720 manual]
The display set up was composed of two indicator boxes, a two screen display to be used by the operator, and a far simpler one screen display which was for use by the pilot. The pilot’s indicator typically went unused, as it was less precise than the rear set and was generally redundant, as the pilot would be talked onto the target by the RO. The RO’s scope consisted of a range tube on the right, and an azimuth and elevation tube on the left. The display on the azimuth scope was dependent on the settings of the range scope, as only targets within certain set ranges would appear on the scope. This range was indicated by a marker line on the range scope and could be adjusted by the RO (Survey 28). The settings of these scopes were adjusted through the control box and synchronizer in the RO’s compartment.

In service, the SCR 720 offered many benefits over previous Allied centimeter band aerial intercept radars, in particular the slightly older British AI Mk VIII. A post war survey found that, while using the SCR-720, it was harder to lose maneuvering targets on the scopes thanks to the range/azimuth display which allowed the operator to follow the target’s course. The wide coverage meant it was unlikely a rapidly descending target would be lost, the range scope made course adjustment estimates to the target easier, and the range/azimuth display made intercepts across the flight path of the night fighter easier. Overall, the SCR-720 would prove to be the most precise and advanced AI radar set of the war and would see widespread use aboard the P-61 and DeHavilland Mosquito, which carried a British production of the device designated the AI Mk X (Survey 30).

However, while the radar was the best set in its day, it was also the most complex and was said to require the knowledge and experience on the level of a masters of electrical engineering just to make one’s way around the black boxes that made up the system (Harrison&Pape 113). In service, it would prove even harder to maintain where personnel and spare parts for the system would be sparse, and many of its components would prove vulnerable to the elements. This would generally prove an issue with P-61 squadrons, as they typically lacked personnel able to fix the boxes should problems arise, and often would not have enough spares to replace faulty components. Maintenance notwithstanding, the SCR 720 was a generation ahead of the previous SCR-540 and exceeded it in every capacity except ease of repair.

SCR 720 display diagrams [Radar Survey]

Enter the Black Widow: P-61A&B

An early production P-61A [National Archives]
The first P-61A rolled off the line in October of 1943 at Northrop’s plant in Hawthorne, California, with a public reveal later occurring at an Army-Navy show in Los Angeles in January of 1944. These aircraft were mostly unchanged from the last P-61 pre production aircraft, though this plane and the next 36 P-61As would be the only examples of the A model to be equipped with the remotely operated turret. The turret would be absent from the remaining 200 As and many of the succeeding B model, only to be reintroduced after a redesign (Pape 120,121).

Despite the revised model which would arrive much later in 1944, the P-61’s performance was roughly the same for its entire wartime service, with no major overall increases in horsepower or any major modifications to the airframe, apart from those to allow it to carry additional fuel and bombs and rockets for intruder and ground attack missions. Both the A and B models were powered by the Pratt and Whitney R-2800, with many early P-61As using the R-2800-10 and all aircraft beyond the P-61A-15 using the R-2800-65. Both engines produced 2000 hp, with the only major differences being their magnetos and ignition systems (Pilot’s training manual 11). Revisions to the design were gradual and often very minor between subtypes. As the P-61A matured, many new additions were made, including a new fuel system, underwing racks for bombs and fuel tanks, a water injection system, and additional oil capacity. The water injection system would boost the engine’s power about 15%, but only for brief periods and unsuitable for a lengthy climb or long-distance pursuit (P-61 training manual 12).

The P-61B would go on to extend the nose, revise the trim and hydraulic systems, alter certain instruments and displays in the cockpit, revise the heating system, alter the landing gear doors, and restore the turret (Dean 383). Much more work was done with regards the P-61C, which made use of significantly more powerful turbo-charged engines, though this aircraft did not see wartime use.

While the aircraft would mostly resemble the early prototypes, there had been more than a few major reworks of the airframe, most notably, the dropping of the ‘Zap Flaps’ for near full span types with an added lateral control system which made use of spoilerons. While these did prove troublesome in testing, the faults had been ironed out and the system worked to the satisfaction of pilots. The final configuration made use of slot covers and seals for the spoileron slots that solved the vibration problems and allowed for great lateral control for such a large aircraft while requiring little force on the part of the pilot. While this system was unconventional, pilots rapidly adapted to its use and were immediately appreciative of it, as it allowed for easily applied control at both very high and low speeds. It was particularly useful during landings, where they allowed for precise control on approach thanks to the automatic adjustment of the lateral control system with the flaps (Ashkenas 13, 14). This system was a major factor in making this fighter among the most maneuverable in the USAAF inventory, in spite of it also being the largest and heaviest.

Tough most of the aircraft’s worst issues were remedied in the prototypes, a few made it into the production models. The most glaring of these would be the plastic radome fitted to the nose of the aircraft, and the lucite tail cone at the rear, both of which would constitute fairly significant structural weaknesses. The plastic nose fitted to many of the early P-61As was weather sensitive and was prone to warping in the hot, tropical weather of the Pacific, or simply if left uncovered during a sunny and particularly hot day. The solution was painting the nose of the aircraft in a bright, reflective white paint, which raised obvious disadvantages when the aircraft was trying to stealthily pursue its targets in the dark. The lucite cone would prove more persistent and more dangerous (Harrison&Pape 115). On several occasions, these cones imploded during dives and high-speed maneuvers. While this presented little danger to the overall aircraft, the sound of rushing air through the radar operator’s position made communication between him and the pilot virtually impossible. This would be resolved later by the addition of metal reinforcement bands, though many older P-61’s would continue to fly without them.

While this was the first purpose built night fighter, in many ways, the aircraft fell short of the high hopes placed upon it, but would prove adequate for the purpose it was given. Responses to the P-61 were mixed though generally favorable, but complaints over speed and the difficulty of maintaining the SCR 720 radar persisted for all wartime models of the aircraft. Perhaps most unfortunate was that the top turret, which vastly complicated the aircraft’s design and added considerably to the aircraft’s frontal area and weight, was found to be completely unnecessary. The most immediate requests for improvement were for more powerful engines with better high-altitude performance, and for units to be supplied with more maintenance and test equipment for the SCR-720 radar, which the inadequately prepared ground crews struggled to keep in working order. While they were trained in basic maintenance and installation of the device, few had the technical skills necessary to actually repair faulty components. Neither of these would be provided in time to be of use during the war.

ETO: The 422nd and 425th Night Fighter Squadrons

French workers repair a runway at an airfield operated by the 9th AF [National Archive]
The first P-61 to leave the United States was a P-61A to be evaluated by the RAF in March of 1944. This aircraft was later returned in February of 1945, as the RAF were not particularly impressed with its performance and found its maximum range to be far too low. They needed night fighters for deep penetrations into German airspace in support of the ongoing strategic bombing campaign, and the P-61 simply did not fit the requirements. While the aircraft was by all metrics a poor fit for the RAF, the language and tone surrounding the growing competition between the P-61 and DeHavilland Mosquito would become increasingly petty and hostile within certain sectors of the US War Department and the Night Fighter division.

Beyond this evaluation aircraft, three Night Fighter squadrons would be deployed to England in anticipation of Operation Overlord. These were the 422nd, which departed on March 10th, the 423rd on April 1st, and the 425th which departed May 1st. During this period, only the 425th had P-61As slated to be shipped out with them amidst general concerns regarding the availability of the aircraft. The 422nd and 423rd were still equipped with the inadequate P-70 at the time of their departures (Overlord Build Up). Supplies would thankfully become more available, with the 422nd getting their first P-61As in late May and the 423rd becoming a photographic reconnaissance squadron and would not require the aircraft (Dean 285). Both squadrons would possess a small number of aircraft, with the 425th shipping out with only nineteen aircraft, and throughout their service in the European Theater it remained the case that replacement aircraft were in short supply.

None of these P-61As were equipped with the dorsal turret, and with copious time on their hands and the feeling that a second pair of eyes looking forward would be helpful, several crews in the 425th NFS had the bright idea to move the radar operator’s position up into the now vacant gunner’s seat. Along with technical representatives from Northrop, the chief radar and engineering officers, and a Capt. Russell Glasser, who possessed a graduate’s degree in mechanical engineering, they set out to modify the aircraft. The results were spectacular, with the pilot and R/O now able to communicate in the event of intercom failure, and the resulting shift in weight changing the slightly nose up to a nose down at cruise, increasing the cruising speed between 15 and 20 mph. This change was subsequently authorized for 9th Air Force’s P-61s (Harrison&Pape 205, 206).

Ground crews prepare a P-61 for action [National Archives]
It was not until July of 1944 that the European P-61s actually flew their first combat sorties, with the several months prior to this being taken up by training, including joint exercises with the RAF, and a race between the P-61A and a DeHavilland Mosquito NF Mk XVII. The latter was precipitated by a rumor that the USAAF was planning to replace the P-61 with the Mosquito.

In June, Lt. Col. Oris B. Johnson arranged for joint training with an RAF Halifax bomber squadron based at Croft, during which the Night Fighters would practice intercepting the bombers, who would in turn practice evasive maneuvers and other defensive tactics. The night fighters would be given an area to defend and would be vectored onto bombers by GCI. When they were in place to claim a ‘kill’, they flashed their navigation lights (Harrison&Pape 206). While this exercise was undoubtedly easier than what they would later be asked to do over France, it was important in building up the crew’s confidence in their abilities and equipment.

The ‘race-off’ was an event long in the making, with its roots in the War Department’s desire to purchase DeHavilland Mosquitoes for use as reconnaissance aircraft and night fighters. There were those in the department who wished to equip the Night Fighter Squadrons in the Mediterranean with Mosquitos, with the ensuing politics eventually driving a rumor that the War Department was planning to scrap the production of the P-61 in favor of the Mosquito, which were to be supplied by the UK and Canada. In any case, these proposals were impractical, as the British were extremely protective when it came to these aircraft. However, rumors soon filtered to the squadrons who were upset enough to propose a fly-off between the types. A demonstration was arranged on July 5th, 1944 at RAF station Hurn. The contenders were a P-61A and a Mosquito NF Mk XVII, with the results being that the P-61 out climbed and out turned the Mosquito between 5,000 and 20,000 feet.

The race was anything but clear cut, and it is extremely unlikely that it was just a fair competition that both sides took part in earnestly. Simply put, the RAF did not want to give the USAAF any more Mosquitoes than they absolutely had to, and were extremely motivated to throw the race. They had a great desire to ensure they were better supplied with the only night fighter in Allied service at the time that could fly long range missions into Germany. The results of the race are extremely suspicious given just how clear the P-61A’s win seemed to be in comparison to the years of evaluations which virtually always claimed that the Mosquito NF had the superior climb rate, and the P-61 had superior maneuverability. Members of the 481st NFTG who had flown planes came to the same conclusion, as did the AAF board, and even Col. Winston Kratz, director of night fighter training and a major proponent of the P-61 (Harrison&Pape 153, 156, 203). His words perhaps best sum up the event, “I’m absolutely sure the British were lying like troopers. I honestly believe the P-61 was not as fast as the Mosquito, which the British needed because by that time it was the one airplane that could get into Berlin and back without getting shot down. But come what may, the ‘61 was a good night fighter. In the combat game you’ve got to be pretty realistic about these things. (Harrison&Pape 209)”

The first real test of the P-61 in Europe came in July of 1944, when they were pressed into service against a new threat, the Fiesler 103 flying bomb or ‘buzz bomb’. The fast, unmanned weapon required the P-61 to enter a slight dive to catch them and, while they flew straight and level, they still proved a dangerous and challenging opponent. The bomb presented a small target but its massive warhead was capable of damaging a pursuer, something Capt. Tadas J. Spelis and F/O Eleutherios ‘Lefty’ Eleftherion would learn on the night of July 20th. Drawing in at 450 ft, Spelis detonated the bomb’s payload. which violently shook his plane and caused serious damage to the plane’s control surfaces and left much of the fuselage dented and perforated (Harrison&Pape 205).

Over the Channel: Autumn through Winter

P-61 crews grab lunch. Conditions for the crews of the 422nd and 425th grew basic as they operated from hastily prepared airstrips in the Autumn of 1944 [National Archives]
At the end of July, the 422nd and 425th would make the trip across the channel to provide afterhours protection for the US First and Third Armies, respectively. There, both squadrons would defend the Normandy beachhead as the Allies pushed forward into France. This period would largely inform the kind of fighting they would be doing for much of the campaign, intercepting lone German bombers and the occasional night fighter acting as an intruder, while also taking on alternate support missions. Shortly after the 422nd was deployed to the Cherbourg peninsula, they intercepted several Ju 88s, Do 217s, and Ju 188s as they attempted to harass Allied forces in the area, but kills were difficult to confirm owing to the contested areas these aircraft went down in.

This period also saw the P-61’s first encounter with a German night fighter when Lt. Paul Smith and Lt. Robert Tirney intercepted a Bf 110G-4 on August 7th, 1944. While Smith and Tirney approached the enemy, they were soon spotted and found themselves in a turn fight. While the maneuverability of the P-61 allowed them to keep up with the enemy, the two planes would end up colliding. Despite the impact, both planes would end up returning home, each carrying paint from their opponent. Records show elements of the German night fighter squadrons NJG 5 and 4 had been conducting ground attack operations that night without losses (Harrison&Pape 203; Part 4 Boiten 29).

This period also saw the first use of the P-61 in the ground attack role when the 425th NFS was called to assist an attack on German forces that had broken out of Lorient. Despite their early model P-61As lacking hard points for bombs, they were able to carry out the mission thanks to the powerful cannon armament of the P-61A. They conducted strafing runs on gun positions, truck convoys, and an artillery ammunition dump at the cost of one aircraft which struck a telephone pole in a low-level attack (Harrison&Pape 204).

Following the breakout in Normandy, there was a considerable lull in interceptions of enemy aircraft and the trickle of supplies to the unit meant much of the autumn of 1944 was characterized by inactivity. From September to November, GCI directed the 422nd’s P-61s into a total of 461 chases, resulting in 282 airborne radar contacts, 174 sightings, 20 of which were positively identified as enemy aircraft, and only 7 were shot down (McFarland 28). The use of Identify Friend or Foe (IFF) appeared to be limited, resulting in a high number of interceptions of friendly aircraft, and occasional friendly fire. Air crews in the 422nd NFS believed they had been fired on several times by RAF Mosquitos, and one Mosquito of the 305 Squadron, piloted by WO. Reg Everson, had been shot down by a P-61, with his aircraft being claimed as a ‘Ju 88’ (Harrison&Pape 302, peoples war).

As the Night Fighter Squadrons moved away from the beachhead and into airfields previously held by the enemy, their supply lines grew tighter and the enemy began to develop better tactics. A scarcity of fuel even threatened to keep the 442nd on the ground, but the crisis was avoided thanks to a little ingenuity. As fuel laden B-24’s came in for their deliveries in Florennes, Belgium, they would occasionally overrun the airstrip, whereupon the aviation gasoline would be siphoned out, and then stolen by the 422nd (Harrison&Pape 267).

A P-61B is prepared to sortie, Italy 1944. [National Archives]
While the Luftwaffe was less active at night during this period, their tactics had largely improved. Their typical after hours raiders became flights of bomb laden Fw 190s in the place of the lone medium bomber. The common types, the Ju 88, Do 217, Ju 87, and Ju 188, were still encountered, but were eclipsed by the more numerous 190s flying low altitude raids against Allied positions near the front line. The 190s would prove more difficult targets, as their small size made them hard to identify in the dark, and their speed and maneuverability meant they had a much better chance of slipping away from the larger night fighters. While they were harder to shoot down, the P-61 was still more than capable of breaking up their attacks and forcing them to return to base (Harrison&Pape 262).

With their superior speed and maneuverability, Fw 190 fighter bombers would prove a greater challenge for the P-61 than the usual medium bombers [Rod’s Warplanes]
The lull in Luftwaffe nightly activity in the autumn and winter of 1944 meant that both British and American night fighter squadrons could shift to offensive operations, and thanks to newer models of the P-61A and B mounting additional hardpoints for fuel and bombs, they would have an exceptional tool for this task. Both the 422nd and the 425th NFS would provide a vital service to the beleaguered 101st Airborne Division at Bastogne, Belgium, where they were able to provide air cover and ground attack support, day or night, in weather that kept most planes on the ground. The nightly air battles over the Ardennes took a similar, but intensified form as the Luftwaffe mounted a desperate offensive, sortieing aircraft to attack Allied positions, drop supplies, and mounted a score of night fighter intruder missions. These intruder missions had aircraft loiter around enemy airfields and attack any aircraft attempting to take off or land.

It was during this time that one of the greatest drawbacks of the P-61 made itself well known. It was a high maintenance aircraft and replacement parts and planes were scarce. During the Battle of the Bulge, only four of the 422nd NFS’s sixteen P-61s were operational, and keeping these four planes serviceable was a round the clock effort of the highest importance. Apart from the just as limited number of A-20s, the P-61s were the only aircraft capable of flying in the terrible weather conditions of the battle. Supplies had to be found outside of the regular channels, and crews were rotated out of these aircraft that each flew up to four missions per night. Combined, the 422nd and 425th NFS claimed a total of 115 trucks, 3 locomotives, 16 rail cars, sixteen aircraft, and had disrupted Luftwaffe activities in the area (McFarland 32, 33). The actions of the 422nd would go on to earn them another Distinguished Unit citation, and a commendation from the Commanding General of the 101st Airborne at Bastogne (Harrison&Pape 293).

However, this period was also considerably more dangerous as Luftwaffe’s night fighter squadrons were also performing similar missions in the same area. While they used comparatively obsolete radars, they could still present a threat. Of the scarce P-61’s active during the Battle of the Bulge, three were lost to unconfirmed causes (Dean 286).

Spring to VE-Day

The Battle of the Bulge would mark the apex of the NFS’ activity in the European Theater. The remainder of the European campaign would consist almost entirely of ground attack and intruder missions, as fuel shortages left most of the Luftwaffe grounded. Both the 422nd and 425th would commit themselves to ‘ground work’ against the usual targets; truck convoys and rail lines, as Tactical Air Command ordered a cessation of defensive air patrols, instead focusing on general offensive operations. In this role, the P-61 proved exceptional despite the design never being intended for such use, with the initial models not even possessing bomb racks.

Most ground attack missions would be conducted the same way, though some new tactics would be introduced to take advantage of the bomb racks added to the newer models of the P-61. During the beginning of 1945, P-61s would often carry napalm which they would drop in the vicinity of their targets. Using the fires for illumination, they carried out attacks with a combination of bombs, and in the case of the 425th’s modified P-61s, HVAR rockets. Rail yards, locomotives, and truck convoys were favored targets, as their drivers often felt it was safe to keep their lights on. While this may seem a ridiculous use of what were among the most expensive aircraft employed during the war, the 422nd was credited with damaging or destroying 448 trucks, 50 locomotives, and 476 rail cars for the duration of their service. Perhaps more impressive were the astoundingly low loss rates suffered on these intruder missions. From October of 1944 to May of 1945, the 425th NFS flew 1,162 intruder missions with the loss of only six aircraft. Despite the inherent dangers of flying at night, these missions actually proved to be far safer than daylight sorties (McFarland 29).

VE-Day [National Archives]

Luftwaffe Opponents

The typical encounters with the Luftwaffe were with its bomber, night attack, reconnaissance, transport, and occasionally night fighter forces. Their targets ranged from frontline positions, rolling stock, to airfields, and were typically attacked by lone aircraft or small formations of light attack aircraft, such as the Fw 190F&G or obsolescent Ju 87. P-61 crews would encounter virtually all medium bomber types in service with the Luftwaffe, including the dated He 111 and Ju 88A-4. Of all the aircraft encountered, only the Me 410 proved a serious challenge to intercept. They were employed as reconnaissance aircraft and their high speed meant they were only vulnerable to the P-61 when at a disadvantage. On roughly equal footing, the Me 410 could pull away (Harrison & Pape 275).

Encounters with enemy night fighters were fairly rare, as their squadrons generally only flew ground attack missions in August against the Normandy beachhead, and much later in December, in support of the Ardennes counteroffensive. They flew Bf 110G-4s, a few of the older Ju 88Cs, and the newest German night fighter at the time, the Ju 88G. While these aircraft flew with radar that had a much more limited range than the SCR 720 and were nearly useless at low altitude, their pilots were capable of putting up a much greater fight than those of the bomber and night attack squadrons. The first encounter between a P-61 and a Bf 110G-4 resulted in the latter being able to slip away after a collision, despite holding clear disadvantages in speed and maneuverability. While most of the new pilots the Luftwaffe were supplied with at the time possessed questionable proficiency at their tasks, most green crews remained on the ground as a result of chronic fuel shortages (Part 4,Boiten 33).

On the night of December 17th, several Luftwaffe night fighter squadrons would be committed to large scale ground attack operations in support of Von Rundstedt’s offensive. These missions were conducted by several dozen aircraft at a time that searched highways, rail lines, and known Allied positions for targets. These operations achieved a level of mixed success but at an extremely high cost, as the pilots were insufficiently trained for the mission and typically encountered accurately directed anti-aircraft fire (1944 Part 5, Boiten 68). The P-61s of the 422nd and 425th would find these night fighters significantly more challenging opponents than the medium bombers and transport aircraft they usually encountered. On several occasions, the German fighters slipped away from their pursuers and claimed two, later disproven, victories against P-61s, with the war diarist of Stab NJG6 commenting the “Black Widow inferior to Ju 88 and Bf 110 in dog fighting (Part 5, Boitens 77).” However, this confidence is likely due more to survivor bias than any major technical difference between these aircraft, as several German night fighters would be lost to P-61s. In all likelihood, it was the German night fighter pilot’s confidence in undertaking aggressive maneuvers in the dark that was the most probable reason for this assessment, as the P-61 was superbly maneuverable for its size.

Over the course of this offensive, the 425th would encounter a number of German night fighters and down several of them. Between the 25th and the 29th of December, three confirmed and two probable German night fighter losses can be attributed to this squadron’s P-61s, these being Bf 110 2Z+DH of NJG 6, Ju 88G-1s of NJG4 3C+RK and 3C+ZK, and two very likely Bf 110s, 2Z+DL and 2Z+CV (1944 part 5, Boitens 79, 84, 85). Given the short period and how few P-61s were serviceable, it is safe to say that the P-61 was certainly capable of taking on these opponents. However, it should also be noted that night fighters comprised a relatively small number of kills during this time, with many more being medium bombers and Ju 52 transport aircraft.

The 422nd NFS would later rebase in Langensalza, Germany. This posting allowed P-61 crews the opportunity to get a close look at the enemy’s standard night fighter, the Ju 88G. [National Archives]

CBI: The 426th and 427th

The 426th Night Fighter Squadron was called upon by General Henry H. Arnold for the defense of the B-29s based in Chengdu, China, as per the request of the Maj. Gen. Curtis LeMay (Harrison&Pape 222). They would also be joined by the 427th NFS following the end of Operation FRANTIC and the cancelation of any further deployments of USAAF bombers in the Soviet Union. While they were sent to defend the B-29 bases, they were soon found to be almost totally unnecessary, as there were little to no Japanese aircraft active after dark in the China-Burma-India Theater. Not long after their arrival in October, 1944, they would pivot almost entirely to an offensive role, and were mostly relieved of their defensive task to search for trains and truck convoys across the theater. Several aircraft were later modified to mount 4.5 inch rockets, as was the case for their counterparts in Europe (Harrison&Pape 215). They would be met with success, as the Japanese Army was reliant on a single network of roads that ran north to south, a single major rail line, and the Irrawaddy River to move men and material across the theater. Despite the massive patrol area, they could expect to find targets at these strategic bottlenecks (McFarland 40).

A pair of P-61s look for targets by daylight over Northern Burma. Note that the tail cone has been reinforced. [National Archives]
The challenges of operating in this theater largely mirrored those of the squadrons based in the Pacific, as supply lines were tight, the terrain proved difficult to construct airbases in, and the mountainous geography hampered the use of early warning radar. Fuel was particularly scarce and had to be shared with the B-29 squadrons based with them, which typically meant offensive operations were periodically called off when supplies of fuel ran out, as was a case for the 427th NFS’ detachment in China for the month of April 1945 (Harrison&Pape 236). The squadrons operated mostly dispersed across the theater as detachments, with the peak number of P-61s in the CBI being 53 in July of 1945. The number typically sat around 35 aircraft until June (Dean 386).

PTO: the 421st NFS

Many airfields across the PTO were built over coral beds which were difficult to clear and highly visible at night [National Archives]
The P-61 was a godsend to the Pacific night fighter squadrons who had long been forced to rely on the inadequate P-70, and with the exception of a few field modified aircraft, radar-less P-38s. Starting from early 1944, the various night fighter squadrons in the PTO would begin receiving P-61s and phasing out their long obsolete P-70s. Unlike Europe or the Mediterranean, the operations in the Pacific would not proceed at the pace of a gradual frontline that needed to be supported but rather saw the NFS deployed to newly constructed airstrips in support of larger amphibious operations which were targeted by raiders. Conditions were poor and extremely hard on airmen and planes alike, which brought unique challenges unknown to those in the ETO. In the words of S/Sgt. Harold Cobb of the 421st NFS: “Night fighting is not glamorous, but it is specialized in every degree, especially in the seven-league-boots, island-hopping war in the Pacific. Pilots must be able to take off and land without strip lights and on fields which are so new that construction is still in progress and the Seabees are still working (Kolln 51).”

The 421st got its hands on the P-61 in April of 1944, while it was based in Wakde, New Guinea, the planes having originally been shipped to Brisbane, Australia. The impact of receiving the new planes would prove considerable, both boosting the morale of the unit and giving it a long-needed replacement for its P-70s. The overall mission of the 421st was largely the same as it was for the 6th Night Fighter squadron in Guadalcanal two years earlier, to defend against nightly nuisance raids from Japanese bombers. The Japanese had also largely improved from their earlier campaigns, as they began to seek targets of greater strategic importance which they attacked with a far greater frequency. The men of the 421st were among them and their bases at Wakde and Owi were attacked regularly, often causing casualties and destroying aircraft. These airfields being built on lightly colored ancient coral beds made them both extremely visible at night and made it extremely difficult to dig shelters (Kolln 48). The effects of high explosives were also magnified, as they propelled sharp fragments of coral through the air with every bombardment.

The squadron also faced the same challenges posed by tropical environments, often with little improvement over the conditions almost two years ago. The prepared airfields were often built under difficult circumstances and challenging geography. The Seabees often had to work with coral beds, wetlands, and jungles that proved time consuming to develop into usable airstrips, often leaving little time and resources for improving the living conditions at these airfields.

Wakde Island before it had been captured by the US. The bright coral beds that were the foundations for the airstrip made an excellent aiming point for Japanese raiders [National Archives]
These conditions were also felt by the sensitive radar systems of the aircraft, especially the pressurized canisters which contained many of the system’s vital components. They had a tendency to depressurize, which resulted in electrical arcing at altitude, disabling the entire system. The 419th NFS had developed an improvised system where the electronics tanks were kept pressurized by engine-driven vacuum pumps, but it is unknown if this modification was ever taken up by any other squadrons (Harrison&Pape 149). Early models of the P-61A, which still had the plastic radome, also encountered trouble in the tropical heat and sun, as the nose of the aircraft would often soften and deform, which would impact the movement of the SCR 720’s scanner. In addition to the reflective white paint added to the nose, crews would fasten ‘sun shields’ while grounded to protect the radome in the tropical heat. As was the case with the European squadrons, supplies of replacement parts and aircraft were scarce, and in a unique twist in the Pacific, the improper packing of engines resulted in the loss of 400 R-2800s to corrosion. Combat readiness suffered as a result. The 421st considered it a ‘good day’ should six of their aircraft be operational during their operations from their later airbase at Tacloban (Harrison&Pape 241).

Conditions for the air and ground crews of the 421st were scarcely better. Harsh tropical weather, limited access to drinkable water, and disease were common in the South Pacific, with conditions only improving after redeployment to the Philippines. At Owi and Wakde, personnel had to overcome an outbreak of Typhus which claimed two, heatstroke which claimed one, and even Silicosis of the lungs which resulted in a single fatality. However, the base at Owi became perhaps the most livable thanks to the discovery of an artesian well near the unit’s bivouac area (Kolln 47,48).

In the PTO, P-61s often operated from small, busy airfields where accidents were not uncommon. This P-61 went off course on a blind landing through fog at Iwo Jima and crashed into another aircraft [National Archives]
Operations over New Guinea largely proceeded the same way as they had earlier, but with far greater success thanks to their new P-61s, which meant interceptions were comparatively easy, though new Japanese tactics would periodically disrupt their success. Perhaps the most surprising of these was the deployment of radar reflecting chaff from bombers as they made their way to and from their targets. The chaff were aluminum strips that reflected radar and presented on radar scopes as a single large ‘cloud’ that could obscure the positions of aircraft. In practice, the SCR 720 did not prove very vulnerable to chaff if the pilot had already been guided toward the target, as the air search radar proved powerful enough to burn through the interference. Far off ground-based radar stations would prove more vulnerable to it, especially older models (Kolln 55). The Japanese air force would also employ new tactics against the defenders. On August 5th, the Japanese sortied several fighters along with the typical high-altitude bombers. These aircraft were picked up on radar later than the bombers to which the night fighters had already been sent against. The Japanese fighters were, however, unable to inflict much damage and their tactics were soon understood by the defenders (Kolln 50). While the 421st NFS’ P-61s were largely part of the waning war in the South Pacific, their subsequent redeployment to the Philippines would place them in one of their most active theaters of the entire war.

Tacloban

The airfield at Tacloban was muddy, overcrowded, and under constant attack during the first weeks of the US Army’s return to the Philippines [National Archives]
The 421st was deployed to the airfield at Tacloban on October 31st, 1944 to provide nightly air cover for the amphibious operations in the Southern Philippines. The conditions were largely a repeat of those of the prior camps at Wakde and Owi, but the raids were far worse. What were once frequent occurrences became a daily fixture of the stay at Tacloban (Kolln 61). The airfield itself would also prove to be an extremely hazardous and ineffectual location to operate from, as would be the positions chosen for the GCI radars. Tacloban was extremely underdeveloped during the height of operations. It was without runway lights for fear they would attract Japanese bombers and the short, muddy airstrip was difficult for the heavy P-61 to operate from, with most landing attempts having to be repeated (Harrison&Pape 240). From their airfield, they were given a number of tasks which would include providing nightly air cover to invasion forces, escorting PT boats, convoy protection, and even conducting daylight patrols.

The Philippines would present a greater set of challenges to the 421st than New Guinea. For one, the aircraft and tactics used by the Japanese air forces were of a different nature entirely. While they previously worked mostly against occasional, small formations of bombers coming in at high altitudes, they now also fought against large numbers of fighters which flew continuous attacks, typically conducted at low altitudes. Coupled with poor GCI coverage of the area, the Ki-43s and A6Ms employed by the Japanese would prove an extremely difficult enemy to counter. The nightly attacks continued and many of the invasion planners became frustrated with the squadron’s inability to stop them entirely, eventually leading General Kenny to send much of the 421st to Peleliu, while the 541st Marine Air Squadron, equipped with the 565-5N, took their place at Tacloban. In the end, the 421st achieved seven kills during this time at Tacloban, and while this was a fairly significant level of success for the PTO, it was deemed unacceptable by the invasion planners (McFarland 37).

The reasons for this swap have long been debated, with claims ranging from the P-61 having insufficient range and loiter time, to the SCR-720 being unable to track more the more maneuverable Japanese fighters. In the end, however, the greatest problems faced by the squadron were its poor GCI support, its low number of serviceable aircraft which resulted from supply shortages, and the vulnerable, poorly suited airfield they had at Tacloban. The Marine night fighters who replaced them were credited with 23 kills, though most of these were during dawn or dusk missions. It does not appear that any technical failings of the P-61 were responsible for a perceived lack of performance, but rather, exceedingly poor operational conditions and biases held by the higher headquarters that placed the expectations of daylight fighters on the NFS 421st while not understanding how they would best be deployed or utilized (Kolln 72). Though most of the squadron had departed Tacloban, several planes and their associated personnel remained to ensure a smooth transition for the Marine aviators and to carry out their previous duties, though to a lesser degree.

The 421st would return at full strength to Tacloban in early January of 1945, after five weeks, and largely resumed the work they had been doing before they left. Most notably, this included the joint patrols with motor torpedo boats, especially the 7th PT boat squadron, which they had developed a good working relationship with. The P-61s would provide cover for the boats as they patrolled Surigao strait and the Ormac Bay area, with a squadron representative aboard to ensure smooth operation between the boats and their air cover (Kolln 75). Enemy air activity in the area had decreased significantly and once again took the form of periodic raids by bombers flying alone or in small formations.

The airfield the 421st returned to was vastly different from the one they had left just a few weeks prior. [National Archives]
The squadron would end the war at Ie Shima, Okinawa, in July of 1945. By this point, the Japanese armed forces were in a state of exhaustion but they were still capable of launching nuisance raids against front line positions and airfields, though the frequency of these raids was low and there were two other P-61 squadrons stationed in the area. This would also mark the beginning of the replacement period of the squadron’s P-61s for P-38Ms. The 421st would spend this time performing intruder missions against targets in Kyushu, Japan, with airfields tending to be the primary targets. In this role, they developed a bombing technique with their search radars, which would be used to measure the relative distance to the target, and in conjunction with the airspeed and altitude of the aircraft, a bomb release window could be worked out. Some pilots would even add marks on their windscreens as visual aids for the technique (Kolln 89). They were, however, unable to account for its effectiveness. There was little resistance to these raids as Japan had a comparatively underdeveloped night fighter service and their night fire control for their anti-aircraft artillery was little better.

With Japan facing famine and industrial breakdowns from the blockade, the prospect of a third atom bomb with more to follow, and their last hope for conditional surrender evaporating as the Soviet Union overran their mainland colonies, the war ended and the P-61’s wartime service came to an end.

Japanese Opponents

Despite being significantly less experienced with the use of ground based and airborne radars than the Germans, Japanese aviators and mission planners consistently demonstrated the ability to develop effective countermeasures and tactics to American night fighters. Japanese signals intelligence services would prove extremely effective and were able to determine the presence of enemy night fighters in areas without radar coverage by monitoring radio transmissions, and were even able to track the position of P-61s by their IFFs (Harrison&Pape 220, 319). They would also successfully employ chaff on a number of occasions, though to decreasing effect, as the US Army began to employ more advanced centimetric search radars that were less vulnerable to it. On Iwo Jima, for instance, raiders would typically use chaff roughly thirty miles out from the island and when they departed, which had the effect of blocking the older meter band SCR-270 and reducing the range of the centimetric SCR-527 (McFarland 39). In addition to this, they would also employ seaplanes to get the attention of night fighters, and once they had drawn them away from the raider’s target, they would land on the water’s surface or return home at low altitude (Thompson 71). This tactic appeared to have been used against the P-61s of the 421st while they were at Tacloban and to good effect, as the loiter time of the P-61 was rather low and they were often forced to return home after several of these non-encounters (Harrison&Pape 234).

Variants of the Mitsubishi G4M were among the most common raiders encountered by P-61s in the Pacific [Rod’s Warbirds]
In the Pacific, P-61s faced mostly medium and light bombers, though would face considerably more fighter aircraft as the war drew to a close. These aircraft employed a wider variety of tactics than those of the Luftwaffe, often to considerable success. However, they would still employ earlier tactics such as lone bomber, high altitude raids which were far less effective, as the P-61 did not have the difficulty the P-70 had in reaching high altitudes.

What they wanted but never got: The P-61C

The P-61C would be developed largely to fulfill the requests of most of the pilots who had flown P-61As and Bs. The design sought to add two major features, more powerful turbocharged engines to provide better high-altitude performance and a higher climb rate, and a set of air brakes. The air brakes would be designed by the AAF’s Wright Field staff in conjunction with Northrop. The design was first incorporated on a P-61A test aircraft, which was nearly lost after a portion of the air brake was sheared off the aircraft and nearly sent it out of control. The final design proved satisfactory and took the form of a two-part slotted panel with halves above and below either wing. These brakes also incorporated a novel system to reduce the asymmetric forces acting on the brakes. This worked by having the deployment of the lower set of brakes assisted by the raising of the top. The brake system exerted a counter force of roughly 1G when the aircraft was at high speed (Harrison&Pape 278, 281).

The engines would go through a considerably longer development period and were to be mounted on a new airframe. Initially, there was some debate on whether the engine should use either a two stage two speed supercharger, as the previous production models of the P-61 used, or a turbo supercharger. It was a new study under John M. Wild at Northrop that made the case for choosing the turbo charger, with his finding being agreed on by Wright Field’s Fighter Project Office. A CH5 turbo-supercharger was subsequently fitted to a P-61A for testing, the aircraft being redesignated the XP-61C. The XP-61C’s conversion was handled by Goodyear Aircraft out of Akron, Ohio, a firm that provided parts for Northrop. The aircraft was initially to be powered by the R-2800-77, though a production run could not be secured and a temporary installation of the R-2800-14’s were used in their place until the R-2800-73 was chosen for the production model. A parallel development that would later be designated the XP-61D made use of the R-2800-77. Cooling issues would bring an end to its development, with the P-61D being canceled as the P-61C entered production. The P-61C proved to be quite promising and a massive step above the previous models, with the aircraft’s service ceiling being raised to 41,000 ft (12497 m) and its maximum speed rising to 430 mph (692 km/h) (Harrison&Pape 279, 280). The P-61C would be the aircraft the test pilots had wanted from the outset, but would fail to make it into service fast enough to see combat.

Project Thunderstorm

Several Project Thunderstorm P-61Cs and an F-15A [NOAA]
While the P-61C arrived too late to take part in the Second World War, it would go on to make major contributions to meteorological research and aeronautical safety in the post-war Thunderstorm Project. The project began with the passing of the H.R. 164 bill in January of 1945, which authorized and directed the Weather Bureau to conduct a study on the causes and characteristics of thunderstorms for aviation safety. The bill would also authorize the appropriations needed for such a study and authorized the cooperation of other departments for assistance.

The finalized research plan called for a vertical stack of five aircraft to make passes through thunderstorms as they drifted over a network of meteorological recording stations in order to document the conditions within the storm. The Army Air Force would provide several P-61Cs and its derivative, the F-15A, for this purpose, as they were designed to withstand strong maneuvering loads and were judged strong enough to quite literally ‘weather the storm’ (Roscoe 26). These aircraft would be modified for the purpose, with wartime equipment being removed and meteorological research equipment installed in its place. The aircraft were prepared at NACA’s Langley Field with the equipment necessary to monitor turbulence and vertical air currents.

The Flight Plan [Roscoe]
For the tests, the planes entered thunderstorms at altitude differences of five thousand feet, with the highest aircraft being at 25,000 ft (7620 m). No storms were avoided, no matter how violent. The project first began around Orlando, Florida in 1946, before later moving to Wilmington, Ohio the following year. These locations were chosen on the basis of the frequency of thunderstorms and the nearby Air Force installations which had the radars needed to support the project. The project would see the P-61s fly through 76 storms for 1362 fly-throughs, during which they collected vital data which would help pave the way for safer air travel during the post war civil aviation boom and were used to build a foundational study for thunderstorm research (Roscoe).

The hail damaged radome of a P-61C [NOAA]

Pilot’s Remarks

Lt. Herman E. Ernst, an ace of the 422nd NFS, behind the controls of a P-61A. Note that the pilot’s radar indicator has been replaced by a compass below the gunsight [National Archives]
Exhaustive tests were performed on the P-61 to determine its flight characteristics, and they were largely found to be in line with the earlier prototypes. Pilots were highly appreciative of its easy handling on takeoff and landing, along with its favorable stall characteristics. Its controls were effective up until stall condition, which itself only occurred after ample warning. Stalls themselves were relatively predictable and virtually always resulted in the nose dropping, with no tendency for either wing to drop, and no corrections being needed to prevent a roll (Dean 391).

In addition to its great stall characteristics, the P-61 would prove to be exceptionally maneuverable for a plane of its size and weight. However, given its size and with two heavy engines on the wings, its roll rate was rather poor. Tests found the aircraft could be put through all hard maneuvers save for outside loops, continuous inverted flight, spins, snap rolls, and vertical reversements. Pilot’s praise was given mostly for its extremely light controls even at high speeds, which was largely thanks to its unorthodox spoileron based lateral control system. Even at speeds of 400 mph IAS, fast aileron and spoileron movement could be affected with one finger on the control wheel, though controls were found to be ‘sloppier’ around 100 mph IAS. One pilot was so confident in the P-61’s maneuverability that he felt he could turn with the best of fighters and, in the case of the F6F, he would “be on his tail so fast it was incredible.” In addition to its maneuverability, its trimming characteristics were also very good, such that it was possible to trim the aircraft out for cruising on a single engine at 130 mph IAS. It should, however, be noted that despite this praise, pilots rated its maneuverability fair to poor, as it was compared to far lighter single engine fighters. Overall, the plane was rated very stable on all axes with good rudder and elevator effectiveness (Dean 388, 390).

Despite its size, the P-61 was capable of pulling off some very impressive aerobatics. However, regulations stipulated that acrobatics were restricted under most combat conditions. [Pilot’s manual]
The P-61 also boasted excellent dive and recovery characteristics, with the book limits being set around 430 mph IAS depending on the arrangement of the aircraft, or around Mach .70. Beyond these limits, buffeting and tuck-under would occur, but the aircraft also demonstrated the ability to exceed these limits by a fair margin. One pilot would claim that he had no problems at speeds of 450 to 475 mph IAS at around 10,000 to 15,000 ft. In this case, he had achieved a true airspeed of 599 mph at Mach .83 and returned within the specified limit envelope at 512 mph TAS, Mach .70, as he reached 10,000 ft. Typically, if buffeting did occur, it was advised to exit the dive by means of a gradual pullout and with high caution should external loads be carried. Another pilot would claim that buffeting would occur far in excess of the recommended dive speed limits. The P-61 would be rated good in respects to its dive acceleration, control forces, recovery characteristics, and be ranked 8 out of 11 US fighter types in the category best stability and control in a dive (Dean 389, 390). The engine limits within dives were 30 seconds at 3090 rpm.

The P-61 was, however, not without its faults, and the most criticized and frequently voiced issues were concerning its acceleration and climb rate. These sentiments were echoed in many tests, and were most notable in rating the aircraft for takeoff, where pilots soon found themselves climbing at a disappointing rate after reducing power. Even at combat-power, the aircraft could at most manage 2500 ft/m at an altitude of 5000 ft (Dean 381). In the concluding remarks to exhaustive tests, it was the most frequently voiced complaint. While it was true many test pilots judged the aircraft somewhat unfairly against lighter single engine fighters, even its most enthusiastic testimonies were typically accompanied with remarks regarding its acceleration and climb performance (Dean 393).

The cockpit drew mixed reactions, with the general feeling being that the layout was adequate but not ideal. While most felt the layout was fair, eight of twenty-one pilots felt the arrangement was “cluttered”, with another ten remarking that they felt the pilot was seated too far from the instrument panel. This group was so displeased with the arrangement that they ended up rating P-61’s cockpit 3rd in the category “worst cockpit”. While the layout of the cockpit remained divisive, virtually all of them were displeased by the restricted visibility caused by the canopy frame (Dean 392).

The P-61B and several As would make use of the night binocular gunsight. These slid behind the pilot when not in use [P-61 Pilot’s training manual]
In terms of its weaponry and its stability as a firing platform, the P-61 was well rated. Equipped with four 20 mm AN/M2 cannons and up to four .50 cal AN/M2 machine guns, the P-61 was very well armed. Despite the lack of the turret on most P-61s, the aircraft’s armament was more or less equal to its contemporaries, the Mosquito NF and Ju 88G, which both carried an armament of four 20 mm cannons. Firing stability was also good, with only one out of fourteen test pilots finding it objectionable. However, problems with the turret would impact its usefulness, as early aircraft would experience intense buffeting on the tail surfaces when the guns were set to certain positions. This problem would later be solved and the turret reintroduced to the aircraft when it was redesigned and supply bottlenecks with the B-29 were resolved (Dean 393).

Overall, the P-61 would present an aircraft with mixed, but favorable characteristics. The aircraft would be superbly maneuverable and responsive for its size and presented excellent flight characteristics at high and low speeds. In contrast, pilots were not enthused over what they judged was a poor rate of climb and cockpit layout. The 481st Night Fighter Training Group would also go on to lodge complaints about poor cockpit visibility and short combat radius (Harrison&Pape 156). While the cockpit went unchanged, the relatively limited range, of only about 1000 miles, would be later brought above 1,800 miles with the use of external fuel tanks (Dean 382).

Construction of the P-61A and B

The wings of the P-61, except for the tips, used a fully cantilever riveted, stressed skin construction with two main spars. Each wing assembly was composed of an inner panel, an outer panel, and the wingtip. The inner panel contained the engine nacelle, two fuel tanks, and a section of the flaps. This portion was the largest wing section and was fitted to the crew nacelle by means of bathtub and lug type fittings at the end of the main spars. The front section also provided one of the main air intakes for the aircraft and an outboard for the oil tank. It was constructed in two parts, forward and aft sections.

A P-61 undergoing maintenance. Its outer wing panel has been detached from the nacelle group [National Archives]
The aft section was also built in two parts and it contained the wing flaps, spoilers, and ailerons. The section also contained an oil cooler and its associated exit shutter. There were six hydraulically actuated slotted flaps with a full deflection of 60 degrees. Relatively small ailerons were installed outboard of the flaps, which extended to the wing tips. To boost lateral control along with the ailerons, a series of spoilers were used and were found in trailing sections, ahead of the outer wing flaps. These were curved metal panels that extended from slots in the wings and were mechanically driven by the pilot’s control column along with the ailerons. Initially, there were also aileron and booster tabs fitted to the inboard end of the left ailerons, but these were removed on later models. The combined fuel capacity of the wing fuel tanks was 646 gallons (2445 liters).

The center fuselage was a semi-monocoque structure composed of transverse bulkheads and channel section frames, longerons at the upper and lower quarters, longitudinal bulb angle stringers, and stressed skin. It was attached to the wings by means of heavy forged fittings on both sides of the fuselage. This section contained the stations for the aircraft’s pilot, gunner, radio operator, the aircraft’s SCR-720 radar, fixed quadruple 20 mm armament, and the mechanically operated turret. The enclosures for the pilot and gunner positions were made from molded Lucite sheets and extruded metal framing, with forward sections protected by bullet resistant glass blocks. The radar nose cone was made of plexiglass on early models, before a switch to a less heat sensitive resin-impregnated fiberglass on later aircraft. The radio operator’s position was enclosed by a framework of Lucite in extruded metal frames, with a rear tail cone that was formed from two sheets of Lucite that had been cemented together and bolted to the rest of the framework. All positions had a seat with a metal pan, padded backs, safety belts, relief tubes, and hand fire extinguishers. The center fuselage was also fitted with armor plates to protect the crew and ammunition boxes. These were located behind the nose, ahead of the gunner, in front of the turret ammo boxes, and behind the radio operator. The standard crew layout on this aircraft was poor compared to contemporary night fighters. A failure of the intercom system left the aircraft combat ineffective, as each crewmember was isolated, the radar operator particularly so.

The P-61’s fuel system [Pilot’s notes]
The tail booms were of a monocoque structure and connected the nacelle group to the tail group. They also housed components for communication, identification equipment, the flight control cables to the rudders, elevators, and tabs. They were connected to the nacelle groups, which were composed of a semi-monocoque structure. These carried the engine mounts, main landing gear, and fuel tanks. The engines were mounted from a built-up welded steel tube frame that was bolted to this nacelle through vibration isolators and the engine cowling panels. The cowling sections were removable in large sections and were attached to the engine by quickly-detachable fasteners to facilitate easier access to the engines. The adjustable flap segments were controlled from the cockpit and were hydro-mechanically actuated.

The tail section consisted of the horizontal stabilizer, the elevator, and two vertical stabilizers and was connected to the tail booms. The two tail sections were supported by two spanwise spars that ran through the horizontal stabilizer and had the vertical stabilizers at either end. The rudder and elevators were fabric skinned and had trim and booster tabs built into their trailing edges.

The aircraft had a tricycle landing gear arrangement, with its nose wheel housed in the center fuselage and the main gear in the nacelle group. Each main gear was supported by two steel castings which were bolted to either side of the inside of the nacelle. Landing gear loads would be handled by a shock strut which was connected to these castings by a pair of trunnions. When the gear was retracted, it was hinged on these trunnions at the castings by lockbolts which would be held in either the extended or retracted position by a mechanical latching mechanism.

Engines

The mid production P-61A and the P-61B were powered by a pair of 2000 hp class of the R-2800 Double Wasp engines. This was an air cooled, two row, eighteen-cylinder radial engine with a 5.57 inch bore and a 6-inch stroke. These engines had a maximum RPM of 2700 and a compression ratio of 6.7:1. The early A models used the R-2800-10, with the remainder of the series and the B models using the R-2800-65, both of which produced a maximum output of 2000 hp. The later R-2800-65W boosted this to 2250 using water injection, and the C used the R-2800-73 which produced 2800 hp. The A and B models were equipped with two-stage, two-speed superchargers, but the C used turbosuperchargers.

T/Sgt. M. Stetson at work on a 9th AF P-61, 1944. [National Archives]
The exhaust system was a stainless-steel arrangement with the exhaust stacks distributed around the edges of the nacelle, making use of a flame dampening system used to reduce the visibility of the exhaust at night. The B model and the late A series aircraft were equipped with a water injection system. The first aircraft with this system carried 26 gallons (98 liters), good for 15 minutes, with later aircraft carrying 34 gallons (128 liters), which was enough for 20 minutes of use, though some aircraft would carry as much as 74 gallons (280 liters). Use of this system could boost engine power by up to 250 hp per engine, though only in short increments, with the suggested limit being five minutes at a time (Pilot’s manual 12). Engines with water injection were designated R-2800-65W.

The engines drove a pair of Curtiss Electric four blade constant speed, selective pitch, full-feathering propellers. The hubs were a pair of C642S with a set of 12-foot 2-inch diameter, 714-7C2-12 blades. Engine speeds between 1800 and 2300 RPM were restricted as a result of propeller vibration in that range. The props were capped by large metal spinners which enclosed the hubs and inboard prop sections.

Avionics

In addition to the SCR-720 search radar, the P-61 carried a well-developed electronics suite. This included an SCR 729 radio navigation system, an SCR 695 IFF, and an RC-36 intercom system. The P-61A and early B models were equipped with the SCR 718 radio altimeter, which was later replaced with the AN/AP1. Early models used a pair of SCR-522 radio sets which was simplified in later models by a single AN/ARC 3. In later aircraft, an AN/APS-13 tail warning radar set was also included. The navigation systems were also supplemented by a MN-26C radio compass with a MC-1206A range receiver.

The P-61’s SCR-720 air search radar was composed of six main units which were installed in a number of boxes throughout the aircraft. These were the modulator, the transmitter, the receiver, an indicator unit, the mixer, and the power supply unit. The modulator was a rotary spark gap, pressured type which produced a 4 kV pulse. The transmitter was magnetron regulated and installed in a pressurized unit. The mixer was a crystal mixer type with a soft rhumbatron switch valve. The receiver used a reflector klystron oscillator with automatic frequency control. The indicating unit used a two-tube range and azimuth elevation display set. The entire system was powered by a 1,200 watt, 115 volt, 1,600 cycle engine driven alternator (Survey 27).

Heaters

In addition to navigation, communication, and detection equipment, there were also considerable heating, cooling, and ventilation systems. On the P-61A, a series of fuel-air mixture heaters were used to provide heating for the cannons and to the crew through three ventilators. The B model decreased the number of heaters from four to just two heaters that were placed fore and aft.

Armament

Gunnery Equipment and Armament Cutaway Diagram [Pilot’s notes]
The standard armament of most P-61s was a set of four fixed 20 mm Hispano AN/M2 cannons that were set in a compartment at the bottom of the central fuselage. 200 rounds of ammunition could be carried for each gun. Sighting for the gun consisted of the L-1 type gunsight on the P-61A and the LY-3N on the P-61B, with both being a reflector type lit by a sight lamp. From the B model onward, the aircraft would also carry a set of night binoculars which were a specialized gunsight for use in low light conditions.

While this aircraft is often known for its remotely controlled, quadruple .50 caliber turret, only about half of P-61s actually carried one. The turret’s machine guns were each supplied with 560 rounds, were fired simultaneously at a rate of about 800 rounds per minute, had a 360-degree traverse, and a maximum elevation of 90 degree upward from the horizontal. While the guns could be fired from any of the aircraft’s three positions, only the gunner and radio operator could direct the turret. For the pilot’s use, the guns would be locked forward by latching the turret and flipping the switch labeled “pilot” from either of the other two positions, though in the B model, the turret would automatically return to the guns forward position when not in use. The .50 caliber guns were typically fitted with flash concealing tubes in the field after pilots found it could interfere with their vision adjusted for low visibility flight. In service, the turret was almost always used by the pilot and very sparingly by the gunner against targets ahead of the aircraft. Pilots often found it unnerving to see the turret firing forward without warning from the gunner, as it could both ruin their low light vision and sometimes they misidentified the gunfire as coming from an enemy behind their aircraft. As a defensive armament, it was of little practical use, as the radar operator’s illuminated instruments screens degraded his low light vision. The turret was directed by a sighting arm which sat atop a rotating column with firing controls in the grips and fitted with an N-6 reflector sight.

The aiming system for the remotely operated turret [P-61 Pilot flight operating instructions]
Several models included wing racks which were capable of carrying additional fuel tanks or bombs with a maximum weight of 1600 pounds (725.75 kg). Field modifications on some aircraft allowed for the use of rockets. (Dean 393-404)

Several P-61s of the 425th NFS were modified to carry rockets, in this case, HVARs. [Wikimedia]

Conclusion 

The P-61 was a somewhat troublesome, yet effective night fighter that proved to be a capable replacement for the useless P-70 and obsolescent Bristol Beaufighter. Most of its faults, apart from the poor layout of crew, were to be expected for such a sophisticated plane still in its ‘teething period’ and supported by a modest supply chain. In the space of roughly a year, which constituted its entire combat service, most of its faults were corrected or lessened.

The aircraft served admirably across the European, Mediterranean, China-Burma-India, and Pacific theaters. P-61 pilots would encounter a variety of opponents among the Japanese and German air forces, utilizing a variety of tactics and equipment. They would prove effective against all but a handful of these combinations. Surprisingly, despite never being designed with such a use in mind, the P-61 would prove exceptional in the ground attack role. It was among the few aircraft at the time capable of carrying out attacks at night, or in poor weather. In service its greatest danger was its limited material support. This scarcity of replacement aircraft and parts would hobble operations, but the resourcefulness of ground crews often kept their squadrons from being entirely grounded. In the end, the aircraft provided effective service during their somewhat short combat tour across much of the world, in the face of inadequate material support and, at times, extremely poor conditions.

While the P-61C would never see combat, it would perform a vital role in a foundational meteorological study. Despite never being used for its intended purpose, this variant’s legacy proved to be no less important.

Specifications and Production Numbers

Type Number Built First Delivery Description
XP-61 2 May-42 First prototype series
YP-61/P-61 13 Aug-43 Second prototype series, pre production
P-61A-1 45 Oct-43 Power turrets installed in first 37 planes, first production model
P-61A-5 35 Turret removed, R-2800-10 engine changed to R-2800-65
P-61A-10 100 Water injection system added
P-61A-11 20 Two underwing racks
P-61B-1,2,5,6,11 155 Jul-44 Extended nose, wing racks on 2,6, and 11
P-61B-10 45 Four underwing racks
P-61B-15,16,20,25 250 Turret revised and reintroduced with two and four gun versions, wing racks (two on the -16), radar gun laying on -25 with seven built
P-61C-1,5,10 41 Jul-45 Turbosupercharged R-2800-73 engines, air brakes
XP-61D 2 converted airframes Nov-44 Prototype, turbosupercharged R-2800-77’s, wing racks
XP-61E 2 converted airframes Apr-45 Prototype daylight fighter, 2 crew, bubble canopy, turret removed, increased fuel capacity, no radar, four nose mounted .50 caliber guns, developed from P-61B.
XP-61G 16 converted airframes 1945 P-61B-20 modified for weather recon, unarmed

All airframes were built at Northrop’s plant in Hawthorne, California

Specifications P-61A P-61B P-61C
Engine  R-2800-10, R-2800-65, R-2800-65W R-2800-65W  R-2800-73
Maximum Engine Output [boosted]  2000 hp [2250 hp]  2000 hp [2250 hp]  2800 hp
Maximum Weight  29249 lbs  39056 lbs 41138 lbs
Standard Fighter Weight  28202 lbs   29876 lbs  30068 lbs
Empty Weight  23158 lbs  24413 lbs  26418 lbs 
Range [maximum external fuel]  ~1000 miles [+1800 miles]  ~1000 miles [+1800 miles] 
Maximum Speed  366 mph at 20,000 ft 366 mph at 20,000 ft 430 mph at 30,000ft
Armament [turret]  4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x .50 cal AN/M2]  4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x .50 cal AN/M2]  4×20 mm AN/M2 [4x .50 cal AN/M2] 
Crew  Pilot, gunner, radar operator  Pilot, gunner, radar operator  Pilot, gunner, radar operator 
Length  48′ 11″ 49’7″ 49’7″
Wingspan  66′  66′  66′ 
Wing Area  664ft² 664ft²  664ft² 

 

Specification  P-61A P-61B P-61C
Engine {P-61}  R-2800-10, R-2800-65, R-2800-65W R-2800-65W R-2800-73
Maximum Engine Output [boosted]  2000hp [2250 hp]  2000hp [2250 hp]  2800 hp
Maximum weight  13267 kg   17715 kg 18660 kg
Standard fighter weight  12792 kg 13552 kg 13639 kg
Empty Weight  10504 kg  11074 kg 11983 kg
Range [maximum external fuel]  ~1609 km [~2897 km]  ~1609 km [~2897 km]
Maximum speed  590 km/h at 6 km 590 km/h at 6 km  692 km/h at 9144 m
Armament [turret]  4x20mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x 12.7mm AN/M2]  4x20mm AN/M2 [4x or 2x 12.7mm AN/M2]  4x20mm AN/M2 [4x 12.7mm AN/M2] 
Crew  Pilot, gunner, radar operator  Pilot, gunner, radar operator  Pilot, gunner, radar operator 
Length  14.91 m  15.11 m 15.11 m
Wingspan  20.12 m 20.12 m 20.12 m
Wing Area  61.69 m² 61.69 m² 61.69 m² 

Cruising Speeds for the P-61A&B at 28,500lbs (12927 kg)

Altitude Speed
9000ft : 2743m 253mph : 408 kph
16000ft : 4876m 256 mph : 412 kph

Video

Gallery

Illustrations by Ed Jackson

P-61A ‘25507’, a very early A model. Only the first 37 aircraft would carry turrets before it was removed in order to correct buffeting issues and as to not compete with the B-29 program for certain components.
P-61A-5 ‘Lady Gen’ 9th AF, 422nd NFS, Florennes, Belgium. 1st Lt. Paul A. Smith (Pilot) & 1st Lt. Robert E. Tierney. This particular P-61A was among the first to travel to the ETO and was flown by the first US night aces. P-61’s would eventually switch to a gloss black livery, which would eventually replace this particular plane’s olive drab and invasion stripes.
P-61B ‘Midnite Madness II’, 548th Night Fighter Squadron, Iwo Jima. Stationed on Iwo Jima, aircraft of this squadron defended the recently taken island from nightly visits by Japanese raiders and reconnaissance aircraft.
P-61B ‘23968’ 414th NFS, 12th Air Force, Italy with a detachment to the 422nd NFS.
While two of the four MTO night fighter units were re-equipped with P-61’s and British built Mosquito’s, the other two continued to use their old Beaufighters until the end of the war.
P-61C, Thunderstorm Project, USA. With their guns traded for meteorological equipment, a select number of P-61C’s would embark on a foundational meteorological and aviation safety project. While never designed for such use, the P-61 would provide data for a groundbreaking study that would reveal the effects of thunderstorms on aircraft and the behavior of the convection cells within storms, among other major scientific findings.

The R-2800-10 and R-2800-65 differed in regards to their magnetos and ignition systems. War Emergency Power with the R-2900-65W was rated for 2250 hp at 60 inches of Manifold pressure, 2700 RPM [Pilot’s operating instructions for the P-61A]
Pilot’s Instrument Panel. The Pilot’s radar indicator position below the gunsight is empty [P-61 training manual]
The AN/CPS-1 was a microwave early warning radar system used to great effect by the USAAF across Europe, and later the Pacific, providing P-61 crews with accurate target information. The set here was deployed in Luxembourg, where it provided support during the Battle of Bulge [National Air and Space Museum]
P-61Bs patrol over the Marianas [National Archives]
The addition of underwing racks would largely solve the P-61’s range issues and allow it to carry a considerable bomb load [National Archives]
Members of an aviation engineering battalion add extensions to an airstrip in order to accommodate the P-61 [National Archives]
A P-61 landing at Luzon, 1945 [National Archives]
The radar operator worked from an isolated position at the rear of the aircraft. This would prove a major drawback of the design, as the pilot would be without radar guidance should the intercom system fail, the R/O accidentally pull the IC cable out, or if the tail cone imploded in a dive. [National Archives]
Reinforcement kits were used to keep the tail cones of these aircraft from imploding in dives or high speed maneuvers [Wikimedia]
A very early production P-61A of the 6th NFS in the Marianas, 1944. [National Archives]
Brig. General Earl W. Barnes flew a P-61 modified for his personal use with an extra fuel tank installed in the place of its turret. Pictured here at the opening of an airfield at Middleburg Island, New Guinea. [National Archives]
At -35F (-37C), engine heaters were needed to start this P-61 stationed in Alaska, 1944. [National Archives]
The P-61 gave squadrons who formerly relied on the P-70 a massive boost in performance and confidence. Here, Major V. Mahr of the 6th NFS climbs into his P-61 in Saipan, July 1944. [National Archives]
The XP-61E was a prototype escort fighter based on the P-61B, two aircraft were converted, but further development was canceled after the war. [Wikimedia]
P-61s of the 548th NFS wait for their shift to start, Iwo Jima. [Wikimedia]
A P-61 sits at Clark Field, Philippines, in August of 1945. By this point, the P-61 was being phased out by the P-38M in several squadrons. It would continue to see some use in the post war years. [National Archives]
The F-15A reporter was a photo reconnaissance aircraft developed from the P-61 that went into production after the war. These aircraft would participate in the Thunderstorm Project and serve in the Korean war. [Murph’s Models]

Credits

  • Written by Henry H.
  • Edited by Stan L. and Ed J.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Primary Sources:

  • Ashkenas, I L. The Development of a Lateral Control System for Use with Large Span Flaps. No. 1015. NACA, 1946.
  • Pilot’s Flight Operating Instructions Army Model P-61A Airplane. (T. O. NO. 01-15FB-1). Commanding General, Army Air forces. January 15, 1944.
  • Pilot Training Manual for the Black Widow P-61. Office of Assistant Chief of Air Staff Training. 1944
  • Handbook of Operating Instructions for Radio Set SCR-720-A and Radio Set SCR-720-B. AN 08-10-181. Joint authority of the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, and the Commanding General, Army Service Force. (1943).
  • Northrop P61 Black Widow Pilot’s Flight Operating instructions. T.O No. AN 02-35VC-3. USAF, July 1945
  • Introduction Survey of Radar Part II. Air Publication 1093D Volume 1 First Edition. Air Ministry, June 1946.

Secondary Sources:

  • Boiten, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 1944 Part Four. Surrey: Red Kite, 2021.
  • Boiten, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 1944 Part Five. Surrey: Red Kite, 2021.
  • Braham, Roscoe R. “Thunderstorms and the Thunderstorm Project”
  • Brown, Louis. Technical and Military Imperatives: a Radar History of World War II. Taylor & Francis, 1999.
  • Dean, Francis H. America’s Hundred Thousand: the US Production Fighter Aircraft of World War II. Schiffer Publ., 1997.
  • Kolln, Jeff. The 421st Night Fighter Squadron in World War II. Schiffer Pub., 2001.
  • McFarland, Stephen Lee. The U.S. Army Air Forces in World War II: Conquering the Night: Army Air Forces Night Fighters at War. Air Force History and Museums Program, 1998.
  • Pape, Garry R., and Ronald C. Harrison. Queen of the Midnight Skies: the Story of America’s Air Force Night Fighters. Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 1992.
  • Price, Alfred. Instruments of Darkness: the History of Electronic Warfare. Greenhill, 2005.
  • Thompson, Warren E. P-61 Black Widow Units of World War 2. Osprey, 1998.
  • “WW2 People’s War – Reg EVERSON’S STORY.” BBC. BBC. Accessed August 1, 2021. https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/26/a3130426.shtml.

 

 

 

Junkers Ju 88G

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1943)
Night fighter – Approximately 2,520 Built

A Ju 88G-1 in transit. [Boiten]
Developed from converted fighter versions of the Ju 88A-4 medium bomber, the Ju 88G would take up a growing role in the German night fighter force, as it saw its greatest successes in the Spring of 1944, and its decline in the Autumn of that same year. While built mostly as a result of the German aviation industry’s failure to produce a new specialized night fighter design, the Ju 88G would nonetheless prove to be a valuable asset, one that far exceeded the capabilities of its predecessors and was well suited for mass production.

Hunting in the Dark: 1943

1943 was a year of highs and lows for the Luftwaffe’s night fighter force, one that saw their tactics change considerably to match those of RAF’s Bomber Command. The year started with the Luftwaffe continuing the heavy use of its long standing fixed network of defensive ‘Himmelbett’ cells. These contained searchlights, radar, and night fighters that coordinated to bring down raiders. This chain of defenses stretched across the low countries through northern Germany in a network known more broadly as the ‘Kammhuber line’, named after its architect and initial commander of the German night fighter force, Josef Kammhuber. However the British would develop tactics to shatter this line and employ countermeasures to blind the radars used both by flak and fighter directors, and night fighters. 

They employed what became known as the ‘bomber stream’, deploying their aircraft in a long and narrow formation in order to penetrate as few of the Luftwaffe’s defensive boxes as possible. It was a simple but effective tactic, a night fighter could only intercept so many planes, and the cells were quickly overwhelmed. When they coupled this tactic with radar reflecting chaff, which they called ‘window’, the result was the near total collapse of the German air defenses during the July raid against the city of Hamburg. With German radar scopes clouded by the resulting interference, they were unable to direct gun laying radar for their anti-aircraft guns, and night fighters could not be vectored onto their targets, much less find anything using their on-board radar systems. Virtually defenseless and in the grips of a hot, dry summer, Hamburg suffered a level of destruction eclipsed only by the raid on Dresden when the war was coming to a close.

The Himmelbett system provided expansive coverage but could easily be overwhelmed by a concentrated stream of enemy aircraft. [Price]
The Luftwaffe’s disaster over Hamburg forced them to reform their strategy and develop new detection systems that would be unaffected by the newest RAF countermeasures. Kammhuber was sacked, though not exclusively as a result of the raid, and a new system of night fighter control was to be the primary means of nightly strategic air defense. Instead of the heavy focus on the fixed Himmelbett boxes, night fighters would be assembled over beacons before being directed towards bomber streams. This would ensure there would be no bottlenecks and would allow the full strength of the night fighter force to, as it was hoped, be brought against the enemy in mass. They would also employ new equipment, modifying their Wurzburg radars, used for fire and aircraft direction, with a chaff discriminating device, and replacing the older Lichtenstein (B/C) aerial search radars with the new SN-2.

In the winter of 1943, Bomber Command set out to try and knock Germany out of the war. They launched a series of large-scale raids against major industrial cities and the capital, with Sir Arthur Harris, its C-in-C, believing he could end the war without the need for a costly invasion of the continent (Overy 339). The Luftwaffe’s new weapons and tactics would quickly prove their worth during what later became known as the ‘first Battle of Berlin’. Bomber Command held that a loss rate of 5% represented “acceptable losses” and significantly higher values could spell trouble for continuous operations (Brown 309). Between August and November of 1943, the casualty rates during the “1st Battle of Berlin” sat at 7.6-7.9%, figures which would climb slowly over the following months (Overy 342). However, while most Luftwaffe planners were enthusiastic about the new air defense methods, they would have to confront a growing concern in the service: they were reliant on considerably dated night fighter designs.

 

The Search for a New Design

Left to right: Ta 154, He 219, Ju 188. [avionslegendaires.net & Wikipedia]
Throughout much of 1943, the night fighting mission was taken up mostly by variants of the Bf 110, followed by the Ju 88, and in much smaller numbers the Do 217 and He 219. In order to address the lack of a mass produced, specialized night fighter design, three new proposals were introduced. The first being the Ta 154 “Moskito,” a wooden, dedicated night fighter design which hoped to capture the same success as the British aircraft which bore the same name. The second, the He 219, was a specialized night fighter design championed by the very man who had devised the Himmelbett system, Josef Kammhuber. Lastly the Ju 188, a bomber that at the time still lacked a night fighter version, was proposed for conversion (Aders 72).

The Ta 154, despite high hopes for the project, never came to fruition as a result of its troubled development. The He 219 was sidelined by Generalflugzeugmeister (Chief of Procurement and Supply) Erhard Milch, who opposed increasing the number of specialized airframes in favor of mass production of multipurpose designs (Cooper 265). To make matters worse for the project a number of technical issues prolonged development, the aircraft took around 90,000 hours to produce, and with comparatively little support from the Luftwaffe, few were built (Cooper 325). The aircraft would, however, still be employed with the Luftwaffe, but in limited service. The Ju 188 design that likely would have received Milch’s support simply never materialized. 

With the failure to find a new design, it was clear that the brunt of future night fighting would fall on existing designs, in particular the Ju 88. In early 1943, it was on this design that hopes were placed for a high performance, specialized night fighter that would become available to the Luftwaffe the following year (Cooper 266).

The Old 88

Left to right: Ju 88A-4, Ju 88C-6, Ju 88R, Ju 88G-1. [Asisbiz]
Originally entering service as a medium/dive bomber in 1939, the Ju 88A was a state of the art, if somewhat conservative, design that was exceedingly versatile and easily modifiable. The airframe was sturdy, aerodynamically clean, and modular, with many components capable of being modified without necessitating major revisions to its overall design. This is perhaps nowhere more evident than the self-enclosed combined engine-radiator assemblies that allowed the powerplant and its associated cooling systems to be easily removed or replaced via connecting plates and brackets (Medcalf 106, 107, 191).

Not long after its teething period subsided, the Ju 88 proved itself in a number of roles and was employed as a night fighter early in the war, as some bombers were converted to Zerstorer (long range fighter/ground attack aircraft) at Luftwaffe workshops. Several of these aircraft were subsequently handed off to night fighter squadrons by the end of 1941, the first set with their dive brakes still equipped (Aders 31). However, by the end of 1941, small quantities of serial-built Ju 88C fighters were being delivered, with a larger production run following in the subsequent years. The type would eventually take up a growing position in the night fighter force (Medcalf 166, 178). Owing to their origins as converted aircraft, the Ju 88C-6 series retained virtually the same airframe as their bomber counterparts, with some minor alterations. The bombardier and their equipment were removed and an armament of three 7.92 mm MG17’s, a 20mm MG 151/20, and a pair of 20mm  MG FF cannons were installed in the nose of the aircraft and in the “gondola” beneath the nose that would have otherwise carried the bombsight and ventral gunner (Medalf 319).

The night fighting capabilities of the C-6 were good but its shortcomings were becoming more apparent as the war progressed. By early 1943, it was considered relatively slow and this was particularly worrying in the face of the RAF’s growing use of the Mosquito as a bomber and pathfinder, an aircraft which no German night fighter in service was able to effectively intercept. When flying at high speeds and altitudes, catching these aircraft was often more a matter of good fortune than anything else. In mid 1943, an interim design known as the Ju 88R was introduced in the hopes of alleviating some of the deficiencies of the preceding series. Despite remaining very capable in the anti-heavy bomber role, it had no hope of intercepting the Mosquito. While the Ju 88R proved to be significantly faster thanks to the use of the much more powerful BMW 801 engines over the older Jumo 211Js, it still failed to fulfill the anti-Mosquito role that its planners hoped to achieve. 

  While the aircraft offered greater performance and was favored by pilots, it was still very much a simple conversion, much like the C series it was supplementing, and it was clear additional modifications were necessary to better realize the airframe’s potential. In particular, its greater engine power meant the aircraft could reach higher speeds, but that power also enabled the aircraft to exceed the limits to which the rudder was effective (Aders 73). However, despite the disappointments of the year and the failure to secure a brand-new night fighter design, the hope that a new model of specialized Ju 88 would be entering service was soon realized.

Gustav

The Ju 88G would provide the Luftwaffe with a high performance night fighter that also allowed them to consolidate existing production lines. [Asisbiz]
By the end of 1943, work on the new night fighter was complete and the Luftwaffe was preparing to receive the first planes by the end of the year. The new Ju 88G-1 was developed as the successor to the previous C and R series night fighters, both consolidating production and vastly improving performance. 

The Ju 88V-58 was the primary prototype for the Ju 88G-1 and first flew in June of 1943 (Aders 258). It sat between the older Ju 88R series aircraft and the later Ju 88G in design and appearance, using the same basic airframe as the Ju 88R and its BMW 801 power plants. However, it also incorporated the vertical stabilizer designed for the Ju 188, used a new narrower, low drag canopy from previous fighter models, and removed the “gondola” which carried a portion of the aircraft’s armament in previous models (Aders 132; Medcalf 191, 192). The armament was significantly improved with the addition of a mid-fuselage gun pod which mounted four MG 151/20 20 mm cannons, making use of the space otherwise taken up by bombing gear, with another pair of cannons installed in the nose of the aircraft. However, the nose mounted pair were removed later on due to issues regarding the muzzle flash of the guns affecting the pilot’s vision, a resulting shift in the aircraft’s center of gravity, and interference with nose mounted radar aerials (Medcalf 191). 

After this series of changes to the aircraft’s fuselage, armament, and the subsequent addition of an SN-2c radar, the Ju 88G went into production. 6 pre-production Ju 88G-0 aircraft and 13 Ju 88G-1s were completed by the end of 1943 (Medcalf 178). The production switch between the previous Ju 88R and 88C models to the G was relatively smooth, with the first three aircraft delivered to the Luftwaffe in January of 1944. Production and deliveries of the new model increased sharply over the following weeks thanks to the aircraft sharing most of its components with older models (Aders 129). Mass production was carried out rapidly, with 12 planes completed a month later in January, roughly doubling the next month, and rising to 247 aircraft in June, before gradually falling as the production of its successor, the G-6, began to supersede it (Medcalf 240).

The Ju 88G-1 went into production with an offensive armament of four forward facing 20 mm MG 151/20 cannons in a pod mounted ventrally near the center of the aircraft. Upward facing cannons in the fuselage, in a configuration referred to as ‘Schräge Musik’, were often installed later at field workshops. These upward facing weapons were of particular use against British bombers, which had forgone ventral defensive guns. This armament was a marked improvement over the three 20 mm cannons and three MG 17 7.92 mm machine guns carried by the preceding C6 and R series (Medcalf 319). 

The aircraft was powered by the much more powerful BMW 801 G-2 engines producing 1740 PS, a huge boost up from the Jumo 211J, 1410 PS, on the Ju 88C-6. This allowed the aircraft to reach 537 km/h at an altitude of 6.2 km, quite a considerable improvement over the Ju 88C-6’s 470 km/h at 4.8 km (Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke 7, 12, Medcalf 319). The engines were unchanged from that of the previous Ju 88R model, though it was able to make better use of them thanks to the enlarged vertical stabilizer which granted better control and stability at high speed.

G-6 

The G-6 would incorporate more powerful engines and standardize several common modifications made to the previous model.  [albumwar2]
To build on the success and production base of the first design, work began on a successor. Retaining the same airframe, the G-6 would be powered by the Junkers Jumo 213 A-1 and would standardize the use of equipment commonly added to the G-1 at Luftwaffe workshops. To this end several new prototypes were produced, these being Ju 88V-108, V-109 which included the MW50 boost system, and Ju 88V-111 which served as a production prototype (Medcalf 192). 

The aircraft carried with it several key improvements over the initial model. It was faster, better armed, and possessed a more advanced set of electronic warfare equipment. However, it’s top speed is difficult to ascertain given the limited number of sources on the aircraft. It was able to achieve 554 km/h (344 mph) at 6km (19685 ft) without the use of the MW50 boost system, and after the war Royal Navy test pilot Eric Brown was able to reach a top speed of 644km/h (400mph) at an altitude of 9,145 meters in tests (30,000ft) (Medcalf 319, Eric Brown 195). In all likelihood, this was a testing aircraft that was using either Jumo 213E or 213F engines, as 9km was well above the full throttle height of the Jumo 213A. Alternatively, some of these engines may have made their way into very late production G-6 aircraft.

 The new standardized equipment included an upward firing pair of 20 mm cannons, the FuG 350 Naxos Z radar detector, and they would later be the first night fighters to be equipped with the new SN-2R and Naxos Zr tail warning equipment. They also carried the new Neptun radars for twin engine fighter use and were the only aircraft that made use of the SN-3 and Berlin search radars (Medcalf 319, 324; Aders 181)

The SN-2R was a rearward facing radar aerial added to the SN-2d search radar sets that would warn the crew of pursuers. It helped to significantly improve survivability along with the new Naxos Zr, which could now warn the crew of enemy night fighter radar emissions. These systems quickly showed their worth. Ju 88G-6’s fared better in the presence of enemy night fighters than the He 219’s and Bf 110’s, which lacked standardized tail warning equipment (Aders 181). 

Late G-6’s were also equipped with the FuG 120A Bernhardine. This device was intended to make use of a nationwide network of high powered transmitters that would have been unjammable by the RAF’s electronic warfare equipment. The system would provide the altitude of a bomber stream, its location on a grid map, its course, strength, and the recipient night fighter’s bearing from the ground station. All of this information was relayed in coded messages by means of a teleprinter in the cockpit of the night fighter. It was mostly foolproof, but the system was not fully operational by the war’s end (Medcalf 325; Price 237, 238).

Pilot’s Remarks and General Flight Characteristics

As with the rest of the Ju 88’s in the night fighter service, the plane had the ergonomics and handling characteristics that were so sought after by pilots. The sorties they faced by this point of the war were as long as two hours and as such undemanding flight characteristics were a crucial feature of any night fighter (Aders 23). Stability, well balanced controls and the ability to fly well on one engine were crucial factors, and having them made the Ju 88G a highly rated aircraft among the force (Aders 31, 132). Its reinforced airframe also came in useful, as its earlier use as a dive-bomber required a high tolerance for g-forces that made it capable of pulling off hard maneuvers without risk of damaging the airframe in the process. The addition of the Ju 188’s vertical stabilizer also improved handling markedly, as the newer design provided much smooth rudder controls over the previous version, which had ones unchanged from older bomber models and were quite stiff once the aircraft was brought up to speed (Medcalf 304).

Ju 88G-1 flown by Roland Beamont. [asisbiz.com]
The G-1 handled exceedingly well, with controls that were well balanced and responsive. Praise for the Gustav’s handling could even be found outside the ranks of the Luftwaffe, as Roland Beamont, an RAF fighter pilot and post war test pilot, had a chance to take one up and evaluate how it performed at RAF Tangmere in the summer of 1945. Beamont found the aircraft undemanding, with gentle controls and that, on landing, the aircraft “could be steered on the approach as gently and responsively as any fighter”. Equally as important, he found the aircraft needed very little adjustment in the air, with only very minor trimming of control surfaces needed for smooth operation in regular flight. In a rare chance, he even found an opportunity to have a mock battle with another RAF pilot, Bob Braham, flying a DeHavilland Mosquito. Beamont found the 88 was able to hold its ground for some time, but eventually letting up when he began to reach the limits of the unfamiliar plane so low to the ground and in the wake of Bob’s plane, which promptly outmaneuvered him.

Despite his praise for the aircraft’s flight characteristics, he felt the structural cockpit framework was very restrictive of the pilot’s vision. In a summary of his first flight and a second on July 16th, he claimed “It has remained in my rating as one of the best heavy piston-engined twins of all time and a very pleasant flying experience.” (Medcalf 294, 295). Much like Beamont, most Luftwaffe pilots were very satisfied with the aircraft (Aders 132).

Famed Royal Navy pilot Capt. Erik ‘Winkle’ Brown would also be among the few allied pilots to have the opportunity to fly both the G-1, and subsequent G-6 model. Capt. Brown felt the aircraft possessed largely the same excellent handling characteristics as the Ju 88A-5 he’d flown prior. He praised the aircraft for its easy ground handling, thanks to its excellent brakes, it’s good handling during climbs, and light controls at cruising speed (Brown 190).

Capt. Brown would spend more time with the G-6 and was able to put one through more demanding tests. Having previously flown several versions of the Ju 88, Brown was particularly impressed by the aforementioned high speeds achieved by a Ju 88G-6 (Werk-nr 621965) he’d flown in tests. The aircraft remained in line with his general, glowing remarks over the Ju 88. “It was a pilot’s airplane, first and last, it demanded a reasonable degree of skill in handling and it responded splendidly when such skill was applied. There was a number of very good German aircraft but, with the exception of the Fw 190, none aroused my profound admiration as did the Junkers ‘eighty-eight’ (Brown 195).” 

Perhaps the simplest but greatest advantage the aircraft had in night fighting was in the close proximity of the crewmembers, which allowed them easy communication in the event of intercom failure or emergency. It also allowed the pilot to be seated beside their radar operator, with the flight engineer seated directly behind him, an ideal arrangement providing both easy communication and good situational awareness, which became a necessity as bomber streams became the hunting grounds for RAF night fighters (Aders 132).

While it inherited the benefits of the original design, it also had its flaws, the most obvious of which was the poor visibility due to the bars of the reinforced cockpit frame, and the troublesome landing gear which had a tendency to buckle if the aircraft was brought down too hard (Medcalf 75). The landing gear was a hydraulically actuated set that rotated 90 degrees so that the wheels would lie flat within their nacelles. This greatly reduced drag, as the shallower landing gear bays contributed far less to the frontal area of the plane, but they could be broken in forced landings or careless flying. These types of accidents were typically handled by the airfield ground staff, though handing off the plane to a recovery and salvage battalion could prove necessary in the event of a forced landing or a particularly bad accident (Medcalf 62).

Lichtenstein SN-2

Early combined SN-2 with the wide-angle attachment; compared to a later model on Ju 88G. These large aerials came to be known as the ‘Hirschgeweih’(stag antlers). [Bauer, Rod’s Warbirds]
Perhaps the most important feature of the Ju 88G, its radar, was easily the weakest point of the aircraft in comparison to its contemporaries in foreign service. Unlike the British or Americans, the Germans lacked any major production of centimeter band search radars, forcing them to rely on meter band types. In practical terms, the meter band radar carried with it several major disadvantages, the most evident and visible of which were the large aerial antennas which protruded from the aircraft’s fuselage and created significant drag. In tests by the Luftwaffe’s Rechlin test pilots, it was found that the Lichtenstein (B/C) decreased the maximum speed of a Bf-110 by 39.9 km/h (Aders 44). Another major disadvantage was its inferior ability to cut through ground clutter, leading to very poor performance at lower altitudes and making it useless near ground level (Aders 163, 200). 

The standard Ju 88G-1 was equipped with the Lichtenstein SN-2c, also designated as FuG 220. This airborne radar set was designed by Telefunken for naval service and originally rejected by the Luftwaffe earlier in the war. Its initial rejection was based on its extreme minimum range of 750 meters, which meant that any target would disappear off the scopes long before the pilot would be able to see it (Aders 79, 80). Its later adoption was a matter of the previous air search radar having a relatively short maximum range, and that the SN-2 would be unaffected by the chaff that made the previous sets useless (Brown 309). However, due to the shortcomings of the original SN-2, the device was coupled with a simplified version of the older Lichtenstein  FuG-212 radar to track targets within the large minimum range of the new system.  The resulting set up required the use of 5 radar scopes and was an exceedingly cumbersome display, with three scopes devoted to the older Lichtenstein set and two for the SN-2 (Price 196). 

The two scope SN-2c display, the “peaks” represent radar contacts. Left is azimuth and range, right is elevation. The range demarcations are 2 km for both sides, the radar will not display contacts beyond the 5th demarcation.[Bauer]
The SN-2 carried by the 88G was an improved model which had its minimum range decreased to an acceptable distance, allowing it to drop the excess equipment for the far simpler SN-2c, which required only two scopes (Aders 122). The system had a frequency range of 73/82/91 MHz, a power output of 2.5 kW, an instrumented range of 8km, a minimum range of 300 m, a search angle with an azimuth of 120 degrees, an elevation of 100 degrees, and a total weight of 70 kg. While the system had a maximum instrumented range of 8km, its practical detection range was tied to the altitude at which it was operating and the size of the target. For example, if searching for a heavy bomber traveling at the same altitude, and with the maximum antenna aperture towards the Earth being roughly 30 degrees, and at an operating altitude of 5km, the slant range of the radar can be placed roughly at the system’s maximum range of 8km (Bauer 12, 13). This range increases or decreases correspondingly with the altitude of the aircraft or its target, with the device being virtually useless near ground level.

 One SN-2c was eventually recovered by the RAF when an inexperienced crew landed their plane at RAF Woodbridge as a result of a navigation failure, which allowed the British to develop both effective chaff and electronic jamming countermeasures for it (Price 221). This same aircraft would be the one given such a good review by Roland Beamont, its registration code being 4R+UR. 

The SN-2 would see further development even as its usefulness declined in the face of widespread jamming and chaff which targeted its operating bands. The SN-2d was the most immediate development which helped to some degree. Its operating frequencies were shifted to the 37.5-118 MHz dispersal band to make use of its still usable frequencies that were not fully targeted by RAF jamming efforts. It would later be combined with the SN-2R tail warning radar and, very late in the war, made use of low drag ‘morgenstern’ aerials and an aerodynamic nose cone which fit over it (Aders 244). 

Late War and Experimental Radars

Left to right: Fug 218 Neptun, Lichtenstein FuG 220 SN-2 with a low drag array, FuG 240 Berlin with its parabolic antenna set behind a removable nose cone. [Rod’s Warbirds, Asisbiz,ww2aircraft.net]
 The FuG 217/218 Neptun radar sets were developed and built by FFO. These had been initially developed for use in single engine night fighters, but were later adapted for use aboard twin engine aircraft. They were largely a stop gap following the RAF jamming efforts against the SN-2, as any new aerial search radar was months away. These series of radars came in a variety of configurations as they were further developed and pressed into wider service.

 The Neptun 217 V/R was a search radar that could switch between two frequencies between 158 and 187 MHz, had a search angle of 120 degrees, a maximum range of 4 km with a minimum of 400 meters, and a total weight of 35 kg. The subsequent Neptun 218 V/R search radar included four new frequency settings along the same range, had a maximum range of 5km with a minimum of 120 meters, a power output of 30kW, weighed 50kg, and possessed the same search angle as the previous model. Both radars could be mounted in a “stag antler” array with the preceding Neptun 217 V/R also having a “rod” type mounting arrangement, which consisted of individual antennas attached to the airframe. As with the SN-2, tail warning sets were produced which were found in the form of the standalone Neptune 217 R and Neptun 218 R sets, or as a component of the Neptune 217 V/R and Neptun 218 V/R combined search and tail warning radars. (Aders 245, 246).

The FuG 228 SN-3 was developed by Telefunken and was visually similar to the SN-2 but with thicker dipoles. The device operated on a frequency range of 115-148 MHz, had a power output of 20kW, a maximum range of 8km with a minimum of 250m, a search angle with an azimuth of of 120 degrees, an elevation of 100, and a total weight of 95kg. Some sets also made use of a low drag “morningstar ” array that used ¼ and ½-wavelength aerials. 10 sets were delivered for trials and may have been used in combat (Aders 245).

 The FuG 240 Berlin was another radar developed by Telefunken and their last to see operational use during the war, it also being the first and only centimetric aerial search radar to see service with the Luftwaffe. It operated on a wavelength of 9 to 9.3 cm, an output of 15kW, had a maximum range of roughly 9 km, a minimum of 300 m, a search angle of 55 degrees, weighed 180 kg, and had no serious altitude limitations (Aders 246, Holp 10). While only twenty five Berlin sets were delivered to the Luftwaffe they made successful use of them in March of 1945 (Aders 246; Brown 317). While these new devices were free of the heavy jamming the SN-2 faced, they lacked the larger production base of the SN-2 which continued to be fitted to new night fighters until the end of the war.

Passive Sensors

While the SN-2 radar was somewhat mediocre, this deficiency was offset by other devices that were often installed aboard which could supplement it, these being the FuG 227 Flensburg and FuG 350 Naxos Z. Developed by Telefunken, Naxos was able to detect the emissions of British H2S ground mapping radar and other devices with frequencies in the centimeter band. This would enable a night fighter equipped with the system to home in on RAF aircraft that were using ground mapping radar to direct bomber streams to their targets. The Naxos Z set was capable of detecting emissions at up to 50 km, enabling them to find pathfinders or simply other bombers in the stream as the ground mapping radar became more commonplace among the aircraft of Bomber Command (Price 176, Medcalf 325). Subsequent models would expand the reception band to allow the device to detect British centimetric aerial intercept radar and combine the system with tail warning equipment to alert aircrews to the presence of British, and later American, night fighters, with the series working within the 2500 mHz to 3750 mHz band (Medcalf 325). These included the Naxos-Zr, used exclusively in Ju 88s, with the aerial contained within the fuselage, the Naxos ZX, which further increased the detectable frequency ranges, and the Naxos RX, which was a version of the previous type which coupled it with tail warning equipment (Aders 248, 249). This was solely a directional sensor and would give the operator the azimuth of the target, but not its altitude or range. 

Naxos indicator, each notch represents a detected emission [Bauer]
Flensburg was another passive device, this one made by Siemens. While Naxos detected the emissions from RAF ground mapping radar, Flensburg picked up the tail warning radar of RAF bombers, a device codenamed Monica. With later versions operating on a tunable frequency band of 80 mHz to 230 mHz, it allowed aircraft equipped with it to detect virtually all bombers traveling within a stream should their rear warning radar be active (Medcalf 325). Among the captured pieces of equipment in Ju 88G [4R+UR], this was evaluated by the RAF and found to be an exceedingly useful tool for detecting and closing in on their bombers. The aircraft with the device was evaluated by Wing Commander Derek Jackson in a series of tests with both a single RAF Lancaster bomber and a small group of five planes flying over a considerable distance. He found that, in both cases, he was able to home in on the bombers with the Flensburg device alone from as far as 130 miles away without any issues even when the aircraft were in close formation, where there was hope that several of the tail warning radars operating closely together might have confused the device (Price 222). 

In all, 250 Flensburg sets were produced, alongside roughly 1,500 Naxos-Z sets, and though only the latter became standard equipment, both saw extensive use among Ju 88 night fighters (Aders 124). These devices proved incredibly successful in combination with SN-2 and, for several months, allowed the German night fighter forces to achieve great operational success. However, they eventually fell behind again one final time after the successful British efforts to counter the Luftwaffe’s sensors and tactics in the months following the landings in France (Brown 319). In the end only Naxos remained the only reliable means of detecting raiders as, unlike Monica, they could not do without their H2S ground mapping radar.

Initial Deployments

Field use of the aircraft began shortly after the delivery of the first pre production aircraft, which were quickly sent out to units equipped with older models of Ju-88s, often being placed into the hands of formation leaders. In this way, its introduction into service was gradual, with the first aircraft already being in the hands of more experienced pilots before more deliveries allowed for the entire unit to transition away from older models. Prior to July of 1944, Gruppe IV of NJG3, II and III of NJG6, and I of NJG7 were supplied with large numbers of G-1s, followed by a gradual supply to NJG2, Gruppe IV of NJG 5, III of NJG3, and NJG100. It should also be noted that these aircraft could be found in the inventories of most units, even those that did not fully transition over fully to their use (Aders 131). 

For the first three months of 1944, the Luftwaffe inventory had only a single digit number of operational G-1s but, by April and May, mass deliveries of the aircraft began, with 179 planes available in May and 419 by July (Aders 272). A total 1,209 Ju 88G-0s and G-1s were delivered to the Luftwaffe between December of 1943 and October of 1944, with the aircraft and its successor, the Ju 88G-6, becoming the mainstay of the German night fighter force for the remainder of the war (Medcalf 178, 240).

Zahme Sau: Winter through Spring

As a heavy radar equipped night fighter, the Ju 88G would serve the Luftwaffe as “Zahme Sau” (Tame Boar) interceptors. They differed from “Wilde Sau” (Wild Boar), in that they were to receive guidance toward enemy bombers from a series of ground based stations in a system known as Y-Control. With information collected from various search radars and passive radio and radar detectors scattered throughout much of Western Europe, ground control operators would direct interceptors toward bomber streams (Price 175, 178).

For much of 1944, a typical mission for a Zahme Sau pilot would go as follows. First, they would take off and head for an assembly point marked by a radio/searchlight beacon. Then, they would wait their turn before receiving radio commands directing them towards a bomber stream. The fighters were led away from the beacons by their formation leaders, but rarely did all a gruppe’s fighters actually reach the target in close order. Lastly, upon reaching the stream, they would attempt to merge with it and then begin to search out targets with on board sensors. In addition to direct guidance, Y-control gave a running commentary on a bomber stream, describing its course and the altitude range the staggered bombers flew at (Aders 102, 103,195). This running commentary was particularly useful later on when night fighters more commonly flew alone and the use of the signal beacons was restricted.

This system would see the effectiveness of the Luftwaffe’s night fighters reach its zenith in the spring. Building upon their successes of the previous winter they would inflict heavy losses on Bomber Command. Between November of 1943 and March of 1944, Bomber Command would lose 1,128 aircraft prior to the temporary withdrawal from large scale operations over Germany. During the raid on Nuremberg in April of 1944, 11.9% of raiders failed to return home in what became the costliest raid of the entire war (Overy 368). Thankfully for the Allies, the Luftwaffe would never see this level of success again, as Bomber Command shifted to support Operation Overlord at the end of May. While Arthur Harris wished to continue his large-scale area bombing campaign over Germany, he would relent to pressures from higher offices and place his forces in support of the coming operation to liberate France. The subsequent raids against various rail yards across coastal France would prove a well needed respite for Bomber Command. The short distance the raiders flew over hostile territory meant that Luftwaffe night fighters had fewer opportunities for interception, and thus Bomber Command’s losses were comparatively light.

RAF Tactics and Changing Fortunes

Avro Lancaster and DeHavilland Mosquito NF MK XVII. [Flickr]
Following Overlord, Bomber Command returned to Germany better equipped and prepared for the challenges ahead. A typical late war Bomber Command heavy raiding force was composed mostly of Lancaster and Halifax heavy bombers which were supported by airborne  radar and radio jammers, night fighters, decoy formations composed of trainee squadrons, and chaff dispersing aircraft. In addition to the aforementioned Lancaster and Halifax, the B-17 and B-24 were also used by both the USAAF and RAF as electronic warfare platforms during these raids, though in much smaller numbers. Several variants of the DeHavilland Mosquito would be used as pathfinders, bombers, and nightfighers. The pathfinders were particularly troublesome as they could outpace any interceptor, save for a night fighter variant of the Me 262 that was introduced near the end of the war. While goals of the heavy bombers were straightforward, the supporting forces’ goal was to disorient Luftwaffe ground controllers and engage their night fighters to reduce operational losses and tie up enemy aircraft (Aders 194, 195).

Locating the stream proved difficult, but if a fighter was to infiltrate it, they were mostly free of electronic interference and would encounter little resistance. While successful infiltration often meant good chances for kills, most night fighters would end up returning to base having expended most of their fuel in the search.

Various derivatives of the FuMG 402 Wasserman radar, a long range early warning and fighter control radar built by Siemens. Later versions were capable of frequency changes within the 1.9-2.5 m, 1.2-1.9 m, and 2.4-4.0 m ranges (Aders 251). [cdvandt]
While the Luftwaffe’s system was still holding steady it soon faced a new challenge, as from December 1943 onward, German night fighter pilots would also have to contend with the long-range Mosquito night fighters of the RAF’s 100 Group. Tasked with supporting bombing raids through offensive action, they operated by seeking out German night fighters over raid targets, at night fighter assembly points, and lastly to seek out enemy aircraft near the stream itself (Sharp & Bowyer 289). 

 By the beginning of May 1944, 100 Group possessed only about a hundred Mosquitos, though the number would grow larger and they would begin to replace their older and less capable aircraft (Sharp & Bowyer 290, 291). In the Autumn of 1944, the Mosquitos began to carry equipment to track German night fighters by activating their Erstling IFF (Identify Friend or Foe System) by mimicking the signals of German search radars. With this new gear and their bolstered numbers, they had tied down much of the Luftwaffe night fighter force by the winter of 1944. Eventually, the Germans left their IFFs off, which made tracking their own planes extremely difficult, and forced them to abandon the use of the assembly beacons which were frequented by the Mosquitos (Aders 196). Understandably, the Mosquito became the source of constant anxiety for Luftwaffe night fighter crews. The Mosquito typically made its appearance during takeoffs, landings, and when the often unsuspecting German night fighters were transiting to and from their targets. Under such circumstances, the use of tail warning and radar detecting equipment aboard the Ju 88G was both an important defensive tool, and a serious morale booster. 

Despite its earlier successes, the Luftwaffe’s night fighter force’s effectiveness began its decline in August of 1944 in the face of general disruptions to their detection and communication capabilities as the Allies deployed radar and radio jammers to the continent (Aders 194, 195, 197). This loss of early warning radar coverage would prove a decisive blow to the Luftwaffe, one that they never recovered from.

Blind and Deaf: Autumn into Winter 

As summer turned to autumn, night fighter bases were increasingly harassed by Allied daylight fighter bombers, which forced the Luftwaffe to disperse their forces to secondary airfields. While these “blindworm” locations were free of prowling Mosquitos and fighter bombers, they were not without their disadvantages. While these fields were well camouflaged, their rough landing fields could be hazardous and they were not cleared for night landings. This forced many night fighters to land at their more well-constructed bases after their nightly sorties and return to the camouflaged fields in the evenings. The result was a rise in losses as the aircraft were occasionally caught by Allied fighters on their flight back. Through late 1944 and into 1945, German night fighter losses were most commonly the result of interception in transit or being hit on the ground. While at first only bases in Belgium and the Netherlands were threatened, Allied fighters would appear in growing numbers over the skies of Western and Southern Germany, as would the recon aircraft that periodically uncovered the “blindworm” bases (Aders 197). 

A Ju 88G caught in transit. [asisbiz.org]
In September of 1944 the night fighter force flew a total of 1,301 sorties against approximately 6,400 enemy aircraft, of which they brought down approximately 76, representing a loss rate of 1.1%. Bomber Command losses had fallen significantly from the 7.5% of the previous year, and from last April’s catastrophic high of 11.9%. As such, Bomber Command losses were once again well below the 5% attrition threshold for continuous operations (Aders 197). 

By the start of winter, the RAF and USAAF had largely succeeded in jamming most of the Luftwaffe’s early warning radars, y-control radio services, and through the use of chaff and jammers, made the standard SN-2 search radar useful only in the hands of experts. This had the overall effects of ensuring the night fighter force was slower to respond in-bound raiders, more likely to be sent against diversionary formations, and that night fighters were far less likely to make contact with the bomber stream after being vectored toward it. By winter, it had become clear for the Luftwaffe that the after hours war over Western Europe had been irrevocably lost.

While the night fighter force had some success in finding alternatives to their models of the SN-2 air search radars there was no hope of recouping their past successes. Between the chronic fuel shortages, marauding RAF Mosquitos, mounting ground and transit losses, and the compromised performance of most of the Luftwaffe’s ground based radars, the situation had become unsalvageable. Its decline was final, and in February of 1945, the force disintegrated as the Allies took the war into Germany (Aders 201). After almost a year following its greatest successes, the Luftwaffe’s night fighter force finished the war mostly grounded for lack of fuel and as night harassment forces in support of Germany’s depleted and hard pressed army (Aders 206). 

Large numbers of German night fighters were captured as the Allies overran their airfields, many left intact. Lacking flame dampeners or exhaust stains, these planes have likely never been flown. [flickr]

On the Offense

In conjunction with their interception duties, many units equipped with Ju 88Gs would conduct night ground attack operations against Allied forces in France against the Normandy beachhead, and later across the Western front in support of Operation Wacht am Rhein at the end of 1944. 

On the night of August the 2nd, 1944, the first of these operations were carried out against various targets, including the disembarkation area at Avranches and the Normandy bridgehead. The operation code-named ‘Heidelburg’ was conducted by elements of NJG’s 2, 4, and 5.These attacks were conducted without the use of bombs and were regarded by some as absurd due to the extreme danger in conducting low level strafing runs at night, and with only limited preparations being made before the operation (Boiten P4 25). The attacks would be carried out until the night of the tenth with the night fighters taking considerable, but inconsistent, losses. 

On the night of the sixth, one Ju 88G would claim an unusual victory in this period as during their return flight,  Lt. Jung of 6./NJG2. Jung and his R/O Fw. Heidenrech detected and closed in on P-38 of the 370th fighter squadron at around 2:30 near Falaise, which they subsequently downed. Not all the aircraft had the same luck as Jung, as during the same night another Ju 88G of his Gruppe would be brought down by an Allied night fighter. The aircraft proceeded to crash into a Panther tank belonging to the 1st SS Panzer Division, resulting in a two hour traffic jam during that unit’s counter attack on Mortain (Boiten P4, 28). The overall impact these missions had were largely undefinable due to the inability to accurately survey the damage inflicted. 

While infrequent attacks were carried out during the Autumn of 1944, the Luftwaffe’s night fighters would not be committed to any major ground attack operations until the end of the year. On the night of December 17th, several night fighter squadrons would be called upon for night ground attack operations in support of Operation Wacht Am Rhein. This action saw roughly 140 Ju 88’s and Bf 110’s of at least seven Gruppen being committed to what was to become the Battle of the Bulge (Boiten P3, 65). 

This abandoned Ju 88G-6 was modified for ground attack missions, its radar had been removed and racks for bombs had been added. An AB 500 cluster bomb unit lies in the foreground. [Rod’s Warbirds]
These night raids did considerable damage and sowed confusion amongst rear-echelon services, as vehicles initially traveled with undimmed lights and many facilities failed to observe black out conditions. This was especially true against rail and road traffic which, until then, felt safe traveling at night. These mistakes placed otherwise safe trucks, trains, depots, and barracks in the sights of night fighters sent on massed area raids, and armed reconnaissance patrols. These attacks were typically carried out by strafing, and bombing in the case of modified aircraft, which were equipped with ETC 500 bomb racks. During the nightly ground attack operations during the Battle of the Bulge, these modified aircraft typically carried a pair of AB 250 or AB500 cluster bombs which themselves contained either SD-1 and SD-10 anti-personnel submunitions.

These attacks were particularly effective on the odd night with higher visibility. On the night of the 22nd of December, 23 Bf 110G’s and Ju 88G’s belonging to the I. and IV./NJG 6 flew interdiction missions around Metz-Diedenhofen. Owing to the good weather that night they were able to successfully attack several targets, which included some 30 motor vehicles credited as destroyed, and several trains which they attacked north of Metz. They were joined that night by seven aircraft from I.NJG4 which undertook low level strafing attacks, for which they were credited for the destruction of one locomotive, four motor vehicles, and a supply dump. Additionally, they were credited for damaging another locomotive, six motor transport columns, and five single motor vehicles. Losses amongst the night fighters were uncharacteristically light that night, with only Bf 110 G-4 2Z+VK having been lost during the raids (Boiten 73).

Ground crew with an engine heater prepare a Ju 88G-1. [Asisbiz]
The operational conditions during these raids were generally very poor, both a result of the weather, which had infamously grounded most aircraft during the initial stages of the battle, and Allied electronic interference. While the navigational aids and avionics of their aircraft made them effectively all weather capable, the harsh weather and Allied jamming of navigation beacons and radio communications proved serious challenges to Luftwaffe night fighter crews. The difficult nature of the missions themselves made for little improvement, as they typically flew at low altitudes under weather conditions which reduced visibility. The sum of all of these factors made for missions which brought on significantly more fatigue than the typical bomber interception mission.

Throughout the battle, the Ju 88G would prove an exceptional night ground attack aircraft or ‘Nachtschlachter’. With its powerful engines, cannons, large payload, and exceptional de-icing systems, the aircraft could carry out attacks under very harsh winter conditions. Several of these aircraft would have their radar removed and were used exclusively for this mission until the end of the war. A number of former night fighters would even serve with the bomber squadron KG2, with their cannon armament removed, as night attack aircraft (Medcalf Vol.2 618).

The raiders encountered few night fighters as several RAF Mosquito night fighter units had been withdrawn to requip with the new Mosquito NF Mk. XXX. Between the two USAAF squadrons with their P-61’s and the remaining RAF units, there were few Allied night fighters in the area (Aders 200). However, Luftwaffe losses to AAA were high thanks to the advanced centimetric gun-laying radars in use with the US and British armies. In the end the night fighters were able to cause disruptions behind allied lines, but the price paid was steep, with 75 aircraft being lost over 12 nights (Boiten P5 3). 

Operation Gisela:

The Ju 88G would play an exclusive role in the last major Luftwaffe night action of the entire war, in a large-scale intruder mission dubbed Operation Gisela. This operation was likely formulated after Maj. Heinz-Wolfgang Schnaufer discovered that night fighting conditions on the other side of the ‘front’ were far more favorable. He later submitted a proposal to his fighter division to attack Allied bombers over the North sea, where there would be relatively little electronic and chaff interference, and where the bombers would least suspect an attack. However, the CO of the 3rd fighter division would instead propose to attack the bombers at their airfields when they were landing.

In any case the British intelligence services got wind of the plan as was made clear by the broadcasting of the song ‘I dance with Gisela tonight’ over a propaganda station. The attack would be postponed several times until early March, 1945 (Aders 205). 

About 100 Ju 88G’s were dispatched in three waves to follow a bomber stream as it departed for home. Upon reaching their destination the first wave would down twenty two bombers, however the fires from the wrecks would ruin the chances of the subsequent waves. While many bombers were saved by flying to different airfields after being alerted by the flames, eight more were wrecked attempting to land at darkened airstrips. However, the night fighters would face a dangerous return trip as they had to chart a course using dead reckoning and astral navigation due to their signal beacons being jammed (Aders 205). In the end, the night fighters would suffer a similar level of losses to the bombers they were hunting as a result of ground fire, crashes resulting from low level flight, and navigation failures. Operation Gisela would end in failure with no subsequent missions being attempted.

Construction 

Fuselage 

Wing connecting system [Ju 88A-4 Bedieungsvorscrift. [1941], 46]
The Ju 88A-4 was the most widely produced bomber variant and provided the foundations for the C, R, and G types. It was a fairly conventional all metal aircraft in its construction, and, while it pushed few technical boundaries, it was state of the art and versatile. It was primarily made of sheet aluminum fastened by rivets, with cast parts used for load bearing elements. Some use of Elektron magnesium alloy was made to further reduce weight, with sparing use of steel where strength was required, particularly in the landing gear assemblies and fuselage connecting elements. The fuselage cross section was rectangular with rounded corners and clad in large sheet aluminum stampings. It used a semi-monocoque structure made up of formers and bulkheads joined by connectors that ran front to aft, with the outer aluminum skin riveted to both elements, which allowed it to bear some of the structural load. Its structural load factor was 4.5 with a 1.1 multiplier for the first wrinkle, 1.3 for yield, and 1.8 for failure. In service, it proved very sturdy, with Junkers engineers claiming after the war that there had been no reported major structural failures over the service life of the airframe (Medcalf  41,43,73).

Eventually, the construction process had been improved to the point where the fuselage could be built from sub-assemblies that would become the upper and bottom halves of the fuselage. These would then be joined together after the internal components were fitted. Wing construction followed a similar process, making heavy use of sub assemblies, followed by equipment installation, skinning, and painting. An early model Ju 88 took roughly 30,000-man hours to complete. By the end of 1943, this number remained about the same for the Ju 88G-1. While this may seem unimpressive at face value, the night fighter carried an airborne radar system and a much more sophisticated set of avionics (Medcalf 41-43; Adders 183).

Wings and Stabilizers

The Ju 88’s wings were the heaviest part of the aircraft, comprising much of its total structural weight at over 1200 kg. A pair of massive main spars ran from the root to the wing tip, a rear spar ran across the entire span of the wing to support the flaps and ailerons, and two forward spars ran from the engine nacelles to the fuselage to transfer thrust from the engines and support loads from the landing gear. These spars were joined by relatively few airfoil shaped ribs and stiffened with corrugated aluminum (Medcalf 41-43). The wings were joined to the fuselage by means of four large ball connectors, which made for easy assembly and alignment. (Medcalf 73).

The vertical stabilizer was fixed to the fuselage by means of the same ball-screw connectors as the wings. Installing it was simple, with the rudderless stabilizer being fitted to the fuselage, and the rudder fin being affixed afterwards. The horizontal stabilizers did not use the same fitting system. Instead, they were each inserted into the fuselage by two spars which were then bolted together. This process was virtually the same on both the Ju 88A and the Ju 188, save for the latter having a fin which was 42% larger by area and a rudder which was 68% larger than the previous model (Ju 88A-4 Bedienungsvorschrift-FL Bedienung und Wartung des Flugzeuges; Ju 188E-1(Stand Juni 1943); Medcalf 123). The Ju 88G would incorporate the larger vertical stabilizer from the Ju 188 to improve stability and control at high speed.

Ju 188 vertical stabilizer assembly. [Ju 188E-1(Stand Juni 1943)]
As previously stated, the landing gear could prove troublesome due compromises in its design. During early prototyping, JFM (Junkers Flugzeug- und Motorenwerke) redesigned the landing gear into a single strut that would rotate so that it would lie flat beneath the wing when retracted. While this did remove the frontal area that would have seriously impacted the aircraft’s high speed performance, it came at the cost of added complexity and made for a far less robust landing gear arrangement (Medcalf 74, 75). Differing from earlier series, the Ju 88G’s landing gear frames made use of welded cast steel instead of light weight alloys.

 The G-1 carried a maximum of 2835 liters (620 gallons) of fuel, with the subsequent G-6 likely having a reduced fuel capacity considering its shorter endurance (Report No. 8 / 151).

Engines and De-icing Systems

The Ju 88R’s BMW 801 engines and engine mounting plate. [Wikimedia]
Among the most notable features of the Ju 88 were its use of unitized engine power units and its novel de-icing system. The unitized engine installation incorporated both the engine and associated cooling system into a single module that could be installed or removed from the aircraft relatively quickly, and made storage of components easier. These “kraftei” arrangements existed for the BMW 801 G-2, and, later, Jumo 213 A-1 engines. These engines were fitted with VDM and VS-111 propellers respectively. 

 

Engine Type Arrangement  Bore  Stroke  Displacement  Weight  Maximum Output  Maximum RPM Fuel type
BMW 801 G-2 Radial 14 156 mm 156 mm 41.8 liters 1210 kg 1740 PS 2700 C3, 95 octane
Junkers Jumo 213 A-1 Inverted V-12 150 mm 165 mm 35 liters 820 kg 1775 PS [2100 PS MW50] 3250 B4, 87 octane

(Medcalf 323; Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch 3, Smith & Creek 687; Jumo 213 13) 

The aircraft was also equipped with a de-icing mechanism which took in air, ran it through a heat exchanger around the exhaust ejector stacks, drove it through channels in the wings, and then out over the ailerons (Rodert & Jackson). As the BMW 801 had no exhaust stacks compatible with this system, they made use of a petrol-fired heater to supply air to the de-icing system on the Ju 88G-1 (Report No. 8 / 151).

On left: Exhaust stack heat exchanger. On Right: the wing channel flow area. [Rodert & Jackson]

Cockpit

 The crew arrangement on all Ju 88 models would set the entire crew within the canopy and in close contact with one another. The bombardier ,or radar operator, sat to the pilot’s right, a flight engineer/gunner at the pilot’s back, and a ventral gunner sat beside the flight engineer or in a prone position inside the “gondola”, where his weapon was located. Aboard the Ju 88G, the ventral gunner’s position had been omitted with the removal of the gondola, however the positions of the other crew members remained largely unchanged. While these close quarters arrangements were somewhat claustrophobic, they ensured easy communication between the pilot and the rest of the crew at all times. It also made for a much simpler bail out procedure, as half the canopy would detach and allow for a quick escape for all aboard. In the Ju 88G, the crew entered the aircraft through a hatch below the cockpit.

Ju 88G-1 instrument panel. The cables for the radar display are on the right. [albumwar2]
The Ju 88G’s cockpit differed heavily from previous fighter versions as a result of added instrumentation and alterations to some of the aircraft’s existing controls. Among the new additions were ammunition counters with space for representing up to six guns, and a Zeiss Revi C.12/D gunsight. This sight differed from previous sets by its new elevation controls and its lack of an anti-glare shield. The front of the canopy was protected by a 10mm armor plate, with the windscreen itself being comprised of four panes of armored glass. The three in front of the pilot were electrically heated to prevent frost formation (Report No. 8 / 151). Work was also done to revise the controls to bring them more in line with other Luftwaffe fighters, perhaps most usefully by the addition of an automatic engine control system and manual propeller pitch control switches being added to the throttles (Brown 194).

Armament

The gunpod of the Ju 88G. [Asisbiz, Ju 88 G-1 Schusswaffenlage Bedienungsvorschrift-Wa]
The aircraft’s initial armament consisted of four Mg 151/20 cannons and a defensive MG 131. The cannons were mounted in a ventral pod between the aircraft’s wings and supplied by ammunition belts that occupied the space used as a bomb bay on bomber variants of the airframe. The ammunition belts were loaded with an equal proportion of high explosive ‘mine-shot’, armor piercing, and general purpose high explosive shells. The single 13 mm MG 131 was placed at the rear of the canopy within an armored glass mount and supplied with 500 rounds of armor piercing and high explosive shells in equal proportion (Ju 88G-1 Schusswaffenlage Bedienungsvorschrift-Wa). An armament of upward firing 20mm cannons, being either the MG FF or MG 151/20, were often installed at Luftwaffe field workshops prior to their inclusion to the design in the production run of the G-6 model.

In addition to its cannons, the aircraft could mount ETC 500 underwing racks for bombs and fuel tanks. These racks could each support bombs weighing over 1000kg, though bomb loads in service were light compared to those carried by bomber variants of the Ju 88. These were universal pylons that were added to existing aircraft, an alteration that was fairly simple given the design commonalities with the older Ju 88A-4, and newer Ju 88S medium bombers.

Avionics

In addition to its complement of detection devices, the aircraft carried a variety of tools to aid in navigation and ground direction. Ju 88G’s were typically equipped with the following devices: FuB1 2 (Blind approach receiver), Fug 10P (radio set), FuG 25 (IFF), FuG 101 (Radio altimeter), and the FuG 16zy (radio set).

The FuB1 2 was a blind landing system that guided the aircraft onto a runway by way of two radio beacons placed at 300 m and 3000 m away from one end of the airstrip. It was a tunable device so that airfields could possess separate frequencies between 30 and 33.3 mHz. The aircraft itself carried the Eb1 2 beacon receiver, the Eb1 3F beam receiver, the FBG 2 remote tuner, the AFN 2 approach indicator, the U8 power supply unit, and either a mast or flush antenna (Medcalf 324). 

The FuG 10P was a radio developed by Telefunken and was coupled with the Pielgeräte 6 radio direction finder. The device consisted of numerous transmitters and receivers capable of operating at various ranges. One pair, E10 L and EZ 6, operated at between 150-1200kHz, and another, S10 K and E10 K, between 3-6mHz. Other components included the U10/S and U10/E power supply units, and the fixed antenna loading unit AAC 2. Numerous versions existed and made use of various other components. Much of this system was later removed during the production run of the Ju 88G-6 (Medcalf 324).

The FuG 25 “Erstling” was an IFF system manufactured by GEMA that would respond with coded impulses to the ground-based Wurzburg, Freya, and Gemse radar systems up to a range of 100 km. The receiver operated on a frequency of 125 mHz and the transmitter at 160 mHz. The entire unit was contained within the SE 25A unit, with the BG 25A control box in the radio operator’s station (Medcalf 324).

FuG 101 was a radio altimeter designed by Siemens/LGW with a maximum range of 150-170 m and operated on a frequency of 375 mHz at 1.5 kW. Accuracy was within 2 m and the entire system weighed 16 kg. It consisted of the S 101A transmitter, E 101A receiver, U 101 power supply unit, and the pilot’s panel indicator (Medcalf 325). 

The FuG 16zy “Ludwig” was a radio manufactured by Lorenz and used for fighter control and directional homing, operating on a frequency range of 38.5 to 42.3 MHz. In Ju 88 night fighters it usually accompanied the Fug 10P radio gear which sat just below the defensive machine gun at the rear of the canopy. It could be set to different frequencies for the Y-control communication system: Gruppenbefehlswelle [between aircraft in formation], Nachischerung und Flugsicherung [between the pilot and the ground control unit], and Reichsjagerwelle [running battle commentary] (Aders 242). It was composed of the S16 Z Tx transceiver, E16 Z and U17 power supply systems, and the loop phasing unit ZWG 16 along with the antenna (Medcalf 324).

The FuG 120A ‘Bernhardine’ was a radio positioning device designed by Siemens to provide navigational assistance and bomber stream intercept information to night fighters by means of a teleprinter in the aircraft’s cockpit. It was intended to overhaul the night fighter force’s air to ground communication infrastructure which faced significant signals interference from the RAF, but the war ended before it entered large scale service. Aircraft could be directed over a range of 400km with position bearings accurate within .5 degrees from ground stations (Medcalf 325, Price 238, 239).

Emergency Equipment

The emergency equipment carried by the Ju 88G. [Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch]
The Ju 88G would share the same emergency gear as the Ju 88S, this being stowed in a compartment at rear of the fuselage. The largest items of the set were an inflatable raft and an emergency radio beacon, with the contents of the entire compartment being sealed in a waterproof cloak (Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch 64).

Production

Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke AG was the sole manufacturer of the Ju 88G and, as was the case with most late war German aircraft, production was conducted at major plants in conjunction with dispersal facilities. The primary production facility for the Gustav was at Bernburg, with two dispersal plants at Fritzlar and Langensalza, each of which would eventually be able to assemble 75 aircraft every month, these being half the capacity of the main Bernburg plant (Medcalf 241, 247).

As with all major fighter projects at the time, large-scale mobilization of labor and material resources was managed by the Jagerstab, an office which built direct links with the RLM (Reichsluftfahrtministerium, the German Air Ministry), regional government officials, and industrialists in order to marshal resources for expanding fighter production. The office was created in response to increasing Allied raids against Germany’s aviation industries and the growing disparity in numbers, which began to strongly favor the Allies as they built up their forces in anticipation for the landings in France. The office was headed by Albert Speer, Minister of Armaments and War production, and aided by Erhard Milch, Generalluftzeugmeister (Air Master General). In spite of the rapidly deteriorating wartime conditions facing all German industries, the office was successful in boosting production, but relied on desperate and illegal measures (Medcalf 229,232). In the fall of 1944, a minimum 72-hour work week was standard, as was the use of forced labor under conditions that were especially poor at the dispersal sites. The acceptance of rebuilt and used parts became ever more commonplace. This, however, did little to offset the clear superiority of the Allies in the air after the Summer of 1944 (Medcalf 247).

Up until April of 1944, the aircraft was built in parallel with decreasing numbers of Ju 88C-6 and Ju 88R, as production at Bernburg transitioned over to the Gustav. Production of the Ju 88G-1 ceased in October as the factories shifted over to the Ju 88G-6 (Medcalf 240). The Bernburg plant was hit twice by the USAAF’s Eight Air Force in February of 1944, which resulted in total stoppages for only a few days, after which production quickly resumed. However, there was a projected loss of over a hundred aircraft per month compared to the averages of the previous year, with a full recovery requiring several months (Medcalf 229).

 

Ju 88 Production January  February  March April May June  July August September October November  December
1943 13 (+6 pre-production)
1944 12 26 47 169 209 247 239 143 88 10
5* 14* 138* 189* 222* 308* 178*
1945 168* 35* 19*

 

Ju 88G-6 production*

Ju 88G-0 Werk Nummern: 710401 through 710406

Ju 88G-1 Werk Nummern: 710407 through 714911

Ju 88G-6 Werk Nummern: 620018 through 623998

Ju 88G-7 Werk Nummern: 240123 through 240125 (~3 built)

Ju 88G-10 Werk Nummern: 460053 through 460162 (~30 built, converted to mistel air to ground weapons)

Variants:

G-0: Preproduction aircraft, the same as G-1

G-1: Production night fighter, powered by BMW 801 G-2 engines 

G-2: Proposed zerstorer, powered by the Jumo 213A, was to carry a single MG 131, four MG 15’s, and two MK 103’s. No radar.


G-3: Proposed night fighter, powered by DB 603, same armament as the G-1

G-4: Proposed night fighter, powered by Jumo 213A, with GM-1 boost system

G-5: Proposed night fighter, powered by Jumo 213A

G-6: Production night fighter, powered by Jumo 213A

G-7: The same as G-6 except with Jumo 213E engines with three speed, two stage intercooled superchargers. Output: 1726 HP (1750 PS) unboosted, 2022 HP (2050 PS) with boost at 3250 RPM. Weight: 28,946 lbs (13,130 kg). Speed:  650 km/h at 7.9 km. Experimental.

G-10: Same as G-6 but with an extended fuselage.

(Medcalf 319, 178, 240; Green 448-482; Smith & Creek 687)

Conclusion:

Only a handful of Berlin centimeter band radars would enter service with the Luftwaffe near the end of the war. The system improved the aircraft’s performance across the board, lacking the drag inducing aerials of the SN-2, and it was untroubled by allied jamming or the altitude limitations of older systems. [wikimedia]
The Ju 88G would prove a valuable asset to the Luftwaffe’s night fighter forces through its zenith, in the spring of 1944,  until its collapse nearly a year later. From a production standpoint the aircraft was phenomenal. It made use of existing supply chains and components from Ju 88 variants that had long been in service prior to its introduction, allowing for a near seamless transition into mass production. In terms of its performance, the initial model would prove exceptional, being far faster and easier to fly than the existing night fighter workhorses, the aging Bf 110G and Ju 88C. The subsequent G-6 model would prove to be even more impressive with the addition of more powerful engines and standardized tail warning equipment.

While the aircraft did have its downsides and couldn’t solve every problem the night fighter service faced, it effectively fulfilled its purpose, and became the most numerous night fighter model in German service by the war’s end.

Specification Charts:

Classification Aircraft type Engine Engine output  Loaded weight Range Maximum Speed 
Bomber Ju 88A-4 Jumo 211J 2×1400 PS (2x 1380 hp) 14000 kg, 30864lbs  2430 km, 1510 mi 440 km/h (5.5 km), 273mph (18044ft)
Zerstorer/Night fighter Ju 88C-6 Jumo 211J 2×1400 PS (2x 1380 hp) 470 km/h (4.8 km), 292mph (15748ft)
Zerstorer/Night fighter Ju 88R-2 BMW 801D 2×1740 PS (2×1716 hp) 3450 km, 2144 mi  550 km/h (6.2km), 341 mph (20341ft)
Night fighter Ju 88G-1 BMW 801G 2×1740 PS (2×1716 hp) 12005 kg, 26466lbs 2870 km, 1783 mi 537 km/h (6.2km), 333mph (20341ft)
Night fighter Ju 88G-6 Jumo 213A 2x 1775 PS [2100 PS], (2×1750 hp [2071 hp]) 12300 kg, 27116lbs ~2400km, 1491 mi 554 km/h (6.0km), 344mph (19685ft)

(Medcalf 323, 319, 320; Smith & Creek 687)

*only the G series was tested with radar and exhaust flash hiders fitted, when equipped with these devices the C and R series flew at values lower than the ones presented on this chart

[] denotes performance with the MW50 boost system

Ju 88G-1  (Ju 88G-6) Specification
Engine BMW 801 G-2 (Jumo 213 A-1)
Engine Output 2×1740 PS (2x 1774PS [MW50: 2100PS]) : 2×1706 hp (2×1750 hp [2071 hp])
Empty Weight 8846 kg (9000kg) : 19502 lbs (19842 lbs)
Loaded Weight 12,005 kg (12300kg) : 26466 lbs (27117 lbs)
Maximum Range 2870 km (~2400 km) : 1784 mi  (~1490 mi)
Maximum Endurance 4 hours 35 minutes (3 hours 45 minutes)
Maximum Speed [at altitude] 537 km/h [6.2 km] : 333mph [20341ft] 
Armament 4xMG 151/20 , 1xMG 131 (4xMG151/20, 2xMG 151/20, 1x MG 131)
Crew 1 Pilot, 1 Radar Operator, 1 Flight Engineer/Gunner
Dimensions
Length 14.5 m : 47′6 7/8” 
Wingspan 20.08 m : 65′11″ 
Wing Area 54.5 m2 : 586.6 ft2 

(Ju 88 G-2, G-6, S-3, T-3 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl 66, 69 Part II; Ju 88G-1,R-2, S-1,T-1 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl 49, 53 part II; Report No. 8 / 151: Junkers Ju 88 G-1 Night Fighter 2; Medcalf 323, 319, 320)

*Top speeds reflect only the initial production models and do not take into account any boost systems.

BMW 801 G-2 Low supercharger gear (January 1944) At Height Output RPM Manifold Pressure
Maximum power (3 minutes) 0.9 km 1740 PS 2700 1.42 ata
Combat power (30 minutes) 1.1 km 1540 PS 2400 1.32 ata
Maximum continuous 1.6 km 1385 PS 2300 1.20 ata
Low power, greatest efficiency 2.2 km 1070 PS 2100 1.10 ata
Low power 2.3 km 980 PS 2000 1.05 ata
BMW 801 G-2 High supercharger gear (January 1944) At Height Output RPM Manifold Pressure
Maximum power (3 minutes) 6.0 km 1440 PS 2700 1.30 ata
Combat power (30 minutes) 5.6 km 1320 PS 2400 1.32 ara
Maximum continuous 5.8 km 1180 PS 2300 1.20 ata
Low power, greatest efficiency 5.7 km 990 PS 2100 1.10 ata
Low power 5.7 km 905 PS 2000 1.05 ata

Engine rated for C3 ~95 octane fuels

(Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch 3)

 

Radar System Practical Maximum range Minimum range Search angle-azimuth Search angle-elevation Frequency Output Array Other notes
FuG 220  Lichtenstein SN-2c & SN-2d  8km (instrumented)

Altitude dependent 

300m 120 degrees 100 degrees 73/82/91 MHz later changed to 37.5-118 MHz dispersal band 2.5kW Stag antler (Hirschgeweih), few examples of low drag morningstar array (Morgenstern) SN-2d had a narrower beam width, was combined with tail warning radar, and performed better against jamming. Standard production radar for the Ju 88G.
FuG 217 Neptun V/R Altitude dependent 400m 120 degrees Two click stop frequencies of 158 amd 187 MHz Rod or stag antler FuG 217R was the tail warning radar component
FuG 218 Neptun  V/R Altitude dependent 120m 120 degrees Six click stop frequencies between 158-187 MHz stag antler  FuG 218R was the tail warning component
FuG 228 Lichtenstein SN-3 Altitude dependent 250m 120 degrees 100 degrees 115-148 MHz 20kW Stag antler, morningstar ten sets built
FuG 240/1 Berlin N-1a ~9km 300m 55 degrees 9-9.3cm (3,250-3,330 MHz) 15kW Parabolic antenna 25 sets built, 10 delivered for service, 1945

 

This chart is only for operational and experimental radar usage aboard the Ju 88G, it does not include earlier radars or specialized sets designed for other aircraft. 

*The morgenstern (eng. morningstar) aerial is often misidentified as a separate search radar or exclusive to either the SN-2d or SN-3, it is a low drag aerial arrangement compatible with either device.

~ Sources disagree

(Aders 244-246; Holp 10)

Gallery

Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Ju 88G-1
Ju 88G-1 [4R+UR], 7. Staffel/NJG2 flown by Hans Mackle, WNr. 712273. This is a relatively early production Ju 88G equipped with an FuG 220 SN-2c search radar and a FuG 227 Flensburg radar detector.
Ju 88G-6 [C9+AC], Stab II./NJG5 Hans Leickhardt, 1944. This late production G6 used a rare “morningstar” low drag array for its SN-2d combined search and tail warning radar set. While the SN-2’s faced considerable jamming and chaff interference, the series still was still improved upon, focusing on its still usable bands and developing more aerodynamically efficient antennas. This plane was also equipped with a Naxos radar detected which was installed within the fairing over the cockpit.
Ju 88G-1 [2Z+HM], 4. Staffel/NJG6 Aschaffenburg, Germany 1945. While this is a relatively early production Ju 88G it was later refitted with the SN-2d as can be seen from the angle on the nose mounted dipoles and the tail warning array. This aircraft also received a pair of upward firing cannons and a Naxos radar detector.
Junkers Ju 88G-6 [C9+AR], 6. Staffel/NJG5 Dubendorf, Switzerland, 1945. A late war Ju 88G-6 equipped with a FuG 218 G/R Neptun combined search and tail warning radar set, and while it lacks the fairing typically used for installing the Naxos radar detector there was by this point a fuselage mounted model designed for the Ju 88G. Unlike the SN-2R, the FuG 218R tail warning radar sits at the top of the vertical stabilizer rather than below it.
Junkers Ju 88G-6 [4R+EP], 6. Staffel/NJG2 Fritzlar 1945. This aircraft is a good example of the lax camouflage regulations for the Luftwaffe’s night fighters. While aircraft were delivered in white-grey liveries the air and ground crews were free to devise their own patterns.
Ju 88G-6 [C9+HB], 1. Staffel/NJG5, 1945. This aircraft was equipped with an extremely rare FuG 240 Berlin centimeter band search radar. While it presented many major improvements over previous Luftwaffe aerial search radars, only a few were delivered near the end of the war. The radar’s parabolic antenna sits behind the wooden nose cone which created far less drag compared to the ‘antlers’ that were used by the older meter band radars. This aircraft and others that carry late war radar sets are typically misidentified as Ju 88G-7’s. Due to the overlap between that type and very late production G-6’s, identifying them can only be done through their Werk-Nummer.
With its nose mounted Mg 151/20, Hptm. Johannes Strassner’s Ju 88G had perhaps the most peculiar Schräge Musik arrangement of any night fighter. (Boiten P4 30) [Asisbiz]
One of the most obvious differences between the Gustav and other Ju 88 fighters was the removal of the nose mounted weapons to a ventral pod, where muzzle flashes would not disturb the pilot, and the empty area that once served as a bomb bay would offer a much larger capacity for ammunition. Also visible here is the larger vertical stabilizer. [warbirdphotographs.com]
A Flensburg aerial, one of several mounted to a Ju 88G [asisbiz.com]
The capture of a Ju 88G-1 proved to be one the most valuable Allied intelligence coups of the war and, for the Germans, a source of endless trouble. [i.pinimg.com]
Many of the Luftwaffe’s ‘blindworm’ makeshift airfields were later overrun by allied forces, here American personnel inspect Ju 88G-6’s and Bf 110G-4’s hidden in a forest clearing. [SmallScaleArt]
Despite its growing obsolescence and degraded performance in the face of RAF jamming efforts, the SN-2 saw continued development. Its last versions used morningstar aerials encased within wooden nosecones to reduce drag.[Asisbiz]

A restored Ju 88G-1 fuselage in the Berlin Technikmuseum. (http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-eWzHzdTpJNo/TVqQOv6IFHI/AAAAAAAACVI/gvX4yAaLL_0/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/ju88berlin0.jpg )

Primary Sources

  • Air Intelligence 2 (g) Inspection of Crashed or Captured Enemy Aircraft Report Serial No. 242 dated 16th July 1944 Report No. 8 / 151: Junkers Ju 88 G-1 Night Fighter. 1944.
  • Fw-190 A-5/A-6 Flugzeug-Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. December 8, 1943.
  • Handbuch fur die Flugmotoren BMW 801 MA-BMW 801 ML-BMW 801C und BMW 801D Baureihen 1 und 2. BMW Flugmotorenbau-Gessellschaft m.b.H. Munich. May, 1942.
  • Junkers Flugmotor Jumo 213 A-1 u. C-0. Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke Aktiengesellschaft, Dessau. December, 1943.
  • Ju 88S-1 Flugzeug Handbuch. Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke A.G., Dessau. 1944.
  • Ju 88A-4 Bedienungsvorschrift-FL Bedienung und Wartung des Flugzeuges. Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. July 19, 1941.
  • Ju 188E-1 (Stand Juni 1943). Junkers Flugzeug und Motorenwerke Aktiengesellschaft, Dessau. June 1, 1943.
  • Ju 88G-1 Schusswaffenlage Bedienungsvorschrift-Wa (Stand Oktober 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November, 1943.
  • Ju 88 G-1,R-2, S-1,T-1 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl (Stand November 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. December 1, 1943.
  • Ju 88 G-2, G-6, S-3, T-3 Bedienungsvorschrift-Fl (Stand September 1944). 1944.
  • Rodert, L. A., & Jackson, R. (1942). A DESCRIPTION OF THE Ju 88 AIRPLANE ANTI-ICING EQUIPMENT (Tech.). Moffett Field, CA: NATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE FOR AERONAUTICS. 1942.

Secondary Sources

  • Aders, Gebhard. German Night Fighter Force, 1917-1945. Stroud: Fonthill, 2016.
  • Bauer, A. O. (2006, December 2). Some Aspects of German Airborne Radar Technology, 1942 to 1945 [Scholarly project]. In Foundation for German Communication and Related Technologies. Retrieved from https://www.cdvandt.org/
  • Bauer, Arthur O. “Stichting Centrum Voor Duitse Verbindings- En Aanverwante Technologieën 1920-1945.” Foundation for German communication and related technologies (History of Technology), December 2, 2006. https://www.cdvandt.org/.
  • Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 24 July – 15 October 1944 Part 4. Red Kite . 2021.
  • Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive 16 October – 31 December Part 5 1944. Red Kite . 2021. 
  • Boitens, Theo. Nachtjagd Combat Archive, 1 January – 3 May 1945. Red Kite . 2022.
  • Brown, L. A radar history of World War II: Technical and military imperatives. Bristol: Institute of Physics Pub. 1999
  • Brown, Eric Melrose. Wings of the Luftwaffe. Hikoki, 2010.
  • Cooper, M. The German Air Force, 1933-1945: An Anatomy of Failure. Jane’s Pub, 1981.
  • Green, William. The warplanes of the Third Reich (1st ed.). London: Doubleday. pp. 448–482, 1972.
  • Manfred Griehl, Nachtjäger über Deutschland, 1940-1945: Bf 110, Ju 88, He 219 (Wölfersheim-Berstadt: Podzun-Pallas-Verlag, 1999).
  • Medcalf, William A. Junkers Ju 88 Volume One From Schnellbomber to Multi-Mission War Plane. Manchester, UK: Chevron Publishing Limited , 2013.
  • Medcalf, William A. Junkers Ju 88 Volume Two The Bomber at War Day and Night Operational and service history. Manchester, UK: Chevron Publishing Limited , 2014. 
  • Holpp, Wolfgang. “The Century of Radar.” EADS Deutschland GmbH
  • Holm, M. (1997). The Luftwaffe, 1933-45. Retrieved February, 2021, from https://www.ww2.dk/
  • Overy, Richard James. The Bombing War: Europe 1939-1945. London: Penguin Books, 2014.
  • Price, Alfred. Instruments of Darkness: the History of Electronic Warfare, 1939-1945. Barnsley, S. Yorkshire: Frontline Books, 2017.
  • Sharp, C. Martin, and Bowyer Michael J F. Mosquito. Bristol: Crecy Books, 1997.
  • Smith, J. R., & Creek, E. J. (2014). Focke-Wulf Fw 190, Volume 3: 1944-1945. Manchester: Crecy Publishing.

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by Stan L. and Ed J.
  • Ported by Ed J.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Heinkel He 219 Uhu

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1941)
Night Fighter – 268~294 Built

Surprisingly, the He 219 started its life as a reconnaissance aircraft. However, it was not deemed acceptable for this role and was heavily redesigned as a night-fighter aircraft. While proving to be one of the best German night-fighter designs of the war, only fewer than 300 would be built and its impact on the course of World War II was negligible.

An Unsuccessful Reconnaissance Role

During the early years of the war, the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) was in great need of an advanced and dedicated reconnaissance aircraft. Seeing an opportunity, Heinkel officials presented a design proposal to the RLM (ReichsluftfahrtMinisterium) at the end of April of 1940. This proposal consisted of blueprints of a new single-engine reconnaissance plane (named P.1055), based on the earlier He 119, which was estimated to be capable of a max speed of 466 mph (750 km/h). The RLM and Heinkel officials met in early October 1940 to discuss the viability of such a project. The RLM officials initially showed interest in the project, especially the bomber variant. But, as the demand for high-speed was great, the slower bomber and later destroyer variants were considered undesirable.

On 23rd November 1940, a fully completed wooden mock-up was presented to RLM officials, who were impressed with it and ordered that the airframe be built by mid-January 1941. This aircraft was to be powered by the new DB 613, which consisted of two side-by-side DB 603 engines. Due to problems with the production of this engine, the DB 610 was to be used instead. By 20th June 1941, two wooden mock-ups with both the DB 613 and DB 610 engine types were presented to the RLM. RLM officials were concerned that the change of engine would fail to meet the required criteria and expected production of the Arado Ar 240 to commence soon. For these reasons, the Heinkel P.1055 project was rejected.

Name

While under initial development, this Heinkel aircraft received the P.1055 designation. As it was largely inspired by the earlier He 119, the new aircraft received the designation He 219 in 1941. By the end of November 1943, Hitler himself made a proposal for a new name for the He 219, the ‘Uhu’ (Owl), by which it is generally known today.

Revival

Side view of the He 219/V3 prototype [Warbird Photographs]
In the hope of somehow reviving the He 219 project, Ernst Heinkel, the owner of the Heinkel company, had a meeting with General Obst. Udet (Head of the Office of Air Armament) in July 1941. After this meeting, Udet visited the Heinkel factory in order to inspect the He 219 wooden mock-up. Udet saw a potential for the usage of the aircraft in a night-fighter role. After his visit, Udet immediately contacted General Josef Kammhuber, who was responsible for commanding night-fighter defense of Germany. At that time, the Luftwaffe was ill-prepared and lacking adequate night-fighter designs to defend against the ever-increasing Allied night bombing raids. General Josef Kammhuber was a big advocate for new types of dedicated night-fighters that would replace the Me-110. After hearing about the He 219 project, Kammhuber immediately dispatched a group of pilots to inspect the new aircraft. While the He 219 was deemed to have potential, some modifications were needed, such as increasing the number of cannons and replacing the large DB 613 coupled engines with two wing-mounted DB 603G, making 1900 hp each.

Work on the modified He 219 began in mid-August 1941. In October, Luftwaffe officials visited Heinkel to inspect the development process and were satisfied with the progress. However, they asked for modifications such as a two-man cockpit, the addition of armor plates to protect vital components, the removal of the machine gun turret, the addition of air brakes, and other changes. At the end of 1941, two He 219 versions were completed. The first was designed as a two-seat night-fighter, equipped with two DB 603G engines and armed with six 20 mm MG 151/20 cannons, with the possibility of adding two more 13 mm MG 131 machine-guns to protect the rear. This model used a somewhat unusual (for German designs) tricycle landing gear that retracted into the engine nacelles. This design made space available for special radio equipment and ejection seats. The second version was designed as a reconnaissance plane with DB 614 engines and armament consisting only of two rear-mounted machine guns for self-defense.

Due to problems with the DB 603G engine’s availability, the weaker DB 603A giving out 1750 hp was to be used instead. The development of the He 219 was nearly stopped in its tracks by a heavy Allied bombing raid on the Heinkel factories located near Rostock in late April 1942. Many vital parts, drawings, and plans were destroyed. Luckily for the Germans, the hangars where the first functional Uhu prototypes were under construction were not hit. In the hopes of avoiding any more raids, the whole He 219 development program was moved to Schwechat Airbase near Vienna, Austria.

As the work and testing on the first He 219 V-1 were underway, in June 1942, the RLM officials informed Heinkel that the production of the plane was estimated to begin in 1943. The first 20 pre-production aircraft were to be built by April 1943, followed by a monthly production of 200 units. As it would later turn out, this was never achieved. By the end of August, Heinkel officials presented an estimated He 219 production report to the RLM. It was stated that, with the existing production capacities, a production of 12 prototypes and 173 units from March 1943 to September 1944 was possible, with maximum potential for 117 additional aircraft. This was far less than the monthly production of 200 aircraft per month originally demanded. The He 219 was to be produced in German-occupied Poland, at Budzun and Mielec, in the hopes of avoiding any future Allied bombing raids.

The First Prototype

The He 219 cockpit. [Warbird Photographs]
By September 1942, the first He 219 V1 airframe was almost completed. There were delays with the delivery of the landing gear. At this stage, the He 219 had a twin tailfin design. Fearing that it was a weak point, Ernst asked for a second prototype to use a standard single tailfin. Future tests and calculations showed that the twin tailfin design did not pose any risk, so this feature was kept in the later production models.

The He 219 made its first test flight, piloted by the Gotthold Peter, on the 6th of November 1942 (or 15th depending on the source). The V1 prototype received the serial number W.Nr. 219 001 and, on the fuselage, VG+LW was painted. After the flight, which lasted 10 minutes, the pilot noted that the plane’s controls were good, but there were some issues such as inadequate radio equipment and problems with inoperable instruments, among others. On November 9th, there was an accident during a landing due to heavy rain and poor visibility. The pilot misjudged the distance to the airfield and broke the front landing gear as he hit the ground. The damage was repaired in the next few days and, through November, many more test flights were carried out. The testing would continue up to April 1943, during which time some 46 flights with the He 219 V1 were made. During this time, several pilots flew the Uhu, including Oberstleutnant Petersen, Bottcher Beauvais, Major Streib, and others.

Front view of the He 219 V5 prototype. The He 219 was fitted with an unusual tricycle landing gear. [Warbird Photographs]
On 10th January, the He 219 V2 prototype made its first test flight. In the following days, it was tested by the well known night-fighter pilot, Major Werner Streib. After testing the He 219, Major Werner Streib was more than pleased with its performance and wrote a report to Hermann Goering in which he urged for increased production of the Uhu. Further test results were not so promising, as there were several issues noted with the He 219, such as a lower top speed than originally claimed by the Heinkel, problems with strong landing gear vibrations and insufficient stability. For these reasons, the He 219 V1 prototype was sent back to Heinkel for more modifications. The fuselage construction was strengthened but also lengthened by nearly a meter. Other modifications were also made, such as modifying the engine nacelles, adding new propellers, installing a new twin rudder and adding an armament of four 30 mm MK 108 cannons.

Problems in Development and Production

The He 219/V3 prototype in flight seen from below. [Warbirds Resource Group]
In mid-February 1943, a decision was made to modify the V2 in the same manner as the V1 prototype. In addition, the construction of more prototypes was approved. Initially, 10 more prototypes were to be built and tested with different equipment and armament, such as remote-controlled guns and autopilot. The He 219 development was hindered by the lack of availability of DB 603A engines. V7 and V8, which were to be field-tested in May 1943, were equipped with these engines only after General Josef Kammhuber’s personal intervention. Other problems, like the lack of resources, adequate production facilities, and workforce, also affected the He 219’s development. The greatest threat to the He 219 project was probably Generalfeldmarschall Erhard Milch. He was of the opinion that quantity should be prioritized over quality. He urged increased production of the Ju 188, as he claimed it was much cheaper and faster to produce. To counter this, General Josef Kammhuber, the He 219’s main proponent, insisted that it should be flight tested against Ju 188. In late March 1943, a competition was held in Rechlin between several night-fighter aircraft: a Do 217, Ju 188 E-1 and the He 219 V1. Due to its much heavier weight, the Do 217 did not stand a chance. After the test flight, the results showed that the He 219 was faster by 25 to 40 km/h, had better handling characteristics and that its price was actually lower than that of the Ju 188. Despite these results, Generalfeldmarschall Erhard Milch was persistent in his attempts to stop the He 219 project, but its development continued. On 19th April 1943, the V3 prototype was damaged in a landing accident due to pilot error.

Design

Colorized Photo of an He 219 [Warbird Photographs]
The He 219 (A-0 first production aircraft) was designed as a twin-engine, all-metal, mid-wing monoplane. The He 219 fuselage was built using a monocoque design with a rectangular base with round corners. The wings were constructed using two spars, a main and a support. Flaps and ailerons were placed on the wing’s trailing edge.

The cockpit, with an excellent all-around view, was installed at the front of the fuselage. While the fuselage was held in place by using rivets, the cockpit was held in place with bolts. There was accommodation for two crew members, a pilot and a radar operator. The crew members were positioned back to back. While the forward position of the cockpit offered the advantage of good visibility, there was a risk of vulnerability to enemy fire. Another problem was that, in case of emergency, the pilot had first to shut down the engines, as there was a danger of hitting the propellers when exiting the aircraft. For this reason, the He 219 was to be provided with ejection seats for its crew.

The possibility of using ejection seats was being developed and tested by Junkers for some time. The Heinkel company also showed interest in its use. These were to be activated with compressed air or a small explosive charge. During a test flight of the unsuccessful He 280 jet fighter in January 1942, pilot Helmut Schenk was forced to use the ejection seat, which saved his life. After this accident, Heinkel spent time and resources on the production of large numbers of ejection seats, roughly 1,250. These were used on the He 162, Me 262 and He 219.

The engine nacelles were built to house two DB 603A engines. These were twelve-cylinder liquid-cooled 1,750 hp inline engines. They were provided with 3.4 m (11 ft) long three-bladed variable pitch propellers. Behind the engines, two small 20-liter fuel tanks were placed. The main fuel tanks were placed behind the cockpit and were separated with bulkhead ribs. In total, these three main tanks housed around 2,490 liters of fuel (1000, 990, and 500 liters respectively).

The He 219 had a tricycle type retractable landing gear which was somewhat unusual for German designs. The landing gear consisted of four 840 x 300 mm (33 x 11 in) wheels, placed in pairs on two struts, operated hydraulically. The front smaller landing gear consisted of a single 770 x 270 mm (30 x 10 in) wheel. Both the front and rear landing gear struts retracted towards the rear. The front wheel rotated 90° beneath the cockpit floor during retraction.

The basic He 219 A-0 armament consisted of two 20 mm MG 151/20 cannons, with 300 rounds per cannon, placed in the wing roots. If needed, a ventral tray could carry four additional cannons, typically with 100 rounds of ammunition per cannon. There were three different forward-mounted weapon configurations, using two MG 151/20 and four 30 mm MK 108, two MG 151/20 and four 30 mm MK 103, or just four MK 103. For acquiring targets, Revi 16/B reflector guns sights were installed. Later models were equipped with the Schräge Musik weapon system. All guns were fired by the pilot by using a two-pronged control column. The top button was for firing the guns from the ventral pod and the front button was for firing the wing-mounted weapons.

Being used in the role of a night-fighter, it was necessary to equip the He 219 with adequate radar technology. Initially, the radar used was the FuG 212 C1 and C2 in combination with FuG 220 sets. Later during the war, the use of the FuG 212 was abandoned.

First Frontline Service Evaluation with the 1./NJG 1

Color photo of an Uhu lineup at an airfield. Note the missing left rudder. [Warbird Photographs]
On 22nd May 1943, the V7 and V9 prototypes were allocated for evaluation to the I.NJG 1 (Nachtjagdgeschwader 1) unit stationed at Venlo, Netherlands. During one flight, the V9 was tested by firing all its guns, but due to problems with one engine, the pilot had to abort the flight and return to base. While stationed there, both were reequipped with the FuH 212 Lichtenstein BC radar.

During the first combat operational flight on June 11/12th 1943, pilot Major Werner Streib managed to shoot down five RAF aircraft, four Lancasters and one Halifax bomber, over a period of 75 minutes. Only due to lack of ammunition was he forced to return to base. On his return, the canopy cracked in many places due to airframe stress, which lowered the visibility. To complicate the situation further, a number of onboard instruments simply stopped working. During landing, there were additional problems with the landing gear and the pilot landed the aircraft on its belly, heavily damaging the plane. Luckily, both crew members survived without a scratch. V9 had to be written off after this accident. In July 1943, V2 was also lost in a diving flight accident. The pilot did not survive.

Further Development

The He 219 A-7, the picture was taken in 1945. The FuG 220 radar antenna dipoles are clearly visible here. [Warbird Photographs]
Due to the demand for more planes made by General Josef Kammhuber, some 22 pre-production aircraft were to be built. These were designated as He 219 A-0. To add to the confusion, these were also marked as V13 to V34. They were used to test different equipment, engines, and weapon loads.

Note that, due to greatly different information presented by different authors, the following information was taken from M. J.Murawski’s book (2009), “Heinkel He 219 Uhu”.

The A-0 series was to be put into production under four different versions. The R1 would have a longer fuselage and an armament of two MG 151/20 and two MK 108. The R2 was similar to the R1, but with a strengthened undercarriage and armed with four MK 103. The R3 was armed with two MG 151/20 and four MK 108. Finally, the R6 was equipped with the Schräge Musik system and two MK 108 cannons.

The A-0 series was also used to test the installation of auxiliary BMW 003 turbojet engines. One A-0 equipped with this engine managed to achieve a maximum speed of 385 mph (620 km/h) at 19.700 ft (6000 m). This aircraft was almost lost due to an engine fire. Despite the attempt to produce as many He 219 A-0 as possible in the first half of 1944, only 82 were built. By the conclusion of A-0 series production, only around 100 were built. The A-0 was to be replaced by the A-1 version, also planned to be mass-produced. Alas, this was never achieved and the He 219 A-1 was never put into mass-production, with possibly only a few ever built.

The He 219 was provided with a cockpit that offered its crew an excellent all-around view.  [Warbirds Resource Group]
The A-2 version was to be put into mass production as a dedicated night-fighter. It reused the A-1 airframe with modifications to the armor thickness to improve protection, adding flame dampers, and increasing operational range. The first version of the He 219 A-2/R1 was powered by two DB 603 A/B engines and armed with an MG 151/20 and two MK 103 and Schräge Musik. The Schräge Musik was a weapon system developed by the Germans that consisted of two MK 108, with 100 rounds of ammunition each, mounted at an angle of 65°. These were mounted on the He 219 fuselage behind the larger fuel tank. In theory, these angled cannons could engage enemy bombers above the aircraft without fear of return fire. During the use of Schräge Musik in combat operation, there was a possibility that the attacking He 219 would be damaged by the debris of destroyed or damaged enemy bombers. To solve this problem, Mauser developed a new movable gun carriage that could change the elevation of the cannons from 45° to 85°. In practice, however, the ground crews simply removed the Schräge Musik system from the He 219. The He 219A-2/R2 version had increasing fuel capacity by adding extra fuel tanks of 900 liters under the fuselage.

The A-3 was a fast bomber and A-4 was intended to fight the British Mosquito, but both versions were only paper projects.

Problems with the fuel systems on the A-2 lead to the development of the A-5 version powered by the same engines. This A-5/R1 version was armed with two MG 151/20, two MK 103 and two MK 108 in the Schräge Musik system. The A-5/R2 was equipped with the FuG 220 radar and armed with four MG 151/20 and the standard Schräge Musik system. The A-5/R3 version was powered by DB 603 E engines and had the same armament as the A-5/R1. The A-5/R4 had a modified cockpit with three crew members. For this reason, the fuselage was lengthened to 43 ft (16.3 m). The third crew member was added to operate the rear-mounted MG 131 machine gun. The engines used were DB 603 E with increased fuel capacity by the addition of two fuel tanks, each with 395 l, and was armed with four MG 151/20.

The He 219 A-6 was designed to fight the British Mosquito. In order to increase speed, it was stripped of its armor plates and the armament was reduced to four MG 151/20. The sources are not clear if any were actually built.

The final version developed was the He 219 A-7, which was powered by two DB603 G engines. Its first subvariant, the A-7/R1, was heavily armed with two wing root MK 108 and four additional cannons, two MG 151/20 and two MK 103, in the ventral tray. The A-7/R2 was the same as the R1 but with the addition of the Schräge Musik system. The R3 was proposed to be used as a basis for the never-built B-1 version. The R4 had its armament reduced to only four MG 151/20. The R5 was the third and last attempt to modify the He 219 to fight the Mosquito. It was to be powered by the Junkers Jumo 213E engine, equipped with methanol-water injection that boosted the horsepower by 1,320 hp. The last R6 was to be powered by two Jumo 222A engines and armed with two MG 151/20 and four MK 103.

Unrealized Projects

Besides the main production version, two additional variants were to be tested and eventually put into production, but little came of this. The B-1 was designed as a three-seater heavy fighter powered by Jumo 222 engines. In addition, it had a redesigned fuselage and a larger wingspan of 22 m (72 ft). The armament consisted of four MK 108 and two MG 151/20 cannons and one MG 131. The B-2 was a two-seater high-altitude fighter and for this purpose had to be equipped with a pressurized cockpit. Whether any of the B-series were ever built is hard to tell, as the sources are not clear on this matter.

The C-1 was planned to be a four-seat heavy fighter powered with Jumo 222E/F engines. The armament was similar to the B-1 but armed with three more MG 131 machineguns. The C-2 was planned as a fighter-bomber based on the C-1, but with only two cannons and four MG 131. It was meant to be armed with a bomb load of 1,500 kg (3,300 lb).

The He 319 was a proposed fast bomber version powered by DB 603 A engines, but none were ever built. The He 419 was a proposed high-altitude fighter that was to be built using a combination of many different components of previous variants.

In Combat

As already mentioned previously, the He 219’s first combat flight was very successful, with five enemy planes claimed shot down. As this He 219 was lost in an accident, Heinkel sent two additional planes as replacements, V10 and V12. Uhu pilots managed to achieve more kills in the following weeks. In late July 1943, Hauptmann Hans Frank shot down two British bombers , a Lancaster and a Wellington, followed by one more Lancaster in August. On the night of August 30th 1943, these two He 219 managed to shoot down several more British bombers, three Halifaxes, one Stirling, a Wellington, and a Lancaster. One He 219 lost an engine due to enemy fire, but the pilot managed to land back safely. In early September, the two He 219 again attacked a British bomber formation and managed to achieved one kill on a Lancaster. However, on this occasion, one He 219 (V10) was heavily damaged by enemy return fire. In late September, the second He 219 was lost when it collided with a Me 110 in mid-flight. None of the pilots nor their radio operators survived the collision.

In October, the I./NJG 1 unit had seven Uhus, with only two fully operational A-0 under the command of Hauptmann Manfred Meurer. On 19th October 1943, Meurer managed to achieve his first victory while flying the He 219, his 57th overall victory. The next day, one He 219 was lost with its crew due to bad weather. On the night of October 22nd, 1943, Meurer shot down another Allied bomber. Due to quality issues with cockpit equipment and poor heating, all surviving He 219 were to return back to Germany.

As replacements, seven new He 219 (A-0 series) were delivered to I./NJG 1 in December of 1943. On the night of January 21, 1944, Manfred shot down another bomber, but during an engagement with a second bomber, Meurer’s Uhu accidentally collided with the enemy aircraft, killing the crews of both aircraft. He was succeeded by Hauptmann Paul Förster, the oldest pilot in the Luftwaffe, at the age of 42.

During March and April of 1944, several more kills were scored by the He 219. Interestingly, on 12th April, the crew of one He 219 was forced to activate the ejection seats. Both the pilot and the radio operator survived. This is considered the world’s first successful use of ejection seats in combat operations. On the night of April 22nd, Staffelkapitän Modrow managed to shoot down three British Lancasters and possibly two additional Canadian Halifaxes. By the end of April, some 10 Allied bombers had been shot down by the He 219.

The He 219 would continued to bring down many enemy aircraft, but there were some issues . While having excellent handling and firepower, problems arose with the aircraft’s weight. When fully loaded, the He 219 could not fly any higher than 27,900 ft (8,500 m). Another issue was that the speed of 375 mph (605 km/h) could be achieved only without radio antennas. With antennas and flame dampers, the speed was reduced to 347 mph (560 km/h). While it was faster than the Me-110, it was not enough to fight the British Mosquito.

During May of 1944, the He 219 managed to shoot down over a dozen enemy bombers with few losses. In June, Uhu engagements with British Mosquitos began to intensify. On June 2nd, one Mosquito was shot down with the loss of one He 219. From June 6th to 15th, four Mosquitos were shot down without any losses. On the night of June 15th, He 219 pilots managed to shoot down 10 Allied aircraft for the loss of one of their own. By the end of May, I.NGJ 1 had 56 He 219 in total, divided into two groups (Gruppen), and a command unit (Stab). The Stab had 2, I. Gruppe had 33 and the II.Gruppe 21. Of the 56 aircraft, only 43 were fully operational.

On 4th August 1944, a bizarre accident occurred involving one of three He 219 that were to be sent against an Allied daylight bomber raid. During the flight, the pilot of one He 219 noticed that one of the ground crew was somehow caught on the fuselage, hanging in midair. To save this airman’s life, the pilot landed on a nearby airfield. This decision additionally saved the aircrew’s lives, as both remaining He 219 were shot down by the Allied fighter escorts. In August, He 219 pilots managed to achieve only one victory.

Due to extensive air raids on its airbase at Venlo, Netherlands, I./NJG 1 was repositioned to Münster, Germany in early September 1944. On 9th September, two He 219 were lost to American fighters during a training flight. Also during this month, an additional 28 new He 219 were accepted by the Luftwaffe. At the start of October, during a test flight, I./NJG 1 commander Major Paul Föster was killed in an accident. A few more Uhu were lost in accidents or to enemy fire, with only one achieved victory for October.

Some of the last successful missions by the He 219 were at the beginning of November 1944, when 7 Allied bombers were shot down. By the end of 1944, the He 219 managed to shoot down smaller numbers of Allied aircraft, but the losses due to enemy action or accidents began to rise.

In 1945, the He 219 was plagued with a lack of fuel availability, increasing numbers of Allied air raids, and increasing technical problems with the operational aircraft. On 10th January 1945, I./NJG 1 had 64 He 219, with 45 operational aircraft. The last air victory achieved by the He 219 happened on the 7th of March 1945, when pilot Werner Bakke shot down a British Lancaster bomber over the Netherlands. On March 21st, the airbase at Münster was heavily bombed by the Allies. The raid continued the following day. During these attacks, 7 He 219 were completely destroyed, with 13 more damaged. To avoid future raids, the unit was repositioned to the isle of Sylt in Northern Germany. Due to the general lack of fuel, the combat use of the He 219 was limited. On the 9th of April, the number of He 219 within I./NJG 1 was 51, with 44 fully operational. For I./NJG 1, the war finally ended on the 30th April, when the airbase was captured by the advancing British forces.

Only a few units besides I./NJG 1 were ever supplied with the He 219. Some of these were Nachtjagdgruppe 10, a training and experimental testing unit formed in February 1944, Nachtjagd-Ergänzungsgruppe formed in April 1944, ZG 26 ‘Norwegen’ and NJG 5 which had 34 He 219, with 32 operational.

After the War

Side view of the He 219 with British markings added postwar after capture. [Warbird Photographs]
At the end of the war and the German capitulation, the British ground forces managed to capture around 54 He 219. Most were scrapped, but five were sent back to Britain for further examination by the Royal Air Force, and three were given to the Americans. Soviet forces also managed to capture two in Czechoslovakia. These received the designation LB-79 and were mostly used for testing at the Prague Aviation Institute up to 1952, when they were finally scrapped.

Over 50 He 219 were captured by the advancing British forces, but only one would survive the war. [Warbird Photographs]
Surviving He 219

The only surviving He 219 that is currently under restoration. [Key.Aero]
Of the several captured aircraft, only one He 219 (American equipment designation FE 164) still exists and is located at the Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center at the National Air and Space Museum. It is currently under restoration, with most parts assembled aside from the nose and propellers. In 2012 a wreckage of a He 219 was discovered off the coast of Denmark. It was initially given to the Aalborg Defence and Garrison Museum museum for preservation, but was sold to a museum whose owner remains anonymous.

The He 219 Production

There is no precise information on how many Uhus were actually built. Authors Ferenc A. and P. Dancey give a figure of 294 planes, of which 195 were allocated to the Luftwaffe. D. Nešić states that 288 were built. Authors J. Dressel and M. Griehl mention that, from 1943 to March 1945, 268 He 219 were built in total, with the production of 11 in 1943, 195 in 1944, and the last 62 in 1945. Author A. Lüdeke mentions that 284 were built.

The production orders for the He 219 ranged from 100 to 300 per month, but these were never reached and only small monthly production was ever possible. To avoid Allied bombing campaigns, the production was moved to several locations in Rostock, Germany, Vienna-Schwechat, Austria, and factories at Mielec, Poland.

Despite the resources and time invested in the He 219 project, it was under great pressure from its old opponent, Generalfeldmarschall Erhard Milch. Even as the Uhu was shown to have promising flight performance, Generalfeldmarschall Milch urged it to be canceled in favor of the new Ju 88 G. Ernst Heinkel did what he could to see his project continue, but it would all prove to be futile. In May 1944, Hermann Goering ordered a halt to He 219 production. This order was then revoked, mainly at the insistence Karl Sauer, who was responsible for night-fighter development at this stage of war. While the production of the He 219 would continue on, it would never be built in any large numbers during the war due to political tensions, lack of resources, and workforce shortages.

Variants

  • He 219 V1-V12 – First built prototypes
    • V13-V34 – Used to test various equipment and engines,
  • He 219 A-0 – Pre-production version, around 100 built.
    • R1 – Had larger fuselage and armament of two MG 151/20 and two MK 108
    • R2 – Had strengthened undercarriage
    • R3 – Armed with two MG 151/20 and four MK 108
    • R6 – Equipped with Schräge Musik
  • He 219 A-1 – Proposed for mass production, possibly only a few airframes built.
  • He 219 A-2 – First production night-fighter version,
    • R1 – Armed with two MG 151/20 and two MK 103 and the Schräge Musik system.
    • R2 – Same as R1 but with increased fuel capacity.
  • He 219 A-3 – Proposed fast-bomber version, none built.
  • He 219 A-4 – Proposed improved night-fighter version, none built.
  • He 219 A-5 – Mass production series
    • R1 – Was armed with two MG 151/20, two MK 103 and two MK 108 in the Schräge Musik system.
    • R2 – Armed with four MG 151/20 and FuG 220 radio equipment.
    • R3 – Powered by DB 603E engines.
    • R4 – Powered by DB 603E engines, with one more crew member added that operate the rear-mounted machine gun.
  • He 219 A-6 – Anti-Mosquito version, unknown if any were built.
  • He 219 A-7 – Final production version powered by the DB603 G engine and equipped with different weapon loads.
    • R-1 – Armed with two wing root MK 108 and four additional cannons (two MG 151/20 and two MK 103) in the ventral tray.
    • R-2 – Same as previous version with added Schräge Musik system.
    • R-3 – The MK 108 cannons in the wing root were replaced with MG 151/20.
    • R-4 – Armament reduced to only four MG 151/20.
    • R-5 – Powered by Junkers Jumo 213E engine.
    • R-6 – Powered by Jumo 222A engines, and armed with two MG 151/20 and four MK 103.

Proposed Versions

  • He 219 B
    • B-1 Proposed three-seater heavy fighter, possibly few built.
    • B-2 – Proposed high-altitude fighter.
  • He 219 C
    • C-1 – Proposed four-seat heavy fighter.
    • C-2 – Proposed fighter bomber.
  • He 319 – Proposed fast bomber version, none built,
  • He 419 – Proposed high-altitude fighter

Operators

  • Nazi Germany – Produced less than 300 aircraft, but only 195 were ever issued to the Luftwaffe.
  • USA –Used three aircraft for testing after the war, one survived to this day.
  • UK – Five aircraft were transported to the UK for testing after the war.
  • Soviet Union – Captured at least two He 219, these were given to Czechoslovakia and used for testing.

Conclusion

The He 219 A-0 laying derelict at Munster, Germany in May 1945 [Warbirds Photographs]
The He 219 proved to be one of the best German night-fighter designs of the war. Despite the small number of aircraft built, the pilots flying the He 219 managed to shoot down many Allied aircraft. While the He 219 is generally known today as a night-fighter that, if produced in greater numbers, could have stopped the Allied bombing raids, in truth this was not possible. During service, the He 219 proved to have some issues, of which the most serious was the inability to climb when fully loaded to an altitude higher than 27,900 ft (8,500 m) and a combat speed of 347 mph (560 km/h). In addition, it was built too late and in too small numbers  to seriously threaten Allied bomber formations.

Specifications –  Heinkel He 219A-7/R2
Wingspan 60 ft 8.3 in / 18.50 m
Length 50 ft 11 in / 15.5 m
Height 13 ft 5 in / 4.10 m
Wing Area 480 ft² / 44.50 m²
Engine Two 1,900 hp Daimler-Benz DB 603G engines
Empty Weight 24,690 lb / 11.200 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight 33,730 lb / 15,300 kg
Fuel Capacity 687 gallons / 2,600 liters
Maximum Speed 416 mph / 670 km/h
Cruising Speed 391 mph / 630 km/h
Range 1,240 mi / 2,000 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 40,025 ft / 12,200 m
Crew One pilot and one navigator
Armament
  • Two 30 mm MK 103 and a twin 20 mm MG 151/20 Ventral Gun Pod
  • Two 30 mm MK 108 in the wing roots
  • Two 30 mm MK 108 in the Schräge Musik configuration

Gallery

Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Heinkel He 219A-2 Uhu, D5+BL, NJG 3, Captured at Gove, Denmark, May 1945
Heinkel He 219A-7 Uhu, D5+CL, NJG 3, Captured at Gove, Denmark, May 1945
Artist Interpretation of the He 219B Uhu with Jumo 222 Engine and extended wingspan. Note the large ducted spinner and numerous exhaust pipes to accommodate the engine’s 24 cylinders.

The He 219 cockpit. [Warbird Photographs]
The He 219/V3 prototype in flight, seen from below. [Warbirds Resource Group]
The He 219 A-0 lying derelict at Munster, Germany, in May 1945 [Warbirds Photographs]
Color photo taken of an Uhu lineup at an airfield. Note the missing left rudder. [Warbird Photographs]
Side view of the He 219/V3 prototype [Warbird Photographs]
Side view of the He 219 with British markings added postwar, after capture. [Warbird Photographs]
Over 50 He 219 were captured by the advancing British forces, but only one would survive the war. [Warbird Photographs]
A He 219 A-7 in a picture was taken in 1945. The FuG 220 radar antennas are clearly visible here. [Warbird Photographs]
Colorized Photo of an He 219 [Warbird Photographs]
The He 219 was provided with a cockpit which offered its crew an excellent all-around view. On the other hand, it left the crew exposed to enemy fire. [Warbirds Resource Group]
Front view of the He 219 V5 prototype. The He 219 was fitted with an unusual tricycle landing gear. [Warbird Photographs]
Uhu with its radar dipole antennas removed for maintenance or testing [Warbirds Photographs]
The only surviving He 219, that is currently under restoration. [Key.Aero]
Credits